Academic literature on the topic 'Australian Communist Party'

'Communism' and 'Ireland' remain, as a legacy of Cold War binarisms, two subjects that rarely converge in Australian historiography. This article explores the place of 'Ireland' in the political imagination of the nascent Australian Communist movement between its fractured formation in 1920 and the end of the Irish Civil War in 1923. In challenging nation-centric and essentialist treatments of 'the Irish' in Australian political history, it foregrounds a diffuse politicisation around 'Ireland' itself that transcended identitarian ontologies. This article argues that, examined within the ambivalent translation of early interwar radical cosmopolitanisms in a white settler labour movement, 'Ireland' was a directly 'international', if racialised, coordinate in the imaginative geography of early Australian communism. Although the 'Irish Question' circulated within the existing networks of the Comintern, this contest was also produced within other 'routes' on the Anglophone peripheries of the Communist world. The mobile lives of Peter Larkin, Esmonde Higgins and Harry Arthur Campbell, and the momentary alliance of the Communist Party of Australia with the Sydney Irish National Association during the 1923 'Irish envoys' tour, allow for these connections to be reframed in non-primordialist terms within border-crossings and transnational encounter. An investigation of the 'Irish Question' within transgressions of cultural boundaries, instead of 'shared' national histories, can facilitate its extrication from Cold War narratives of ossified 'identity'.

Despite being a peripheral actor in the Cold War, Ireland in the immediate post-war period was attentive to cold war developments internationally, and the influence of the Catholic Church over state and society predominantly shaped the state's response to the conflict. Irish diplomats internationally sent home repo rts on communist activity in the countries in which they served. This article will discuss Thomas J. Kiernan, Ireland's Minister Plenipotentiary in Australia between 1946 and 1955, and his responses, views and perceptions of Australian anti-communism from his 1946 appointment to the 1951 plebiscite on banning the Communist Party of Australia, which ultimately failed. Through analysis of his reports in the National Archives of Ireland – including accounts of his interactions with politicians and clergy, the Australian press, parliamentary debates and other sources – it argues that his views were moulded by the dominant Irish conception of the Cold War, which was fundamentally shaped by Catholicism, and his overreliance on Catholic and print sources led him to sometimes exaggerate the communist threat. Nonetheless, his reports home to Dublin served to reinforce the Irish state's perception that communism was a worldwide malaise which the Catholic Church and Catholics internationally were at the forefront of combatting.

This paper explores the role played by the Chinese communities in the Australian politics of multicultural democracy from the perspective of political socialisation and resocialisation. It argues that there is no such a thing as inherent “cultural values” or “national values” that differentiate ‘the Chinese” politically from the mainstream Australian society. This paper focuses on the Chinese nationalism of Han Chinese migrants in Australia. Within the “new mainland migrants” who have come to Australia directly from the PRC since the 1980s, nationalism is much weaker among the Tiananmen/ June 4 generation who experienced pro-democracy activism during their formative years in the 1980s. Nationalism is much stronger among the Post-Tiananmen Generation who are victims of the “patriotism campaign” in the 1990s when the Chinese Communist party-state sought to replace discredited communism with nationalism as the major ideology for legitimacy.

In a concurring judgment in Thomas v Mowbray, a High Court of Australia case turning on the Constitutional validity of terrorism-related control orders, Callinan J offers a re-evaluation of the Court’s earlier decision in the Australian Communist Party case to curtail executive power. According to Callinan J, factual matters knowable (but not known) at the time of the earlier decision might have given rise to a different outcome. In a dissenting judgment by Kirby J in the same case the Court’s reasoning in the Australian Communist Party case is robustly defended. These contested issues connect with the theoretical dispute between ‘common law constitutionalism’ and ‘constitutional positivism’ analysed by Dyzenhaus in the context of states of emergency where the limits of executive action and the role of supporting facts become particularly salient. They press the question of the status of the rule of law in the international as well as in the municipal sphere.

This article presents a history of left-wing ideas and activities in central Australia from the 1920s through to the 1970s. Although the central Australian region, and the Alice Springs district in particular, is now often associated with various Aboriginal rights struggles and other protest movements, little is known about the presence of left-wing influences prior to the 1970s. Working from archival sources, this paper begins to build up a picture of how leftists and, in particularly, those associated with the Communist Party of Australia struggled to make their presence felt in a predominantly conservative socio-economic milieu. The intent of this article is to sketch out the various historical figures, events and ideological contests that came to influence the political identity of Australia’s most isolated and scantily populated heartland over a number of decades. These vignettes also reveal how leftist politics did, and did not, have an effect on the Aboriginal rights campaigns that followed in the 1970s and onwards.

As part of the global circulation of capital and labor in the early twentieth century, labor and left activists traveled throughout the Pacific Rim. Highlighting the biographical and political journeys of two important left labor agitators of the period, Patrick Hickey and J. B. King, this essay considers the role of the agitator and the meaning of the left for the mobilization of working people during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Hickey and King both had early experiences with radical unions in North America, Hickey with the Western Federation of Miners in Utah and King with the Industrial Workers of the World in British Columbia. Their paths intersected in the formation of the left Federation of Labour (the “Red Feds”) in New Zealand. Both went on to play significant roles in Australian left labor circles in the years before, during, and after the First World War. Diverging over strategy and tactics during this time, Hickey became involved with the Labor Party of Australia and King eventually joined the Communist Party of Australia. Their biographical and political journeys reveal significant insights into the splits within the left and the public role of left labor agitators in the Pacific Rim during this period.

The Union of Australian Women (UAW) was a national organisation for left-wing women between World War II and the emergence of the women’s liberation movement. Along with other left-wing activists, UAW members supported Aboriginal rights, through their policies, publications and actions. They also attracted a number of Aboriginal members including Pearl Gibbs, Gladys O’Shane, Dulcie Flower and Faith Bandler. Focusing on NSW activity in the assimilation period, this article argues that the strong support of UAW members for Aboriginal rights drew upon the group’s establishment far-left politics, its relations with other women’s groups and the activism of its Aboriginal members. Non-Aboriginal members of the UAW gave practical and resourceful assistance to their Aboriginal comrades in a number of campaigns through the assimilation era, forming productive and collaborative relationships. Many of their campaigns aligned with approaches of the Communist Party of Australia and left-wing trade unions. In assessing the relationship between the UAW and Aboriginal rights, this article addresses a gap in the scholarship of assimilation era activism.

Since the United States adopted a written constitution as a consequence of the War of Independence, it is fair to say that most Western democracies with written constitutions have taken some guidance from that founding document. Inevitably, a key provision for any written constitution is ‘how can it be amended’. Even where there is an unwritten constitution (as for the United Kingdom, Aotearoa/New Zealand and Israel), the ‘rules’ established by convention or custom or some other means cannot be immutable: the passage of time or changing ideas require some means of altering or updating the rules. Changing a constitution is a matter of law, yet one inescapably imbued with politics. This article explores the way constitutional change has come, and how the rules have worked, in Australia (the 1951 referendum to ban the Australian Communist Party – unsuccessful, and the 1967 referendum to recognise rights of Indigenous Australians – successful) and the United States (the Equal Rights Amendment – situation ongoing), with a foray into the referendum process in United Kingdom (the 2017 ‘Brexit’ vote). It explores, too, the ‘change’ to a constitution where there is no change to the words of the document, but a change in interpretation – this in the context of Canada in 1929. There, consistent with judgments in Aotearoa/New Zealand, Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States, the Canadian Supreme Court interpreted ‘person’ as appearing in the North America Act as not including women, denying women any entitlement to be appointed to the Canadian Senate. As related here, women were finally acknowledged as ‘persons’ when the Privy Council pronounced this to be so, an unanticipated outcome from a judicial body considered by both Canada and Australia to be so hidebound as not to be ‘right’ as the final court of appeal for Britain’s former colonies.

The period between the depression of the 1930s and the long post-war boom saw the development of the contemporary shape of the labour movement's economic thought, with its dichotomy between moderate and left nationalist currents. This development is examined in terms of the nature of the main organisations of the labour movement, economic conditions, the ideological proclivities of different classes and the levelof the class struggle. The main areas of economic thought examined are theories of Australia's place in the world economy, the class anatomy of Australian capitalism and of economic crises. During the late 1930s laborites continued to express a longstanding commitment to national development through tariff protection and wariness of overseas loans. Moderate ideas of the possibilities for overcoming class conflicts increasingly displaced radical Money Power theory after the depression. While monetary and real underconsumptionism continued to be the main explanations of economic crises offered by laborites, both ALP politicians and union officials became aware of Keynesian economics and the legitimacy it provided for longstanding Labor policies. The advent of the Popular Front period in the international communist movement saw the Communist Party of Australia move from a revolutionary internationalist towards a politically more conservative left nationalist position, sharing assumptions with Money Power theorists, despite the rise in the level of industrial struggle. The Communist conviction in radical underconsumptionist theory of inevitable economic crises began to weaken. World War II and the advent of the Curtin Government saw the leadership of the ALP embrace Keynesian economics and its priorities. This was expressed in both foreign economic and domestic policies, but was qualified by a keen appreciation of the requirements of the Australian economy for both protection and foreign markets and the level of the class struggle. The promotion of Keynesian ideas and divisions in the labour movement was successful after 1947 in countering working class militancy. While retaining a fervent nationalism the Communist Party's policies shifted after the War from strong support for the Government during the War to a very radical and anti-American position after 1947. Bolstered by a return to radical underconsumptionism and a focus on the conspiratorial role of the Collins House monopolists, the Party believed it could challenge the authority of the ALP and the Chifley Government, on the basis of working class industrial struggles. But the Communist Party made its attempt when the level of united struggle was already in decline. Between 1949 and 1952 the balance of class forces shifted sharply in favour of capital. Moderate laborites have continued to accept the main propositions of orthodox economics, while the bulk of the left in the labour movement has been nationalist and, after the Communist Party's break with Moscow, committed to a version of Keynesian economics. Although the adequacy of both approaches to working class interests is in doubt and they have not consistently promoted its struggles, their hegemony over the labour movement has not prevented the emergence of militant working class action.

This thesis comprises a novel entitled Carly's Dance and an essay entitled As the Owl Discreet. Although separate works, a line runs through them that might be described as an urge to connect; each work, although self-contained, is concerned with the co-existence of opposites, or more precisely, apparent opposites. The essay's title is ironic, borrowed from Hillaire Belloc's perverse verses collected as Cautionary Tales. Discretion is exactly what the thesis tests the bounds of, as do the characters in my novel. And so do I, in using family history to motivate my research.

Forged under the Hammer and Sickle, The Case of Geoffrey Powell 1945–1960 is a multimodal exhibition and exegesis that concerns the post-war production of photographer-turned-documentary-filmmaker Geoffrey Powell (1918–1989). It re-evaluates Powell's production through the prism of his socio-political evolution from reactionary to Marxist. Within the photo-historical literature, he is defined as a participant in the mainstream Post-War Documentary Movement in photography. However, my research has revealed that Powell belonged to a cross-disciplinary nexus of creative thought. He was a member of the Australian Communist Party and his photographic production was all but confined to Socialist Realist journals. This Marxist affiliation imposed strictures on the way in which he engaged with subjects as well as the aesthetics of his work. He was also an active participant on the progressive ‘Arts Front’. An interest in expository film by the progressive Left tweaked a curiosity in Powell, which ultimately encouraged his move into documentary filmmaking. Through the patronage of progressive film producer John Heyer, Powell became employed at the Department of Information (DOI) Film Unit as a cinematographer from March 1946. At the DOI, he was a member of the Heyer documentary group that embraced the notion of "dramatising within the realm of reality". In keeping with the Leftist cultural element that operated within the film unit—that engaged with outside radical film production for militant labour unions—Powell assisted the Miners' Federation in the production of photography for their Amenities Campaign in 1947.
Thesis (Masters)
Master of Visual Arts (MVA)
Queensland College of Art
Arts, Education and Law
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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.

The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.

This thesis studies the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s capacity to rule in contemporary China by examining (a) its quest for popular legitimacy and (b) its search for party cohesion. In explaining the CCP’s ruling basis, a plethora of political science and economics literature has pointed to China’s economic growth. Conventional wisdom considers ideology to be obsolete and the political reform to be too limited to take any substantive effect in China. This thesis argues that ideological adaptation and the institutionalization of power succession play crucial roles in maintaining the CCP’s popular legitimacy and party cohesion. China’s economic success is certainly important, however, it also creates a fundamental dilemma of the CCP’s rule. If a communist party is not to deliver communism and class victory, why is it there at all? There is a potential contradiction between generating economic success by utilizing quasi capitalist economic policies on the one hand, and the fact that this is a communist party that supposedly justifies its rule by being the vehicle to deliver a communist society on the other. This thesis shows how the CCP has been constantly revising its ideological basis for justifying – if not legitimizing – its rule. By studying the CCP’s ideological discourses, the mechanism of ideological promotion, and their effectiveness, this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the relevant literature. In addition to ideology, the institutionalization of power succession is also crucial to the CCP’s rule. During Mao Zedong’s rule, an un-institutionalized power system had caused endless fierce power struggles within the party, which indirectly led to economic stagnation and social unrest. Thirty years of institutionalization has made leadership transitions in China more stable, transparent, predictable, and smoother now than ever before. By offering a large amount of first- and second-hand data on China’s leadership transition, this thesis shows how the institutionalization of power succession helps to maintain regime stability and legitimacy.

The Communist Party(CP) was formed in 1921, on the foundation created by the International Socialist League (ISL). An investigation of the theory and practice of the CP reveals the combination of a socialist commitment with an abstract theoretical perspective. The Party was obstructed, through its own idealised understanding of class relations, from pursuing its declared goals. This study investigates the rhythms of struggle and the dynamic development of the workers' movement. It examines the growing social weight and developing structural strength of black workers and the organisation and action which these generated. CP policies are examined in the light of these developments. Oppression which spans different classes created the underlying basis for a class alliance between the oppressed black petty bourgeoisie and exploited and oppressed black workers. The CP tended to conflate a co-incidence of different processes of radicalisation and different class interests. The Party broke from the white labour tradition out of which it had emerged; it pursued a policy of popular frontism for much of its history. This policy, and the conflation of different processes and class interests promoted an uncertainty within the Party as to its role. On this basis, the Party did not always identify underlying processes, and hence its uncertainty as to how to relate to the dynamic processes of radicalisation, organisation and action, and the ebbs and flows of the class struggle was promoted. In 1950, the Party responded to the threat of state banning, and, at a time when working class combativity was developing, it disbanded. In the period under study, the goal of working class leadership in an organised class alliance was not achieved.

This thesis deals with the history of the Catholic Social Studies Movement (the Movement), the ALP Industrial Groups and the events leading up to the split in the Labor Party which occurred between 1955 and 1957. These events are portrayed and analysed from the perspective of the Movement and the Industrial Groups. The thesis challenges many of the conventional propositions as to the reasons for, and the facts surrounding the split. Directly challenged is the view that Herbert Vere Evatt was a principled champion of traditional Labor values who acted expeditiously to save the Australian Labor Party from being subverted by a Machiavellian Catholic layman, B.A. Santamaria, for the 'sinister' purposes of Catholic action. Also challenged is the suggestion that the ideology and policies of Movement activists within the Labor Party, were contrary to Labor's platform. It will be argued to the contrary, that Labor in the fifties was impeded by doctrinaire Marxist theory, and hence, the radicalism of the Movement did not sit easily with many of the older power brokers within the labor movement. It will also be argued that The Movement was formed on the initiative of the late B.A. Santamaria and a few associates only after repeated requests from Labour politicians and unionists, often motivated by quite selfish concerns, for assistance in the struggle against Communism in the trade unions. Emphasis will be placed in this thesis on the importance and the role of anti-Catholic sectarianism as a weapon of the Communists and the Extreme Left of the Labor movement against their opponents. An emphasis will be placed on the importance of anti-Catholic sectarianism in determining the outcome of the struggle within the Labor Party and the nature of the split. It will be suggested that Dr Evatt's attack on The Movement and the industrial groups of the 5 October 1954 could not have succeeded without the divisiveness of sectarianism, never far beneath the surface in Australian society of the 50s and 60s. The impact of the Petrov Affair on the internal politics of the Labor party is canvassed. In this regard startling new evidence is advanced by the writer that the ALP parliamentary leader, Dr. Herbert V. Evatt had, in October 1953, several months before the establishment of the Petrov Royal Commission, knowledge of, or at the very least strong grounds for suspicion that his press secretary Fergan O'Sullivan, was a source of information for the Communist party and Ergo, Soviet intelligence. It will also be stated that for reasons known only to himself and about which one can only surmise, Evatt failed to act on the intelligence provided to him concerning the activities of O'Sullivan. Historically speaking, the implications of this revelation concerning Dr Evatt and Fergan 0' Sullivan are considerable.

Mary Chong and Gwen Fong were among the first female university graduates in Australia of Chinese heritage. They both went on to path-breaking careers, demonstrating a strong commitment to public and political life. Mary Chong, after graduating from the University of Sydney with a Bachelor of Arts in 1929, was employed by the Chinese Consul General in Sydney. Soon after she went to China, working first for the Republic of China government and later in journalism, returning to Australia in later years. Gwen Fong, who graduated with a degree in Medicine from the University of Melbourne in 1947, remained in Melbourne working as a doctor. While pursuing her medical studies and career, Gwen was politically active in the Communist Party of Australia, as a leader of the university branch and as an organiser of educational events. Education within the Australian university system allowed these pioneering women to take up fulfilling careers in Australia and in China. Their writings, which include protests against a range of Australian government policies, enrich the archive of women’s political history.

Notwithstanding continuing similarities, Mann’s and Ross’s socialism was increasing characterised by differences. These similarities and, especially so, differences constitute the subject matter of chapter four. Mann and Ross continued to share commitments to the Social Revolution, labour movement unity and ethical and scientific socialism. Yet against these were Mann’s developing syndicalism, his downgrading of the political, especially parliamentary, means to socialism, and his synthesis of syndicalism and Bolshevism, as manifested in his membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain. He also had a positive impression of the Soviet Union right up to his death. In contrast, Ross increasingly attached equal importance to political and economic means, and in the 1920s worked actively in the Australian Labor Party. He opposed the application of the Soviet Bolshevik revolutionary model to Australia and fought against Australian communists. Ross’s growing attachment to Rationalism also signified that he was becoming more outspoken than Mann in his opposition to most kinds of religion. Yet, remarkably, the two men remained good friends and comrades. In conclusion, their case sheds new light upon the origins and character of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century socialism.

This chapter examines the uneasy relationship between the Australian Constitution and membership of the Australian polity. Unlike some constitutions, the Australian Constitution contains no mention of ‘citizenship’. Instead, formal membership of the Australian community is determined by reference to the constitutional categories of ‘subjects of the Queen’ and ‘people of the Commonwealth’ and through the legislative definition of citizenship under federal law. These peculiar features of the Australian context reflect what is generally assumed to be the modest role of the Constitution in determining national identity and the fact that Australia was not an independent nation at the time of the Constitution's drafting. Developments in legislation, constitutional jurisprudence, and mooted constitutional amendments all point towards a greater role for the Constitution in determining Australian ‘citizenship’ in the future.

The Australian and American labor movements attracted the support of many Irish Catholic immigrants. Yet in Australia, the relationship between the Catholic community and organized labor was never an easy one. State funding of church schools was a perennial problem: Catholic leaders demanded it, while the Australian Labor Party (ALP) equivocated over the issue. This chapter investigates two further issues that also seriously tested the relationship: one involving race, the other nationalism. In the 1890s, the labor movement supported a ban on “colored” immigration, yet the Catholic Church aspired to play a leading role in missions to China. In debates around immigration restriction, Cardinal Moran of Sydney therefore sought to avoid offending the Chinese by attacking instead British attempts to dictate Australia’s immigration policy. During World War I, the ALP, which supported Britain and the empire, found the rise of anti-British republicanism in Ireland a difficult issue to manage. As a result, although sympathetic to Irish grievances, labor newspapers were very selective in their reporting and sought to impose a class, rather than a nationalist, interpretation on events. In both these cases conflict was contained, and it was not until the 1950s that a major split involving Catholics and the ALP occurred, this time over the issue of communism.

This chapter reveals the attitudes and practices of Mann and Ross towards the issues of women and gender. It argues both that they welcomed women into the labour and socialist movements and also valued women’s contributions in the domestic, reproductive and productive spheres. As such they did not articulate the patriarchal attitudes so common among their male labour-movement contemporaries. Rather they embraced the cause of ‘full’ or ‘true’ emancipation for women. Yet at the same time they did not advocate either the abolition of the nuclear family or ‘free love’. Ross, in common with most Australian labour activists, articulated a highly racialised and racist view of ‘womanhood’. During the interwar period Mann continued to advocate the full emancipation of women and opposed racism. But he was also a member of an organisation, the Communist Party of Great Britain, which, despite its professed goals to ‘transcend the division of the sexes’, was dominated by men and ‘masculinist’ attitudes and practices. For both men women’s and feminist concerns played second fiddle to those of class. This chapter makes a new contribution to the literature on gender, class and race.

During the Cold War the Fulbright program was considered an effective arm of US ‘soft power’ and cultural diplomacy. The US saw Australia as strategically valuable in the Asia-Pacific region of the world and under the Menzies Liberal Party government, Australia shared the US military and defence agenda. How could the Fulbright program maintain its independence from government interference in the powerful force of Cold War geopolitics? Australia’s Fulbright Board held strongly to the importance of independence and the role of academics to ensure that.

In Australia, the ‘Spanish’ Flu pandemic was neither commemorated nor forgotten. In contrast with the nation’s shocking casualty rates during the First World War, mortality from the pandemic was much lower than elsewhere in the world. Across the country, few formal monuments mark either communal sacrifice or individual deaths due to ‘Spanish’ Flu. Even the preferred local moniker, ‘pneumonic influenza’, rarely features on gravestones. Yet the pandemic was never neglected by the medical profession, who continued to invoke 1918–19 as the ‘worst-case scenario’ for the impact of imported diseases. Moreover, despite the absence of public memorialisation, many community and family narratives of ‘Spanish’ Flu focused on a place-based ethics of care. In both urban and rural localities, these memories of the collective response overrode the pandemic’s traumatic impact. Often kept alive via regional repositories and personal stories, Australian community histories have emphasised fortitude, courage and charity, rather than loss or mourning. In encouraging the publication of these accounts, a 2018–19 programme fostered attempts to research and share the local impact of the pandemic in 1919. Arguing that the very ubiquity of experience obviated the need for formal commemorations, this chapter concludes that its Australian meanings remain focused on the intimate associations of family, neighbourhood and community. This project emphasises the importance of community historians as ‘partner practitioners’ in defining what is important for us to remember—and why.

This paper examines the history within Australia of the ‘parklet’, a small architecturally-framed open space installed temporarily on an on-street car-parking space. The paper traces parklets’ varied and evolving forms, materials, production processes and functions. It examines how parklets have adapted to rapidly-changing social needs and priorities for economic activity, health, safety, socialising and on-street parking, and changes in street function. The contemporary parklet began in 2005 as a localised, grassroots activity to temporarily reclaim street space for public leisure, as part of the wider movement of ‘tactical urbanism’. Parklets rapidly became a worldwide phenomenon. Starting in 2008, parklets were absorbed into institutional urban planning practice, as a strategic tool to enhance community engagement, test possibilities, and win support for longer-term spatial transformations. From 2012, commercial parklet programs were developed in Australian cities to encourage local businesses to expand into street parking spaces, to calm traffic and enhance pedestrian amenity. A new generation of commercial ‘café parklets’ has emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic, facilitated by local governments, to support the heavily-impacted hospitality industry. Their design and construction show ongoing innovation, increasing scale and professionalism, but also standardisation. This paper draws on diverse Australian parklet examples to chart the emergence of varying approaches to their design and construction, which draw upon different materials, skills, local government strategies and international precedents. The findings also illustrate several convergences in the evolution of parklet design across different Australian cities, due to strong similarities in the spatial contexts, needs, risk factors, and technologies that have defined this practice.

There are far reaching changes occurring in the information industry, including the world of official statistics. The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) is planning to put the user at the centre by giving to them a chance to speak directly with our data. Our catch cry has become ‘freedom to share data will make data more valuable – but only if it’s managed differently.’ The ABS mission is “We assist and encourage informed decision-making, research and discussion within governments and the community, by providing a high quality, objective and responsive national statistical service.” Informed decision making presupposes a level of statistical ability which we know needs development within the Australian community. The ABS has an important leadership role in improving the statistical capability and literacy of our current and future customers. Our statistical output and communication strategy is vital to achieve the aspirational goal of a citizenry that uses statistics to make sensible, informed decisions, whatever their job, community or situation. This paper outlines some aspects of the ABS output and communication strategy, how it has changed and how the strategy increasingly supports a diverse range of customers and their requirements. The paper finishes by examining a range of innovative ABS outputs that have a stronger focus on building statistical capability in communities with lower statistical literacy, such as our youth community.

Higher Degree Researchers (HDRs) in Australia tertiary education programs must achieve mastery of complex skills, theories, and concepts. Non-traditional HDRs, especially those enrolled part time and remotely, face barriers to achieving these outcomes. This concise paper uses the case study of a regional university in Australia to investigate the theoretical underpinnings of technology use to promote HDR communities of learning, especially for part time and remote researchers.

Co-curricular engagement is an essential a part of the student experience in Australian higher education institutions. Whilst there is wide acknowledgement of the benefits of students participating in co-curricular activities, formally recognising students for the knowledge, skills and experiences that they have gained through co-curricular learning has only recently emerged in the Australian context. This practice paper will describe one Australian university’s approach in developing and implementing a co-curricular recognition framework. UOWx sits at the core of University of Wollongong’s (UOW) student experience, providing holistic and transformational personal development of students. The distinctive features of UOW’s approach include developing a whole of institution approach; embedding the student voice into continuous improvement cycles; and developing an active strategy to embed UOWx with employers and community organisations. This approach has transformed student co-curricular learning at UOW, by increasing the breadth of student engagement and deepening student understanding of the knowledge, skills and experiences students have gained through their co-curricular engagement. Keywords: Co-curricular framework; designing co-curricular recognition; reflection.

This case study looks at implications of transitioning live to recorded lectures, a subject that has acquired an acute importance given COVID19 and the unexpected need to move lectures online. Over a period of six years, from 2015 to 2020, a questionnaire was handed out at the end of a ‘unit’ on environmental geoscience; a ‘unit’ at Australian universities represents a ‘course’ in the European and American tertiary system. This is a 2nd semester, 3rd year core unit of an Applied Geology course meaning that (most of) the polled students were about to acquire a bachelor of science finishing their undergraduate studies. The students were asked multiple questions related to iLectures and their attitude towards this asynchronous content delivery approach as integral part of a flipped classroom. Provided that such a STEM unit with 40-120 students can be deemed representative of the wider student community, the findings indicate that students in general have come to terms with online lectures, way before COVID19 gave them no other choice. Acceptance rates for iLectures were over 50 % across all years, except for 2020, a clear indication that COVID19 marred the online experience, probably due to oversaturation and isolation. The majority of the students saw benefits in this asynchronous lecturing approach, irrespective of whether the rationale behind it had been explained in detail. Despite seeing benefits of the flipped classroom and recorded lectures, one out of three students preferred live lectures. This number has increased after COVID19 to 40 %, yet another sign of the negative impact of the pandemic on online lecturing. This inference is unrelated to the quality of the recordings which was deemed high. Other than the conspicuous pandemic effect, the data show enough scatter to rule out any sustained trend of student attitudes across the years. This demonstrates the heterogeneous demographics of the students taking this unit. Finally, the importance of meaningful extended lecture notes to complement the recordings is highlighted.

Public services that satisfy the interest of the community in contemporary conditions are provided by administrative organizations, market entities or an administrative organization and a private entity together through various arrangements, all depending on the generally accepted conception of the role of the state in public administration. Some of the countries to be analyzed went much deeper into management than other countries because governments realized that they did not have to provide goods and services to citizens if they could not guarantee that services would be provided fairly, which contributed to the rapid and effective public service reform. The state (administration) becomes (remains) only the coordinator of public policies that ensures fairness in providing services to citizens, and ceases to be its undisputed immediate executor. In this paper, the author analyzes the impact of new public management on the privatization of public services in the United States and in Westminster countries (Canada, United Kingdom and Australia). Private provision of public services has long been a part of efficient and effective governance in these countries. In the midst of new public management reforms that have spread around the world since the 1980s and beyond, there is a growing interest in private governance and ownership of key public services at all levels of government. A key question for governments considering privatizing public services is whether private firms provide higher quality services than their public sector partners. Compared to the performance of private sector organizations, the quality of public service delivery is difficult to measure and monitor in today's context. For these reasons, it is sometimes thought that private firms may not have the necessary capabilities to deal with all elements of effective public service management.

Higher education programs need to prepare their graduates for the practical challenges they can expect to face upon entering the workforce. Students can be better prepared if their academic learning is reinforced through authentic workplace experience, where the link between theory and professional practice can be realized. Increasingly, such learning in the workplace is being seen as an integral part of the university curricula as evidenced through the implementation of the Learning the Workplace & Community (LiWC) Policy at Victoria University, Australia. This policy mandates a minimum of 25% content and assessment of all academic programs be related to work-integrated learning. Recognizing the need for authentic workplace experience in the IT undergraduate program, a review found that the existing work-related learning component accounted for only half the required 25% LiWC commitment. Currently, the LiWC component is an industry-based capstone project that spans two semesters in the final year of study. These projects allow students to work on real-life software development tasks where they experience the practical challenges of building software systems whilst appreciating the needs of a business client. In a search of the literature, campus-located industry projects were identified as one of the two most common work-related learning experiences in IT programs, the other being internships sited in the workplace. By retaining the current project-based component, it was decided to add an internship to the program to further bolster the student learning experience and graduate outcomes. This paper details the existing program structure and explores two possible implementations for the achievement of the LiWC policy. The first approach necessitates the addition of one academic year of cooperative education internship to be placed strategically between the current second and third years. Alternatively, the second proposal sacrifices several elective units to accommodate a final semester internship experience. The paper discusses both alternatives against various issues under consideration: staffing and administration, assessment, industry partnerships, professional accreditation and its impact upon differing cohorts of students.

This report highlights the achievements and lessons learned from the pilot stage of the Australian Strategic Partnerships in Remote Education (ASPIRE) initiative which was managed by the Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) as part of the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade's Partnerships for Recovery: Australia's COVID-19 Development Response. In its pilot phase ASPIRE partnerships have strengthened collaboration between Australian and Indo-Pacific institutions and promoted the value of Australian expertise in remote teaching and learning to key counterparts in government, tertiary institutions, community organisations and teachers.

Description Ballarat sits on Wathaurong land and is located at the crossroads of four main Victorian highways. A number of State agencies are located here to support and build entrepreneurial activity in the region. The Ballarat Technology Park, located some way out of the heart of the city at the Mount Helen campus of Federation University, is an attempt to expand and diversify the technology and innovation sector in the region. This university also has a high profile presence in the city occupying part of a historically endowed precinct in the city centre. Because of the wise preservation and maintenance of its heritage listed buildings by the local council, Ballarat has been used as the location for a significant set of feature films, documentaries and television series bringing work to local crews and suppliers. With numerous festivals playing to the cities strengths many creative embeddeds and performing artists take advantage of employment in facilities such as the Museum of Australian Democracy at Eureka. The city has its share of start-ups, as well as advertising, design and architectural firms. The city is noted for its museums, its many theatres and art galleries. All major national networks service the TV and radio sector here while community radio is strong and growing.

The Government of Vanuatu is undertaking significant primary education reforms, including major curriculum changes, to improve equitable access to and the quality of education. Since 2016, a new primary education curriculum has been introduced by stages, accompanied by a suite of in-service teacher training. The new curriculum promotes teaching practices that support new pedagogies focused on student-centred learning and community support, language transition and class-based assessment practices. These reforms are being supported by the Australian Government, through its Vanuatu Education Support Program (VESP). The Australian Government's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) has commissioned a study to investigate how the VESP is making a difference to the Government of Vanuatu’s ongoing primary education reforms. This research is part of a multi-year study series undertaken by DFAT's Education Analytics Service to investigate teacher and learning development initiatives in three countries: Lao PDR, Timor-Leste and Vanuatu. The purpose of this summary is to provide a brief overview of findings and recommendations from the first year (2019) of the Vanuatu study.

Overview Skin cancer prevention is a component of the new Cancer Plan 2022–27, which guides the work of the Cancer Institute NSW. To lessen the impact of skin cancer on the community, the Cancer Institute NSW works closely with the NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Advisory Committee, comprising governmental and non-governmental organisation representatives, to develop and implement the NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Strategy. Primary Health Networks and primary care providers are seen as important stakeholders in this work. To guide improvements in skin cancer prevention and inform the development of the next NSW Skin Cancer Prevention Strategy, an up-to-date review of the evidence on the effectiveness and feasibility of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care is required. A research team led by the Daffodil Centre, a joint venture between the University of Sydney and Cancer Council NSW, was contracted to undertake an Evidence Check review to address the questions below. Evidence Check questions This Evidence Check aimed to address the following questions: Question 1: What skin cancer primary prevention activities can be effectively administered in primary care settings? As part of this, identify the key components of such messages, strategies, programs or initiatives that have been effectively implemented and their feasibility in the NSW/Australian context. Question 2: What are the main barriers and enablers for primary care providers in delivering skin cancer primary prevention activities within their setting? Summary of methods The research team conducted a detailed analysis of the published and grey literature, based on a comprehensive search. We developed the search strategy in consultation with a medical librarian at the University of Sydney and the Cancer Institute NSW team, and implemented it across the databases Embase, MEDLINE, PsycInfo, Scopus, Cochrane Central and CINAHL. Results were exported and uploaded to Covidence for screening and further selection. The search strategy was designed according to the SPIDER tool for Qualitative and Mixed-Methods Evidence Synthesis, which is a systematic strategy for searching qualitative and mixed-methods research studies. The SPIDER tool facilitates rigour in research by defining key elements of non-quantitative research questions. We included peer-reviewed and grey literature that included skin cancer primary prevention strategies/ interventions/ techniques/ programs within primary care settings, e.g. involving general practitioners and primary care nurses. The literature was limited to publications since 2014, and for studies or programs conducted in Australia, the UK, New Zealand, Canada, Ireland, Western Europe and Scandinavia. We also included relevant systematic reviews and evidence syntheses based on a range of international evidence where also relevant to the Australian context. To address Question 1, about the effectiveness of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings, we summarised findings from the Evidence Check according to different skin cancer prevention activities. To address Question 2, about the barriers and enablers of skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings, we summarised findings according to the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR). The CFIR is a framework for identifying important implementation considerations for novel interventions in healthcare settings and provides a practical guide for systematically assessing potential barriers and facilitators in preparation for implementing a new activity or program. We assessed study quality using the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) levels of evidence. Key findings We identified 25 peer-reviewed journal articles that met the eligibility criteria and we included these in the Evidence Check. Eight of the studies were conducted in Australia, six in the UK, and the others elsewhere (mainly other European countries). In addition, the grey literature search identified four relevant guidelines, 12 education/training resources, two Cancer Care pathways, two position statements, three reports and five other resources that we included in the Evidence Check. Question 1 (related to effectiveness) We categorised the studies into different types of skin cancer prevention activities: behavioural counselling (n=3); risk assessment and delivering risk-tailored information (n=10); new technologies for early detection and accompanying prevention advice (n=4); and education and training programs for general practitioners (GPs) and primary care nurses regarding skin cancer prevention (n=3). There was good evidence that behavioural counselling interventions can result in a small improvement in sun protection behaviours among adults with fair skin types (defined as ivory or pale skin, light hair and eye colour, freckles, or those who sunburn easily), which would include the majority of Australians. It was found that clinicians play an important role in counselling patients about sun-protective behaviours, and recommended tailoring messages to the age and demographics of target groups (e.g. high-risk groups) to have maximal influence on behaviours. Several web-based melanoma risk prediction tools are now available in Australia, mainly designed for health professionals to identify patients’ risk of a new or subsequent primary melanoma and guide discussions with patients about primary prevention and early detection. Intervention studies have demonstrated that use of these melanoma risk prediction tools is feasible and acceptable to participants in primary care settings, and there is some evidence, including from Australian studies, that using these risk prediction tools to tailor primary prevention and early detection messages can improve sun-related behaviours. Some studies examined novel technologies, such as apps, to support early detection through skin examinations, including a very limited focus on the provision of preventive advice. These novel technologies are still largely in the research domain rather than recommended for routine use but provide a potential future opportunity to incorporate more primary prevention tailored advice. There are a number of online short courses available for primary healthcare professionals specifically focusing on skin cancer prevention. Most education and training programs for GPs and primary care nurses in the field of skin cancer focus on treatment and early detection, though some programs have specifically incorporated primary prevention education and training. A notable example is the Dermoscopy for Victorian General Practice Program, in which 93% of participating GPs reported that they had increased preventive information provided to high-risk patients and during skin examinations. Question 2 (related to barriers and enablers) Key enablers of performing skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings included: • Easy access and availability of guidelines and point-of-care tools and resources • A fit with existing workflows and systems, so there is minimal disruption to flow of care • Easy-to-understand patient information • Using the waiting room for collection of risk assessment information on an electronic device such as an iPad/tablet where possible • Pairing with early detection activities • Sharing of successful programs across jurisdictions. Key barriers to performing skin cancer prevention activities in primary care settings included: • Unclear requirements and lack of confidence (self-efficacy) about prevention counselling • Limited availability of GP services especially in regional and remote areas • Competing demands, low priority, lack of time • Lack of incentives.

Emergency Relief (ER) is a Department of Social Services (DSS) funded program, delivered by 197 community organisations (ER Providers) across Australia, to assist people facing a financial crisis with financial/material aid and referrals to other support programs. ER has been playing this important role in Australian communities since 1979. Without ER, more people living in Australia who experience a financial crisis might face further harm such as crippling debt or homelessness. The Emergency Relief National Coordination Group (NCG) was established in April 2020 at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic to advise the Minister for Families and Social Services on the implementation of ER. To inform its advice to the Minister, the NCG partnered with the Institute for Governance at the University of Canberra to conduct research to understand the issues and challenges faced by ER Providers and Service Users in local contexts across Australia. The research involved a desktop review of the existing literature on ER service provision, a large survey which all Commonwealth ER Providers were invited to participate in (and 122 responses were received), interviews with a purposive sample of 18 ER Providers, and the development of a program logic and theory of change for the Commonwealth ER program to assess progress. The surveys and interviews focussed on ER Provider perceptions of the strengths, weaknesses, future challenges, and areas of improvement for current ER provision. The trend of increasing case complexity, the effectiveness of ER service delivery models in achieving outcomes for Service Users, and the significance of volunteering in the sector were investigated. Separately, an evaluation of the performance of the NCG was conducted and a summary of the evaluation is provided as an appendix to this report. Several themes emerged from the review of the existing literature such as service delivery shortcomings in dealing with case complexity, the effectiveness of case management, and repeat requests for service. Interviews with ER workers and Service Users found that an uplift in workforce capability was required to deal with increasing case complexity, leading to recommendations for more training and service standards. Several service evaluations found that ER delivered with case management led to high Service User satisfaction, played an integral role in transforming the lives of people with complex needs, and lowered repeat requests for service. A large longitudinal quantitative study revealed that more time spent with participants substantially decreased the number of repeat requests for service; and, given that repeat requests for service can be an indicator of entrenched poverty, not accessing further services is likely to suggest improvement. The interviews identified the main strengths of ER to be the rapid response and flexible use of funds to stabilise crisis situations and connect people to other supports through strong local networks. Service Users trusted the system because of these strengths, and ER was often an access point to holistic support. There were three main weaknesses identified. First, funding contracts were too short and did not cover the full costs of the program—in particular, case management for complex cases. Second, many Service Users were dependent on ER which was inconsistent with the definition and intent of the program. Third, there was inconsistency in the level of service received by Service Users in different geographic locations. These weaknesses can be improved upon with a joined-up approach featuring co-design and collaborative governance, leading to the successful commissioning of social services. The survey confirmed that volunteers were significant for ER, making up 92% of all workers and 51% of all hours worked in respondent ER programs. Of the 122 respondents, volunteers amounted to 554 full-time equivalents, a contribution valued at $39.4 million. In total there were 8,316 volunteers working in the 122 respondent ER programs. The sector can support and upskill these volunteers (and employees in addition) by developing scalable training solutions such as online training modules, updating ER service standards, and engaging in collaborative learning arrangements where large and small ER Providers share resources. More engagement with peak bodies such as Volunteering Australia might also assist the sector to improve the focus on volunteer engagement. Integrated services achieve better outcomes for complex ER cases—97% of survey respondents either agreed or strongly agreed this was the case. The research identified the dimensions of service integration most relevant to ER Providers to be case management, referrals, the breadth of services offered internally, co-location with interrelated service providers, an established network of support, workforce capability, and Service User engagement. Providers can individually focus on increasing the level of service integration for their ER program to improve their ability to deal with complex cases, which are clearly on the rise. At the system level, a more joined-up approach can also improve service integration across Australia. The key dimensions of this finding are discussed next in more detail. Case management is key for achieving Service User outcomes for complex cases—89% of survey respondents either agreed or strongly agreed this was the case. Interviewees most frequently said they would provide more case management if they could change their service model. Case management allows for more time spent with the Service User, follow up with referral partners, and a higher level of expertise in service delivery to support complex cases. Of course, it is a costly model and not currently funded for all Service Users through ER. Where case management is not available as part of ER, it might be available through a related service that is part of a network of support. Where possible, ER Providers should facilitate access to case management for Service Users who would benefit. At a system level, ER models with a greater component of case management could be implemented as test cases. Referral systems are also key for achieving Service User outcomes, which is reflected in the ER Program Logic presented on page 31. The survey and interview data show that referrals within an integrated service (internal) or in a service hub (co-located) are most effective. Where this is not possible, warm referrals within a trusted network of support are more effective than cold referrals leading to higher take-up and beneficial Service User outcomes. However, cold referrals are most common, pointing to a weakness in ER referral systems. This is because ER Providers do not operate or co-locate with interrelated services in many cases, nor do they have the case management capacity to provide warm referrals in many other cases. For mental illness support, which interviewees identified as one of the most difficult issues to deal with, ER Providers offer an integrated service only 23% of the time, warm referrals 34% of the time, and cold referrals 43% of the time. A focus on referral systems at the individual ER Provider level, and system level through a joined-up approach, might lead to better outcomes for Service Users. The program logic and theory of change for ER have been documented with input from the research findings and included in Section 4.3 on page 31. These show that ER helps people facing a financial crisis to meet their immediate needs, avoid further harm, and access a path to recovery. The research demonstrates that ER is fundamental to supporting vulnerable people in Australia and should therefore continue to be funded by government.

Background Lung cancer is the number one cause of cancer death worldwide.(1) It is the fifth most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia (12,741 cases diagnosed in 2018) and the leading cause of cancer death.(2) The number of years of potential life lost to lung cancer in Australia is estimated to be 58,450, similar to that of colorectal and breast cancer combined.(3) While tobacco control strategies are most effective for disease prevention in the general population, early detection via low dose computed tomography (LDCT) screening in high-risk populations is a viable option for detecting asymptomatic disease in current (13%) and former (24%) Australian smokers.(4) The purpose of this Evidence Check review is to identify and analyse existing and emerging evidence for LDCT lung cancer screening in high-risk individuals to guide future program and policy planning. Evidence Check questions This review aimed to address the following questions: 1. What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 2. What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 3. What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? 4. What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Summary of methods The authors searched the peer-reviewed literature across three databases (MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Embase) for existing systematic reviews and original studies published between 1 January 2009 and 8 August 2019. Fifteen systematic reviews (of which 8 were contemporary) and 64 original publications met the inclusion criteria set across the four questions. Key findings Question 1: What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? There is sufficient evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses of combined (pooled) data from screening trials (of high-risk individuals) to indicate that LDCT examination is clinically effective in reducing lung cancer mortality. In 2011, the landmark National Lung Cancer Screening Trial (NLST, a large-scale randomised controlled trial [RCT] conducted in the US) reported a 20% (95% CI 6.8% – 26.7%; P=0.004) relative reduction in mortality among long-term heavy smokers over three rounds of annual screening. High-risk eligibility criteria was defined as people aged 55–74 years with a smoking history of ≥30 pack-years (years in which a smoker has consumed 20-plus cigarettes each day) and, for former smokers, ≥30 pack-years and have quit within the past 15 years.(5) All-cause mortality was reduced by 6.7% (95% CI, 1.2% – 13.6%; P=0.02). Initial data from the second landmark RCT, the NEderlands-Leuvens Longkanker Screenings ONderzoek (known as the NELSON trial), have found an even greater reduction of 26% (95% CI, 9% – 41%) in lung cancer mortality, with full trial results yet to be published.(6, 7) Pooled analyses, including several smaller-scale European LDCT screening trials insufficiently powered in their own right, collectively demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in lung cancer mortality (RR 0.82, 95% CI 0.73–0.91).(8) Despite the reduction in all-cause mortality found in the NLST, pooled analyses of seven trials found no statistically significant difference in all-cause mortality (RR 0.95, 95% CI 0.90–1.00).(8) However, cancer-specific mortality is currently the most relevant outcome in cancer screening trials. These seven trials demonstrated a significantly greater proportion of early stage cancers in LDCT groups compared with controls (RR 2.08, 95% CI 1.43–3.03). Thus, when considering results across mortality outcomes and early stage cancers diagnosed, LDCT screening is considered to be clinically effective. Question 2: What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? The harms of LDCT lung cancer screening include false positive tests and the consequences of unnecessary invasive follow-up procedures for conditions that are eventually diagnosed as benign. While LDCT screening leads to an increased frequency of invasive procedures, it does not result in greater mortality soon after an invasive procedure (in trial settings when compared with the control arm).(8) Overdiagnosis, exposure to radiation, psychological distress and an impact on quality of life are other known harms. Systematic review evidence indicates the benefits of LDCT screening are likely to outweigh the harms. The potential harms are likely to be reduced as refinements are made to LDCT screening protocols through: i) the application of risk predication models (e.g. the PLCOm2012), which enable a more accurate selection of the high-risk population through the use of specific criteria (beyond age and smoking history); ii) the use of nodule management algorithms (e.g. Lung-RADS, PanCan), which assist in the diagnostic evaluation of screen-detected nodules and cancers (e.g. more precise volumetric assessment of nodules); and, iii) more judicious selection of patients for invasive procedures. Recent evidence suggests a positive LDCT result may transiently increase psychological distress but does not have long-term adverse effects on psychological distress or health-related quality of life (HRQoL). With regards to smoking cessation, there is no evidence to suggest screening participation invokes a false sense of assurance in smokers, nor a reduction in motivation to quit. The NELSON and Danish trials found no difference in smoking cessation rates between LDCT screening and control groups. Higher net cessation rates, compared with general population, suggest those who participate in screening trials may already be motivated to quit. Question 3: What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? There are no systematic reviews that capture the main components of recent major lung cancer screening trials and programs. We extracted evidence from original studies and clinical guidance documents and organised this into key groups to form a concise set of components for potential implementation of a national lung cancer screening program in Australia: 1. Identifying the high-risk population: recruitment, eligibility, selection and referral 2. Educating the public, people at high risk and healthcare providers; this includes creating awareness of lung cancer, the benefits and harms of LDCT screening, and shared decision-making 3. Components necessary for health services to deliver a screening program: a. Planning phase: e.g. human resources to coordinate the program, electronic data systems that integrate medical records information and link to an established national registry b. Implementation phase: e.g. human and technological resources required to conduct LDCT examinations, interpretation of reports and communication of results to participants c. Monitoring and evaluation phase: e.g. monitoring outcomes across patients, radiological reporting, compliance with established standards and a quality assurance program 4. Data reporting and research, e.g. audit and feedback to multidisciplinary teams, reporting outcomes to enhance international research into LDCT screening 5. Incorporation of smoking cessation interventions, e.g. specific programs designed for LDCT screening or referral to existing community or hospital-based services that deliver cessation interventions. Most original studies are single-institution evaluations that contain descriptive data about the processes required to establish and implement a high-risk population-based screening program. Across all studies there is a consistent message as to the challenges and complexities of establishing LDCT screening programs to attract people at high risk who will receive the greatest benefits from participation. With regards to smoking cessation, evidence from one systematic review indicates the optimal strategy for incorporating smoking cessation interventions into a LDCT screening program is unclear. There is widespread agreement that LDCT screening attendance presents a ‘teachable moment’ for cessation advice, especially among those people who receive a positive scan result. Smoking cessation is an area of significant research investment; for instance, eight US-based clinical trials are now underway that aim to address how best to design and deliver cessation programs within large-scale LDCT screening programs.(9) Question 4: What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Assessing the value or cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening involves a complex interplay of factors including data on effectiveness and costs, and institutional context. A key input is data about the effectiveness of potential and current screening programs with respect to case detection, and the likely outcomes of treating those cases sooner (in the presence of LDCT screening) as opposed to later (in the absence of LDCT screening). Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening programs has been summarised in two systematic reviews. We identified a further 13 studies—five modelling studies, one discrete choice experiment and seven articles—that used a variety of methods to assess cost-effectiveness. Three modelling studies indicated LDCT screening was cost-effective in the settings of the US and Europe. Two studies—one from Australia and one from New Zealand—reported LDCT screening would not be cost-effective using NLST-like protocols. We anticipate that, following the full publication of the NELSON trial, cost-effectiveness studies will likely be updated with new data that reduce uncertainty about factors that influence modelling outcomes, including the findings of indeterminate nodules. Gaps in the evidence There is a large and accessible body of evidence as to the effectiveness (Q1) and harms (Q2) of LDCT screening for lung cancer. Nevertheless, there are significant gaps in the evidence about the program components that are required to implement an effective LDCT screening program (Q3). Questions about LDCT screening acceptability and feasibility were not explicitly included in the scope. However, as the evidence is based primarily on US programs and UK pilot studies, the relevance to the local setting requires careful consideration. The Queensland Lung Cancer Screening Study provides feasibility data about clinical aspects of LDCT screening but little about program design. The International Lung Screening Trial is still in the recruitment phase and findings are not yet available for inclusion in this Evidence Check. The Australian Population Based Screening Framework was developed to “inform decision-makers on the key issues to be considered when assessing potential screening programs in Australia”.(10) As the Framework is specific to population-based, rather than high-risk, screening programs, there is a lack of clarity about transferability of criteria. However, the Framework criteria do stipulate that a screening program must be acceptable to “important subgroups such as target participants who are from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people from disadvantaged groups and people with a disability”.(10) An extensive search of the literature highlighted that there is very little information about the acceptability of LDCT screening to these population groups in Australia. Yet they are part of the high-risk population.(10) There are also considerable gaps in the evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening in different settings, including Australia. The evidence base in this area is rapidly evolving and is likely to include new data from the NELSON trial and incorporate data about the costs of targeted- and immuno-therapies as these treatments become more widely available in Australia.

The Southeast Coast Network (SECN) conducts long-term terrestrial vegetation monitoring as part of the nationwide Inventory and Monitoring Program of the National Park Service (NPS). The vegetation community vital sign is one of the primary-tier resources identified by SECN park managers, and monitoring is currently conducted at 15 network parks (DeVivo et al. 2008). Monitoring plants and their associated communities over time allows for targeted understanding of ecosystems within the SECN geography, which provides managers information about the degree of change within their parks’ natural vegetation. 2019 marks the first year of conducting this monitoring effort on four SECN parks, including Fort Pulaski National Monument (FOPU). Twelve vegetation plots were established at Fort Pulaski National Monument in August. Data collected in each plot included species richness across multiple spatial scales, species-specific cover and constancy, species-specific woody stem seedling/sapling counts and adult tree (greater than 10 centimeters [3.9 inches {in}]) diameter at breast height (DBH), overall tree health, landform, soil, observed disturbance, and woody biomass (i.e., fuel load) estimates. This report summarizes the baseline (year 1) terrestrial vegetation data collected at Fort Pulaski National Monument in 2019. Data were stratified across two dominant broadly defined habitats within the park (Maritime Tidal Wetlands and Maritime Upland Forests and Shrublands). Noteworthy findings include: Sixty-six vascular plant taxa were observed across 12 vegetation plots, including six taxa not previously known from the park. Plots were located on both Cockspur and McQueen’s Island. The most frequently encountered species in each broadly defined habitat included: Maritime Tidal Wetlands: smooth cordgrass (Spartina alterniflora), perennial saltmarsh aster(Symphyotrichum enuifolium), and groundsel tree (Baccharis halimifolia) Maritime Upland Forests and Shrublands: yaupon (Ilex vomitoria), southern/eastern red cedar (Juniperus silicicola + virginiana), and cabbage palmetto (Sabal palmetto). Four non-native species identified as invasive by the Georgia Exotic Pest Plant Council (GA-EPPC 2018) were found during this monitoring effort. These species (and their overall frequency of occurrence within all plots) included: Japanese honeysuckle (Lonicera japonica; 17%), bahiagrass (Paspalum notatum; 8%), Vasey’s grass (Paspalum urvillei; 8%), and European common reed (Phragmites australis; 8%). Two rare plants tracked by the Georgia Department of Natural Resources (GADNR 2013) were found during this monitoring effort. These include Florida wild privet (Forestiera segregata) and Bosc’s bluet (Oldenlandia boscii). Southern/eastern red cedar and cabbage palmetto were the most dominant species within the tree stratum of the maritime Upland Forest and Shrubland habitat type. Species that dominated the sapling and seedling strata of this type included yaupon, cabbage palmetto, groundsel tree, and Carolina laurel cherry (Prunus caroliniana). The health status of sugarberry (Celtis laevigata)—a typical canopy species in maritime forests of the South Atlantic Coastal Plain--observed on park plots appeared to be in decline, with most stems experiencing elevated levels of dieback and low vigor. Over the past decade, this species has been experiencing unexplained high rates of dieback and mortality throughout its range in the Southeastern United States; current research is focusing on what may be causing these alarming die-off patterns. Duff and litter made up the majority of downed woody biomass (fuel loads) across FOPU vegetation plots.

The Southeast Coast Network (SECN) conducts long-term terrestrial vegetation monitoring as part of the nationwide Inventory and Monitoring Program of the National Park Service (NPS). The vegetation community vital sign is one of the primary-tier resources identified by SECN park managers, and monitoring is currently conducted at 15 network parks (DeVivo et al. 2008). Monitoring plants and their associated communities over time allows for targeted understanding of ecosystems within the SECN geography, which provides managers information about the degree of change within their parks’ natural vegetation. The first year of conducting this monitoring effort at four SECN parks, including 52 plots on Cape Hatteras National Seashore (CAHA), was 2019. Twelve vegetation plots were established at Cape Hatteras NS in July and August. Data collected in each plot included species richness across multiple spatial scales, species-specific cover and constancy, species-specific woody stem seedling/sapling counts and adult tree (greater than 10 centimeters [3.9 inches {in}]) diameter at breast height (DBH), overall tree health, landform, soil, observed disturbance, and woody biomass (i.e., fuel load) estimates. This report summarizes the baseline (year 1) terrestrial vegetation data collected at Cape Hatteras National Seashore in 2019. Data were stratified across four dominant broadly defined habitats within the park (Maritime Tidal Wetlands, Maritime Nontidal Wetlands, Maritime Open Uplands, and Maritime Upland Forests and Shrublands) and four land parcels (Bodie Island, Buxton, Hatteras Island, and Ocracoke Island). Noteworthy findings include: A total of 265 vascular plant taxa (species or lower) were observed across 52 vegetation plots, including 13 species not previously documented within the park. The most frequently encountered species in each broadly defined habitat included: Maritime Tidal Wetlands: saltmeadow cordgrass Spartina patens), swallow-wort (Pattalias palustre), and marsh fimbry (Fimbristylis castanea) Maritime Nontidal Wetlands: common wax-myrtle (Morella cerifera), saltmeadow cordgrass, eastern poison ivy (Toxicodendron radicans var. radicans), and saw greenbriar (Smilax bona-nox) Maritime Open Uplands: sea oats (Uniola paniculata), dune camphorweed (Heterotheca subaxillaris), and seabeach evening-primrose (Oenothera humifusa) Maritime Upland Forests and Shrublands: : loblolly pine (Pinus taeda), southern/eastern red cedar (Juniperus silicicola + virginiana), common wax-myrtle, and live oak (Quercus virginiana). Five invasive species identified as either a Severe Threat (Rank 1) or Significant Threat (Rank 2) to native plants by the North Carolina Native Plant Society (Buchanan 2010) were found during this monitoring effort. These species (and their overall frequency of occurrence within all plots) included: alligatorweed (Alternanthera philoxeroides; 2%), Japanese honeysuckle (Lonicera japonica; 10%), Japanese stilt-grass (Microstegium vimineum; 2%), European common reed (Phragmites australis; 8%), and common chickweed (Stellaria media; 2%). Eighteen rare species tracked by the North Carolina Natural Heritage Program (Robinson 2018) were found during this monitoring effort, including two species—cypress panicgrass (Dichanthelium caerulescens) and Gulf Coast spikerush (Eleocharis cellulosa)—listed as State Endangered by the Plant Conservation Program of the North Carolina Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services (NCPCP 2010). Southern/eastern red cedar was a dominant species within the tree stratum of both Maritime Nontidal Wetland and Maritime Upland Forest and Shrubland habitat types. Other dominant tree species within CAHA forests included loblolly pine, live oak, and Darlington oak (Quercus hemisphaerica). One hundred percent of the live swamp bay (Persea palustris) trees measured in these plots were experiencing declining vigor and observed with symptoms like those caused by laurel wilt......less