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1
Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom /." Connect to full text, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271.
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2
Calkin, Rachael. ""Cracking the Stalinist crust" : the impact of 1956 on the Australian Communist Party /." Saarbrücken : VDM-Verl, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017394864&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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3
Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan: the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom." Phd thesis, http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/7450.
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The period between the depression of the 1930s and the long post-war boom saw the development of the contemporary shape of the labour movement's economic thought, with its dichotomy between moderate and left nationalist currents. This development is examined in terms of the nature of the main organisations of the labour movement, economic conditions, the ideological proclivities of different classes and the levelof the class struggle. The main areas of economic thought examined are theories of Australia's place in the world economy, the class anatomy of Australian capitalism and of economic crises.
During the late 1930s laborites continued to express a longstanding commitment to national development through tariff protection and wariness of overseas loans. Moderate ideas of the possibilities for overcoming class conflicts increasingly displaced radical Money Power theory after the depression. While monetary and real underconsumptionism continued to be the main explanations of economic crises offered by laborites, both ALP politicians and union officials became aware of Keynesian economics and the legitimacy it provided for longstanding Labor policies. The advent of the Popular Front period in the international communist movement saw the Communist Party of Australia move from a revolutionary internationalist towards a politically more conservative left nationalist position, sharing assumptions with Money Power theorists, despite the rise in the level of industrial struggle. The Communist conviction in radical underconsumptionist theory of inevitable economic crises began to weaken.
World War II and the advent of the Curtin Government saw the leadership of the ALP embrace Keynesian economics and its priorities. This was expressed in both foreign economic and domestic policies, but was qualified by a keen appreciation of the requirements of the Australian economy for both protection and foreign markets and the level of the class struggle. The promotion of Keynesian ideas and divisions in the labour movement was successful after 1947 in countering working class militancy. While retaining a fervent nationalism the Communist Party's policies shifted after the War from strong support for the Government during the War to a very radical and anti-American position after 1947. Bolstered by a return to radical underconsumptionism and a focus on the conspiratorial role of the Collins House monopolists, the Party believed it could challenge the authority of the ALP and the Chifley Government, on the basis of working class industrial struggles. But the Communist Party made its attempt when the level of united struggle was already in decline. Between 1949 and 1952 the balance of class forces shifted sharply in favour of capital.
Moderate laborites have continued to accept the main propositions of orthodox economics, while the bulk of the left in the labour movement has been nationalist and, after the Communist Party's break with Moscow, committed to a version of Keynesian economics. Although the adequacy of both approaches to working class interests is in doubt and they have not consistently promoted its struggles, their hegemony over the labour movement has not prevented the emergence of militant working class action.
4
McKenzie, Vahri. "As the owl discreet: Essay towards a conversation and Carly's Dance a novel." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/24.
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This thesis comprises a novel entitled Carly's Dance and an essay entitled As the Owl Discreet. Although separate works, a line runs through them that might be described as an urge to connect; each work, although self-contained, is concerned with the co-existence of opposites, or more precisely, apparent opposites. The essay's title is ironic, borrowed from Hillaire Belloc's perverse verses collected as Cautionary Tales. Discretion is exactly what the thesis tests the bounds of, as do the characters in my novel. And so do I, in using family history to motivate my research.
5
Hoehne, Craig John. "Forged under the Hammer and Sickle: The Case of Geoffrey Powell, 1945–1960." Thesis, Griffith University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366519.
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Forged under the Hammer and Sickle, The Case of Geoffrey Powell 1945–1960 is a multimodal exhibition and exegesis that concerns the post-war production of photographer-turned-documentary-filmmaker Geoffrey Powell (1918–1989). It re-evaluates Powell's production through the prism of his socio-political evolution from reactionary to Marxist. Within the photo-historical literature, he is defined as a participant in the mainstream Post-War Documentary Movement in photography. However, my research has revealed that Powell belonged to a cross-disciplinary nexus of creative thought. He was a member of the Australian Communist Party and his photographic production was all but confined to Socialist Realist journals. This Marxist affiliation imposed strictures on the way in which he engaged with subjects as well as the aesthetics of his work. He was also an active participant on the progressive ‘Arts Front’. An interest in expository film by the progressive Left tweaked a curiosity in Powell, which ultimately encouraged his move into documentary filmmaking. Through the patronage of progressive film producer John Heyer, Powell became employed at the Department of Information (DOI) Film Unit as a cinematographer from March 1946. At the DOI, he was a member of the Heyer documentary group that embraced the notion of "dramatising within the realm of reality". In keeping with the Leftist cultural element that operated within the film unit—that engaged with outside radical film production for militant labour unions—Powell assisted the Miners' Federation in the production of photography for their Amenities Campaign in 1947.Thesis (Masters)
Master of Visual Arts (MVA)
Queensland College of Art
Arts, Education and Law
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6
Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Thesis, Full-text, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1961/.
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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept
that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has
neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis
will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of
this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the
Communist Party’s praxis.
7
Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
8
Zeng, Jinghan. "The Chinese Communist Party's capacity to rule : legitimacy, ideology, and party cohesion." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/64241/.
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This thesis studies the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s capacity to rule in contemporary China by examining (a) its quest for popular legitimacy and (b) its search for party cohesion. In explaining the CCP’s ruling basis, a plethora of political science and economics literature has pointed to China’s economic growth. Conventional wisdom considers ideology to be obsolete and the political reform to be too limited to take any substantive effect in China. This thesis argues that ideological adaptation and the institutionalization of power succession play crucial roles in maintaining the CCP’s popular legitimacy and party cohesion. China’s economic success is certainly important, however, it also creates a fundamental dilemma of the CCP’s rule. If a communist party is not to deliver communism and class victory, why is it there at all? There is a potential contradiction between generating economic success by utilizing quasi capitalist economic policies on the one hand, and the fact that this is a communist party that supposedly justifies its rule by being the vehicle to deliver a communist society on the other. This thesis shows how the CCP has been constantly revising its ideological basis for justifying – if not legitimizing – its rule. By studying the CCP’s ideological discourses, the mechanism of ideological promotion, and their effectiveness, this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the relevant literature. In addition to ideology, the institutionalization of power succession is also crucial to the CCP’s rule. During Mao Zedong’s rule, an un-institutionalized power system had caused endless fierce power struggles within the party, which indirectly led to economic stagnation and social unrest. Thirty years of institutionalization has made leadership transitions in China more stable, transparent, predictable, and smoother now than ever before. By offering a large amount of first- and second-hand data on China’s leadership transition, this thesis shows how the institutionalization of power succession helps to maintain regime stability and legitimacy.
9
Grossman, Jonathan. "Class relations and the policies of the Communist Party of South Africa, 1921-1950." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34718/.
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The Communist Party(CP) was formed in 1921, on the foundation created by the International Socialist League (ISL). An investigation of the theory and practice of the CP reveals the combination of a socialist commitment with an abstract theoretical perspective. The Party was obstructed, through its own idealised understanding of class relations, from pursuing its declared goals. This study investigates the rhythms of struggle and the dynamic development of the workers' movement. It examines the growing social weight and developing structural strength of black workers and the organisation and action which these generated. CP policies are examined in the light of these developments. Oppression which spans different classes created the underlying basis for a class alliance between the oppressed black petty bourgeoisie and exploited and oppressed black workers. The CP tended to conflate a co-incidence of different processes of radicalisation and different class interests. The Party broke from the white labour tradition out of which it had emerged; it pursued a policy of popular frontism for much of its history. This policy, and the conflation of different processes and class interests promoted an uncertainty within the Party as to its role. On this basis, the Party did not always identify underlying processes, and hence its uncertainty as to how to relate to the dynamic processes of radicalisation, organisation and action, and the ebbs and flows of the class struggle was promoted. In 1950, the Party responded to the threat of state banning, and, at a time when working class combativity was developing, it disbanded. In the period under study, the goal of working class leadership in an organised class alliance was not achieved.
10
Duffy, Gavan. "The groups." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1999.
Find full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with the history of the Catholic Social Studies Movement (the Movement), the ALP Industrial Groups and the events leading up to the split in the Labor Party which occurred between 1955 and 1957. These events are portrayed and analysed from the perspective of the Movement and the Industrial Groups. The thesis challenges many of the conventional propositions as to the reasons for,
and the facts surrounding the split. Directly challenged is the view that Herbert Vere Evatt was a principled champion
of traditional Labor values who acted expeditiously to save the Australian Labor Party from being subverted by a Machiavellian Catholic layman, B.A. Santamaria, for the 'sinister' purposes of Catholic action. Also challenged is the suggestion that the ideology and policies of Movement
activists within the Labor Party, were contrary to Labor's platform. It will be argued to the contrary, that Labor in the fifties was impeded by doctrinaire Marxist theory, and hence, the radicalism of the Movement did not sit easily with many of the older power brokers within the labor movement. It will also be argued that The Movement was formed on the initiative of the late B.A. Santamaria and a few associates only after repeated requests from Labour
politicians and unionists, often motivated by quite selfish concerns, for assistance in the struggle against Communism in the trade unions. Emphasis will be placed in this thesis on the importance and the role of anti-Catholic sectarianism as a weapon of the Communists and the Extreme Left of the Labor movement against their opponents. An emphasis will be placed on the importance of anti-Catholic sectarianism in determining the outcome of the struggle
within the Labor Party and the nature of the split. It will be suggested that Dr Evatt's attack on The Movement and the industrial groups of the 5 October 1954 could not have succeeded without the divisiveness of sectarianism, never far beneath the surface in Australian society of the 50s and 60s. The impact of the Petrov Affair on the internal politics of the Labor party is canvassed. In this regard startling new evidence is advanced by the writer that the
ALP parliamentary leader, Dr. Herbert V. Evatt had, in October 1953, several months before the establishment of the Petrov Royal Commission, knowledge of, or at the very least strong grounds for suspicion that his press secretary Fergan O'Sullivan, was a source of information for the Communist party and Ergo, Soviet intelligence. It will also be stated that for reasons known only to himself and about
which one can only surmise, Evatt failed to act on the intelligence provided to him concerning the activities of O'Sullivan. Historically speaking, the implications of
this revelation concerning Dr Evatt and Fergan 0' Sullivan are considerable.
11
McKenzie, Vahri. "As the owl discreet essay towards a conversation, and, Carly's dance : a novel /." Connect to thesis, 2008. http://portalapps.ecu.edu.au/adt-public/adt-ECU2008.0015.html.
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12
Quick, Belinda Jane. "Perceptions of the Soviet Union in Australian political discourse between 1943 and 1950." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/91225.
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The aim of this dissertation is to assess the role of discourse about the USSR in Australian politics between 1943 and 1950. During these years, Australia experienced a period of political volatility. Despite the fact that almost every political debate in Australia at this time involved some reference to the USSR, scholars have discussed only tangentially the ways in which discourse about Soviet Russia was used for political purposes. This thesis, therefore, will address a gap in the historiography by identifying varying depictions of the Soviet Union during the early phases of the Cold War, and by examining how these depictions were used for political purposes. This thesis is divided into three chapters, which will address case study years – 1943, 1946 and 1950. These years were chosen specifically for their significance in emphasising the contrast through time of perceptions of the Soviet Union. Beginning in 1943, a period of unparalleled optimism regarding the USSR, this dissertation analyses the events and themes which shaped opinions throughout the following seven years, concluding with the lowest point in Australian perceptions in the early-1950s. Some of the common and recurrent topics and themes for discussion are: war, life in the USSR, Soviet foreign policy and international communism. These issues will be addressed within both an international and domestic context. A range of resources were used in the writing of this thesis to explore the changing nature of discourse about the Soviet Union. These include both the South Australian and national Tribune newspapers (the Communist Party of Australia digest), a range of over 60 state and national newspapers, Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates and political pamphlets. Additionally, some biographical material has been used, as well as contemporary commentaries which assist in the development and understanding of political trends and tendencies throughout the early-Cold War era.Thesis (M.Phil.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2014
13
Holt, Stephen James. ""A veritable dynamo" : Lloyd Ross, the Australian Railways Union and left-wing politics in inter-war Australia." Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114476.
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This thesis examines the role played by the longterm
labour activist Lloyd Ross (1901-1987) in the affairs of the
Australian labour movement from his formative years in the
opening decades of this century up until the consolidation of
the Curtin government in 1942. By this time, although having
years of service to the labour movement ahead of him, Lloyd
Ross's once close association with left-wing politics
(altogether a narrower cause) was at an end.
The eldest son of the socialist agitator Bob Ross
(1873-1931), Lloyd Ross inherited a commitment to radical
politics, militant trade unionism and working-class cultural
activities. He was eager to confront social and political
problems head on. In 1935, after having served with the
Workers' Educational Association for some ten years, he was
elected secretary of the Australian Railways Union in New
South Wales. In this capacity he soon became deeply involved
in Labor Party factionalism and Communist anti-war agitation
as well as formulating and pursuing the industrial demands of
railway workers.
Lloyd Ross enthusiastically accepted Communist Party
policy in the era of the united front against fascism (1935 onwards). He preached the gospel of internationalism.
However this alliance was sundered in 1940. Ever a 'broad
left' man, Lloyd Ross came to reject the renewed sectarian
emphasis in Communist thinking that accompanied the Russo-
German treaty of 23 August 1939. Following the rupture he
managed to stay on in the ARU but an attempt on his part to
sustain his radical position was frustrated by the exigencies
of his new factional situation. With the Communist Party now
alienated, he was obliged to strengthen his links with the
dominant moderate wing of the Australian Labor Party. By 1942
this process was fully evident.
Lloyd Ross's subsequent involvement in anti-communist
politics in the post-war era is surveyed in an epilogue. This
connection culminated during the Labor split of 1955 following
which Lloyd Ross gradually forsook factionalism, preferring to
concentrate on industrial issues.
The demise of Lloyd Ross's radicalism is related to
structural instability in the inter-war labour movement. The
most notable source of this instability is located in the
tension between political and industrial forms of radicalism
and in particular the divergence between old-style industrial
unionism and the political priorities of the Communist Party.
The inherent instability that arose with socialist trade
union ideologues juxtaposed alongside a workforce containing a strong Catholic component is also highlighted, notably in
relation to Lloyd Ross's dealings with the powerful Lang
Labor faction.
By succumbing to deradicalisation Lloyd Ross aligned
himself with the mainstream of Australian labour history, notwithstanding
the imprecations of his Communist detractors.
After 1940, having rid themselves of left-wing dominance,
the New South Wales Labor Party and the Labor Council in
Sydney together went on to attain adamantine stability with
consequent political dividends still evident
today. In this regard Lloyd Ross undoubtedly played a key
role in the ideological evolution of modern Australia.
14
Abate, Tony. "A man of principle? : a political biography of Standish Michael Keon." Thesis, 1994. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/17942/.
Full textAbstract:
The following study will be broken into five sections. The first will general account of Keon's whole life and thus illustrate that he was
motivated by three general principles- aiding individuals from modest
socio-economic standing, Catholicism, and disdain for the major anti-
Labor parties. The second aspect of the study will show that all
published material on Keon, whilst partially recognising one stream of
his Catholicism, fails to fully tap into his 'ideological baggage'. The other
three areas of the study will concentrate expanding upon the principles
which shaped Keon's public life. Chapter Three will demonstrate that
Keon's readiness to champion the common man's cause can be aligned
to populist thought. Chapter Four will highlight Keon's Catholic
tendencies and sub-divide them into two categories- 'general' and
'specific'. Chapter Five will draw upon the evidence provided in the
previous two sections of the study and illustrate how Labor was the only
major political grouping which could accommodate Keon's principles.
15
Jordan, Douglas. "The Trojan Dove? Intelllectual and Religious Peace Activism in the Early Cold War." Thesis, 2004. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/33988/.
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The formation of the Austrahan Peace Council (APC) in July 1949 was a direct challenge
to the Cold War ideology that was dominant in Australia at this time. Its advocacy of
peace and its support for international agreements between the major powers drew a
hostile reaction from almost every sector of Australian society. This thesis will examine
the political and historical context for the formation of the APC and the holding of its
first National Peace Congress, in Melbourne, in 1950. In particular, it will focus on the
involvement of the three key groups that were involved in the APC: the religious
activists, the independent activists, and the communist intellectuals. It will argue that
those involved in the APC were motivated by idealistic views, were not Stalin's
'stooges', and were genuinely committed to ending the very real threat of a nuclear war.
16
Davis, Glen Anthony. "The relationship between the established and new left groupings in the anit-Vietnam War movement in Victoria, 1967-1972." Thesis, 2001. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/36042/.
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This thesis examines the relationship between the various left groupings that constituted the opposition to the war in Vietnam in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The focus is on how the newer radical groups of this period interacted with and influenced the established Left and peace movement. The work concentrates on opposition to the war within the Australian State of Victoria, drawing upon interviews with participants as well as written material from primary and secondary sources.
17
Robins, Daniel. "Melbourne's Maoists : the rise of the Monash University Labor Club, 1965-1967." Thesis, 2005. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30211/.
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The rise of the Monash University Labor Club to the most prominent radical student
group in Australia by 1967 was the result of those radicalising events and ideologies
that had been emerging internationally, nationally and locally during 1965-67. Events
such as the escalation of the Vietnam War and the emergence of the Cultural
Revolution in China were particularly influential upon the student movement in
Australia during this period. Arguably the most influential ideological force upon the
Monash Labor Club during this period was the idea of Marxism-Leninism, or
Maoism, articulated by the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, Mao TseTung.
It is this radicalising role of Maoism upon the 1960's student movement in
Melbourne that will be the core concern of this thesis. Past studies concerned with the
Monash Labor Club in 1965-67 have tended to downplay the role of Maoist ideas at
Monash during this period. However, this thesis will attempt to show that it was the
Maoist ideas of Labor Club leaders like Albert Langer that allowed the club to rise to
such prominence in 1967. Furthermore this thesis will show how the connections
achieved by Langer with the Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist), and
certain Maoist-led Unions in Melbourne, played a significant role in the successful
aims, actions and campaigns carried out by the Labor Club in 1967.
18
Bozinovski, Robert. "The Comintern, the Communist Party of Australia and illegality." Thesis, 2003. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32983/.
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This thesis examines the Communist Party of Australia's (CPA) period of illegality
between 1940 and 1942. This thesis also examines the CPA's relationship to the
Comintern during, and before, World War II. A grasp of that relationship is essential for
understanding the causes of the CPA's proscription.
19
Woodhouse, Fay. "The 1951 Communist Party dissolution referendum debate at the University of Melbourne." Thesis, 1996. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30227/.
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This thesis outlines the debate on the 1951 Communist Party Dissolution Referendum
at the University of Melbourne and considers how this casts light on Australia's social,
political and higher education institutions at the time.
20
Calkin, Rachael. "Cracking the Stalinist crust - the impact of 1956 on the Communist Party of Australia." Thesis, 2006. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1430/.
Full textAbstract:
The contention of this thesis is that previous accounts of 1956 and its impact on the Communist Party of Australia, have afforded insufficient attention to the complexities of this period in the Party’s history. The common perception has been that the Party leadership clamped down on attempts by members to generate debate and discussion about the content of Khrushchev’s ‘secret speech’ and the uprising in Hungary. The result of this was that members either concurred with the Party’s stance and stayed within its ranks, or they disagreed and resigned or were expelled. This perception is too simplistic and fails to acknowledge the manifold difficulties and uncertainties faced by both the membership and the leadership during this period. In an attempt to illuminate this chapter in the Party’s history, this thesis will argue that 1956 traced a complex path of denial, surprise, limited acceptance and intolerance on the part of the leadership; and shock, disbelief, dismay and, in some instances, indifference on the part of the membership. Chapter 1 introduces the background leading up to 1956 both internationally and domestically. It also surveys the literature that has focused, either wholly or in part, on this period. Chapter 2 details Khrushchev’s ‘secret speech’ and the events in Hungary and assesses the international reaction to these events. Chapters 3 and 4 focus on the CPA and its leadership. Chapter 3 explores its reaction and approach to dealing with the ‘fallout’ from the speech in the first half of 1956, prior to the Soviet Union releasing its official statement about the speech. Chapter 4 traces the increasing hard line approach subsequently taken by the CPA leadership and its handling of the internal protests about the Soviet action in Hungary. Chapters 5 and 6 focus on the diversity of reactions displayed by members. These ranged from those who were troubled by what they learnt of Stalin’s actions but resolved, for a wide variety of reasons, to stay within the Party, to those for whom the revelations proved too divergent from their ideal of communism and either left or were removed from the party.
21
Calkin, Rachael. "Cracking the Stalinist crust - the impact of 1956 on the Communist Party of Australia." 2006. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1430/1/Calkin.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The contention of this thesis is that previous accounts of 1956 and its impact on the Communist Party of Australia, have afforded insufficient attention to the complexities of this period in the Party’s history. The common perception has been that the Party leadership clamped down on attempts by members to generate debate and discussion about the content of Khrushchev’s ‘secret speech’ and the uprising in Hungary. The result of this was that members either concurred with the Party’s stance and stayed within its ranks, or they disagreed and resigned or were expelled. This perception is too simplistic and fails to acknowledge the manifold difficulties and uncertainties faced by both the membership and the leadership during this period. In an attempt to illuminate this chapter in the Party’s history, this thesis will argue that 1956 traced a complex path of denial, surprise, limited acceptance and intolerance on the part of the leadership; and shock, disbelief, dismay and, in some instances, indifference on the part of the membership. Chapter 1 introduces the background leading up to 1956 both internationally and domestically. It also surveys the literature that has focused, either wholly or in part, on this period. Chapter 2 details Khrushchev’s ‘secret speech’ and the events in Hungary and assesses the international reaction to these events. Chapters 3 and 4 focus on the CPA and its leadership. Chapter 3 explores its reaction and approach to dealing with the ‘fallout’ from the speech in the first half of 1956, prior to the Soviet Union releasing its official statement about the speech. Chapter 4 traces the increasing hard line approach subsequently taken by the CPA leadership and its handling of the internal protests about the Soviet action in Hungary. Chapters 5 and 6 focus on the diversity of reactions displayed by members. These ranged from those who were troubled by what they learnt of Stalin’s actions but resolved, for a wide variety of reasons, to stay within the Party, to those for whom the revelations proved too divergent from their ideal of communism and either left or were removed from the party.
22
Jordan, Douglas. "Conflict in the Unions: The Communist Party of Australia, politics and the trade union movement, 1945-1960." Thesis, 2011. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/16065/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the political activity of the Communist party of Australia (CPA) in the trade union movement between 1945 and 1960. It represents the first systematic scholarly analysis of this activity. The historiography of the CPA has generally focused on the industrial activity of CPA trade union members and has neglected this dimension. The thesis draws on CPA newspapers and journals, Congress resolutions, the publications of Communist-led unions and numerous secondary sources to argue that explicit political activity in the unions was often central to CPA activity in this period. The approach was consistent with orthodox Marxism, which regarded trade unions as a preparatory school for increasing the political consciousness of workers as a prelude to an anti-capitalist revolution. This political trade unionism distinguished the CPA from other political currents in the labour movement which may have accepted its militant unionism, but not its advocacy of political trade unionism. This thesis examines three areas of this political unionism: the attempt to build trade union support for the peace movement, the attitudes towards the post-war mass immigration programme and the emerging Aboriginal civil rights movement.
23
Gibson, Padraic John. "‘Stop the war on Aborigines’: the Communist Party of Australia and the fight for Aboriginal rights 1920-1934." Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1429759.
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Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)This thesis provides a detailed historical reconstruction of the thought and practice of the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) regarding Aboriginal rights from 1920-1934. Based primarily upon archives of the CPA press and internal CPA records, it charts a development from a perspective that failed to challenge the racism of the Australian mainstream, and even embraced some of these racist ideas, towards one of solidarity with Aboriginal resistance to colonisation. Running through this study is a critical engagement with early Marxist thought about Indigenous peoples and settler-colonialism. The classical Marxist tradition insisted on the importance of anti-racist and anti-colonial struggles for the revolutionary working-class movement. However, influential texts in this tradition also contained racist ideas about supposedly “primitive” Indigenous people in Australia and this contributed to the delayed emergence of a pro-Aboriginal communist perspective. As the CPA expanded to become a mass party during the Depression, the experiences of the Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association in NSW (forced underground in 1929) and continuing armed Aboriginal resistance in the Northern Territory, inspired theoretical innovation by Australian communists. In 1931, a CPA manifesto for Aboriginal rights drew on Marxist theory to profoundly articulate the ways that Australian capitalism was predicated on continuing Indigenous genocide, along with the importance of the Aboriginal struggle for the liberation of the entire working class. These new insights provided the basis for the first campaigns for Aboriginal rights by working-class organisations in Australian history. This campaigning stopped a police-planned massacre of Yolngu people in Arnhem Land 1933, challenged the imprisonment of Aboriginal warriors in Darwin in 1934 and laid the basis for a tradition of trade union solidarity that would play a crucial role in many campaigns for Aboriginal rights across Australia in the following decades.
24
Delaland, Christopher. "The 1950-1951 anti-communist debates and Herb Evatt's paradoxical relationship with civil liberties." Thesis, 2003. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32982/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to outline the paradoxical relationship that Australia's former Attorney
General and Minister for External Affairs, Herbert Vere Evatt had with the preservation of
civil Liberties within Australia during his long and fruitful career.