Academic literature on the topic 'Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867'

The article examines the evolution of the Hungarian Public and Constitutional Law from 1301 until the Austro-Hungarian compromise in 1867. The topic is highly relevant, because the year 2017 marked the 330th anniversary of the 1st and 2nd Act of 1687, which state that the Habsburgs are the only and true heirs of the Hungarian throne; it also marked the 150th anniversary of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. Furthermore the current Fundamental Law says that “We honour the achievements of our historical constitution and we honour the Holy Crown, which embodies the constitutional continuity of Hungary’s statehood and the unity of the nation”. The main chain of thoughts of the article presents the crown-ideology and the Doctrine of the Holy Crown, the Rákos field resolution of 1505, the Acts 2 and 3 of 1687, the Pragmatic Sanction, Acts 10 and 12 of 1790, the public law aspects of the April Laws of 1848, and the laws on the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. The article presents the fundamental documents of the Hungarian uncodified historical Constitution issued within the given period. Through their formation and historical background we can truly understand the Hungarian customary law and the legal traditions, which are still honoured by our present Fundamental Law.

In order to place nineteenth-century Hungarian art into international context, this article calls for the theoretical discourse of cultural memory, when a suppressed community turns to their past and insists on their antecedents’ traditions for the survival of their culture. When, in the 1850s and 1860s, the leaders of the Habsburg Austrian Empire retaliated against Hungary for its 1848-49 “Fight for Freedom”, Hungarian visual art of the era rediscovered long-honoured figures of the historical past as the essential components of Hungarian national identity. This article argues that the successful visualization and memorialization of outstanding historical characters with symbolic values for the Hungarian nation was due to history painting itself as medium. The Hungarian painters’ choice of characters vigorously reacted to the changing political relationship between the Austrians and the Hungarians from the failure of the 1849 Hungarian Fight for Freedom until the 1850s and the 1870s involving the 1867 Austro-Hungarian Compromise. Keeping it in mind, the display and the reception of four great paintings, Bertalan Székely’s The Discovery of the Body of King Louis II (1860), Viktor Madarász’s Péter Zrínyi and Ferenc Frangepán in Prison at Wiener-Neustadt (1864), Székely’s The Women of Eger (1867) and Gyula Benczúr’s The Baptism of Vajk (1875) are analysed.

After the Austro-Hungarian compromise in 1867 the Galician parliament and provincial administration gained extensive privileges and prerogatives, especially in education. Galicia was the first crownland that had a school council, which was sanctioned already in 1867. After almost a century the ongoing process of Germanization ended as in the following years the majority of German speaking public officials were replaced by Poles and the Polish language became the main administrativ language and the main language of instruction in school. The article describes changes in the school system and shows the role of the Polish language in primary and secondary education during this so-called epoch of Galician autonomy. A comparison of historical documents and memories from schooldays from former Galician school children allows a realistic insight on the role which the Polish language played in the lives of young Galicians. The analysis shows that the Polonisation of the Galician school system effected the development of Polish national consciousness within young Galicians very slowly and not until the beginning of the 20th century.

On 7 October 1866, Adolf Pratobevera—a prominent liberal politician and former Justice Minister—wrote in his diary that “politics [is] again in flux, whether this is a blessing? God knows.” Pratobevera was writing just three months after the battle of Königgrätz/Hradec Králové in a period of immense instability and uncertainty for the Habsburg monarchy. Following Austria's military defeat at Königgrätz, the traditional supports of the system—the emperor, the army, and the bureaucracy—were in a weakened state and this dramatically opened the range of possibilities in politics. Indeed, the defeat threw the whole political system into question, a situation that sharply exposed the fault lines and internal political workings of the monarchy. In the period from Königgrätz on 3 July 1866 to the ministerial meeting on 1 February 1867 (when the emperor definitively decided on the dualist structure), all political parties and movements had the opportunity to define their program, to seek possible allies, and to argue their particular vision of the monarchy's political structure.

" The study firstly addresses the crisis period, which made the creation of the periodical necessary. The first issue was published in 1929, but our time travel to understand the era needs to take us back at least to the 19th century since the roots of the crisis can be found there: the defeat of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848; the worker optimism following the 1867 Austro-Hungarian Compromise, which, in addition to spectacular results, further deepened the economic and ethnic gap between the various strata of the population; the people-centred, fickle ideological basis of theological liberalism; the horrors of World War I, the Republic of Councils of Hungary, the Treaty of Trianon. The second main topic outlines one of the successful areas of crisis management, i.e. the domestic mission aspirations unfolding in the Transylvanian Reformed Church District: the role of theology professors, Vécs Society, associations mobilizing certain strata of church members, and related press releases and press products. The third chapter presents the first release period of Református Család from 1929 to 1944: objectives of the periodical, columns, readers, editors-writers. Keywords: the Hungarian Reformed community in Transylvania, crisis period, home/domestic mission, Transylvanian Reformed Women’s Association (1928–1944), Református Család periodical (1929–1944)."

The years immediately following the Austro-Hungarian Compromise (1867) would politically have been the best time to make Bánk bán, Ferenc Erkel’s most important opera known in Vienna, thus launching his work in the German cultural area. However, the plot of Bánk bán and Erkel’s personal attitude regarding the Compromise were probably at that time too much of a sensitive issue. In terms of cultural policy the International Exhibition of Music and Theatre at the end of the 19th century could have presented itself as an opportunity to premiere it in Vienna. Instead, Katona’s Bánk bán was presented. One could have expected that Gustav Mahler would stage Bánk bán at the Vienna Court Opera, as he did Dalibor at the beginning of his period as artistic director. Apparently Mahler did never even consider the idea of its staging which may have been connected with both his personal tastes and the unfavourable memories he had of Budapest. The success of Smetana’s Dalibor in winning a wide recognition on German stages around 1900 as opposed to Erkel’s neglect, may partly be explained by its post-Wagnerian musical language. However, since in the meantime opera houses have again been conquered by Italian belcanto and French grand opéra — the two main operatic styles from which Erkel took his inspiration — stylistic reasons clearly cannot explain why his work remains internationally unknown up to this day. One of the reasons for the lack of success may very well be the over-emphasizing by its Hungarian partisans of the opera’s national qualities instead of its inherent dramatic values.

In this article, Christopher VanDemark explores the intersections between nationalism, fashion, and the royal figure in Hungary between 1857 and the Compromise of 1867. Focusing on aesthetics as a vehicle for feminine power at a critical junction in Hungarian history, VanDemark contextualizes Empress Elisabeth’s role in engendering a revised political schema in the Habsburg sphere. Foreseeing the power of emblematic politics, the young Empress adeptly situated herself between the Hungarians and the Austrians to recast the Hungarian martyrology narrative promulgated after the failed revolution of 1848. Eminent Hungarian newspapers such as the Pesti Napló, Pester Lloyd, and the Vasárnapi Újság form the backbone of this article, as publications such as these facilitated the dissemination of patriotic sentiment while simultaneously exulting the efficacy of symbolic fashions. The topic of study engages with contemporary works on nationalism, which emphasize gender and aesthetics, and contributes to the emerging body of scholarship on important women in Hungarian history. Seminal texts by Catherine Brice, Sara Maza, Abby Zanger, and Lynn Hunt compliment the wider objective of this brief analysis, namely, the notion that the Queen’s body can both enhance and reform monarchical power within a nineteenth-century milieu.

The Political Involvement of the University- and Academic Youth between 1830 and 1880. The institutional network of the higher education in Hungary was very diverse on the turn of the 18th and 19th century and in the first part of the 19th century. In the multi-national and multi-confessional country, 88 institutions provided higher than medium level education. Most of these institutions were related to the historical denomination but besides them several state higher educational institutions existed. We reported about the student movements of these schools in this paper. In the first part of the 19th century the Holy Alliance’s system prohibited the foundation of student movements, although, in most of the institutions, reading circles and literature student associations were formed in which the leaders of the future national movements played an important role. The period of the revolution and the fight for freedom of 1848–1849 was significant regarding the student movements as well, because at most universities the studentry listed their requests aiming not only the reform of student life but the social changes as well. After the defeat of the freedom fight it was not possible to form student associations for ten years. But from the 1860s the battle for the national language of higher education marked the Hungarian youth movements. After the Austro- Hungarian Compromise, the studentry’s activity decreased, although they spoke in some political questions. For example, in 1867–1877, during the time of the Russian-Turkish war, the students in Pest and Cluj- Napoca stood against the Russians and not the Turks. This action produced that the university youth got back 36 valuable medieval codices from the Turks which were stolen in 1526 from the Royal Library in Buda.

The establishment and development of the Municipal Theater in Pressburg in the period 1886–1920 was closely linked with the cultural and social development of the city in the period following the Austrian-Hungarian Compromise in 1867. The theater was built by the rising stratum of Pressburg townsmen, based on a requirement of the Hungarian government. The theater was in the possession of the town that rented it to theater directors and their German and Hungarian companies. The theater had a primacy among provincial theaters in Hungary. This was mainly due to the vicinity of Vienna and the efforts to resemble the metropolis, notably by the local patriotism of Pressburg inhabitants who wanted their locality to be regarded as a leading Hungarian town. The opera performances and their reception in the newspapers demonstrate the history of culture of the town, mentalities and collective identifications of its citizens, and last but not least the history of culture of Central Europe.

L’objectif de la thèse est l’analyse comparative des historiographies austro-allemande et hongroise, en effleurant l’historiographie tchèque, entre 1867 et 1914. Les questions fondamentales de la légitimité de l’empire supranational et de la coexistence des sociétés nationales ayant un passé conflictuel sont examinées dans les différents Grands récits. Les sources principales sont les Grands récits austro-allemand, hongrois et tchèque, publiés entre 1867 et 1914 avec le but de façonner la mémoire collective directement. Les représentations réciproques des rôles et missions historiques, ainsi que l’utilisation des notions-clés relatives à la loyauté politique y sont examinées. La question principale est de savoir dans quelle mesure ces Grands récits historiques sont compatibles les uns avec les autres, et de voir s’ils offrent un pacte mémoriel permettant la coexistence au sein d’un empire commun. Pour répondre à cette question, il ne suffit pas de s’en remettre aux Grands récits ; les différents raisonnements historiques des pamphlets politiques austro-allemands et hongrois de l’époque traitant l’arrangement dualiste sont analysés en effleurant les Tchèques, ainsi que les buts idéologiques de la science historique chez ces trois groupes. Dans le cas hongrois et austro-allemand, l’usage des notions-clés comme nation, nationalité, Vaterland, Gesamtstaat ou encore Östrerreich, est également analysé. Dans la deuxième partie de la thèse, nous examinons comment la discipline, qui a revendiqué avec de plus en plus de succès, le droit du discours légitime sur le passé, se rapportait, d’une manière plutôt implicite, aux constructions historiques différentes de la sphère politique. Les catégories les plus importantes de l’analyse sont, au-delà du pacte mémoriel, le canon et le master narrative. La conclusion la plus importante est que, dans les Grands récits hongrois, les principaux éléments du master narrative des hommes politiques indépendantistes prévalent, chez l’« aulique » Fraknói aussi bien que chez l’indépendantiste Acsády. De plus, l’ordre des valeurs trouvées dans les récits hongrois donne une place centrale à l’indépendance. Chez les auteurs austro-allemands, c’est la diversité qui saute aux yeux lors de l’analyse des sources. Nous n’y trouvons pas de consensus même à propos de plusieurs notions de base (comme, par exemple, le Gesamtstaat). Pour cette raison, il ne s’agit pas de transmettre une quelconque idéologie impériale dépassée, mais plutôt de l’absence d’une idéologie impériale uniformément transmise, bien qu’il n’y ait pas de sentiment anti-autrichien ouvert non plus. L’image de l’Autriche chez l’auteur tchèque examiné, Josef Pekař, est essentiellement identique à celle de František Palacký qui insiste sur un arrangement fédéral et sur la reconnaissance de l’État tchèque. En même temps, on ne peut pas démontrer une sympathie envers les Slaves de Hongrie chez Pekař. En examinant les rapports des Grands récits entre eux, on constate que les récits impériaux n’ont pas servi de master narrative pour les auteurs hongrois ou tchèques. Pour cela, les interprétations du passé par les historiens examinés étaient trop diverses et s’opposaient même dans des questions fondamentales. Ainsi, un pacte mémoriel n’a pas pu naître. De plus, l’incertitude conceptuelle des récits impériaux nous rappelle de ne pas exagérer la thèse de la viabilité de l’Empire, suggérée récemment par plusieurs auteurs éminents
The purpose of the thesis is a comparative analysis of Austro-German and Hungarian historiographies with a glance at Czech historiography between 1867 and 1914. The basic question of the legitimacy of the supra-national empire and those of the co-existence of national societies with conflicts in the past are examined in the various historical narratives. The main sources are the Austro-German, Hungarian and Czech Grand récits published between 1867 and 1914 with the aim of directly shaping collective memory. The representations of the historical role and mission of each other and their views of key notions relating to political loyalty are examined. The main questions are aimed at determining to what extent these historical narratives are compatible with each other, and whether they provide a pacte mémoriel permitting the co-existence within a common empire. To assess this question, it is not enough to rely on historical narratives; therefore the historical reasoning of Austro-German and Hungarian pamphlets, discussing the dualistic arrangement are also analysed, with a glance at the Czechs. In the Hungarian and Austro-German contexts, the contemporary use of such key notions of political loyalty as nemzet, Vaterland, Mutterland or Österreich is also presented. The second part of the thesis analyses the ways in which historiography, which vindicated the right to the legitimate discourse on the past, approached these different historical constructions, mainly implicitly. The main concepts of the analysis were those of the canon, the master narrative and the pacte mémoriel. According to the main results of the research, in the Hungarian Grand Récits, the essential element of the independentists’ master narrative prevails over that of the partisans of the Ausgleich. This is true of Vilmos Fraknói, an author loyal to the dynasty and Austria, as well as of Ignác Acsády, who is leaning towards an independentist world view. Moreover, the scale of values found in these works place the independence as the most valuable possession of a nation. In the case of the Austro-German authors, the diversity of the corpus was striking, even in the case of basic notions (such as the Gesamtstaat) no consensus could be detected. In the work of the Czech author analysed in the thesis, Josef Pekar, we find an image of Austria which is greatly similar to the one in Frantisek Palacky’s political pamphlets in which Palacky advocates for a federal system and the recognition of the Bohemian state rights. However, Pekar does not share Palacky’s sympathies for the Slavic minotities of Hungary. Comparing the different historical narratives with each other, it can be concluded that the imperial histories did not serve as a master narrative for Hungarian and Czech authors. The interpretations of the past by the historians examined were too divers for that, they clashed in basic questions. In consequence, a pacte mémoriel could not be realized. Furthermore, the uncertainties regarding some key notions in the imperial histories is a warning not to exaggerate the thesis of the viability of the Empire, recently brought forward by several excellent authors

The work examines the political public mass meetings in Bohemia with specialization on Podkrkonoší. It informs about incidents, which had happened before political public mass meetings took place, or which inspired meetings. Thesis informs about main events as the Revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Empire, the restoration constitutional life in the Austrian Empire, the Austro-Prussian War and the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867. The main thesis purpose is the presentation of atmosphere of selected political mass meetings and the activities of local people and civil servants in Hořice during 1868 - 1870. Also, the work gives us basic information about political public mass meetings in Bohemia and Moravia and their influence on the Czech constitutional fight. Key word The Austro-Prussian War The Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 The political public mass meetings Hořice The Fundamental articles of 1871 19th century

Main topic of this thesis is Czech doctors in Austro-Hungarian army since the formation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the end of the First World War. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part focuses on development of Austro- Hungarian medical service and military medical corps. The second part is concerned with the manner a military doctor was perceived by his surroundings. It also explores how the doctor perceived himself. The third part decsribes the Czech civilian doctors' view of the army and its military doctors. Furthermore, it focuses on the attitude of civilian doctors to the army, war and Austro-Hungarian Empire, especially during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the First World War (1914-1918).

Main topic of this thesis is Czech doctors in Austro-Hungarian army since the formation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the end of the First World War. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part focuses on the development of Austro-Hungarian medical service and military medical corps. The second part is concerned with the manner a military doctor was perceived by his surroundings. It also explores how the doctor perceived himself. The third part centers on the relationships between civilian and military doctors and civilian and military medicine. The fourth part describes the Czech civilian doctors' view of the army and its military doctors. Furthermore, it focuses on the attitude of civilian doctors to the army, war and Austro-Hungarian Empire, especially during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the First World War (1914-1918).