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1
Frank, Tibor. "THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN COMPROMISE OF 1867 AND ITS CONTEMPORARY CRITICS." Hungarian Studies 14, no. 2 (January 2001): 193–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/hstud.14.2000.2.5.
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Biró, Zsófia. "Foundations of the Uncodified Historical Constitution of Hungary." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4782.
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The article examines the evolution of the Hungarian Public and Constitutional Law from 1301 until the Austro-Hungarian compromise in 1867. The topic is highly relevant, because the year 2017 marked the 330th anniversary of the 1st and 2nd Act of 1687, which state that the Habsburgs are the only and true heirs of the Hungarian throne; it also marked the 150th anniversary of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. Furthermore the current Fundamental Law says that “We honour the achievements of our historical constitution and we honour the Holy Crown, which embodies the constitutional continuity of Hungary’s statehood and the unity of the nation”. The main chain of thoughts of the article presents the crown-ideology and the Doctrine of the Holy Crown, the Rákos field resolution of 1505, the Acts 2 and 3 of 1687, the Pragmatic Sanction, Acts 10 and 12 of 1790, the public law aspects of the April Laws of 1848, and the laws on the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. The article presents the fundamental documents of the Hungarian uncodified historical Constitution issued within the given period. Through their formation and historical background we can truly understand the Hungarian customary law and the legal traditions, which are still honoured by our present Fundamental Law.
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Tóth, Zsuzsanna. "The Hungarian Peculiarities of National Remembrance: Historical Figures with Symbolic Importance in Nineteenth-century Hungarian History Paintings." Hungarian Cultural Studies 5 (January 1, 2012): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2012.72.
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In order to place nineteenth-century Hungarian art into international context, this article calls for the theoretical discourse of cultural memory, when a suppressed community turns to their past and insists on their antecedents’ traditions for the survival of their culture. When, in the 1850s and 1860s, the leaders of the Habsburg Austrian Empire retaliated against Hungary for its 1848-49 “Fight for Freedom”, Hungarian visual art of the era rediscovered long-honoured figures of the historical past as the essential components of Hungarian national identity. This article argues that the successful visualization and memorialization of outstanding historical characters with symbolic values for the Hungarian nation was due to history painting itself as medium. The Hungarian painters’ choice of characters vigorously reacted to the changing political relationship between the Austrians and the Hungarians from the failure of the 1849 Hungarian Fight for Freedom until the 1850s and the 1870s involving the 1867 Austro-Hungarian Compromise. Keeping it in mind, the display and the reception of four great paintings, Bertalan Székely’s The Discovery of the Body of King Louis II (1860), Viktor Madarász’s Péter Zrínyi and Ferenc Frangepán in Prison at Wiener-Neustadt (1864), Székely’s The Women of Eger (1867) and Gyula Benczúr’s The Baptism of Vajk (1875) are analysed.
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Zimmermann, Peter. "Wpływ języka polskiego na rozwój świadomości narodowej młodzieży galicyjskiej w dobie autonomicznej." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 24, no. 1 (August 10, 2017): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2017.24.1.11.
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After the Austro-Hungarian compromise in 1867 the Galician parliament and provincial administration gained extensive privileges and prerogatives, especially in education. Galicia was the first crownland that had a school council, which was sanctioned already in 1867. After almost a century the ongoing process of Germanization ended as in the following years the majority of German speaking public officials were replaced by Poles and the Polish language became the main administrativ language and the main language of instruction in school. The article describes changes in the school system and shows the role of the Polish language in primary and secondary education during this so-called epoch of Galician autonomy. A comparison of historical documents and memories from schooldays from former Galician school children allows a realistic insight on the role which the Polish language played in the lives of young Galicians. The analysis shows that the Polonisation of the Galician school system effected the development of Polish national consciousness within young Galicians very slowly and not until the beginning of the 20th century.
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Kwan, Jonathan. "Austro-German Liberalism and the Coming of the 1867 Compromise: “Politics Again in Flux”." Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000076.
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On 7 October 1866, Adolf Pratobevera—a prominent liberal politician and former Justice Minister—wrote in his diary that “politics [is] again in flux, whether this is a blessing? God knows.” Pratobevera was writing just three months after the battle of Königgrätz/Hradec Králové in a period of immense instability and uncertainty for the Habsburg monarchy. Following Austria's military defeat at Königgrätz, the traditional supports of the system—the emperor, the army, and the bureaucracy—were in a weakened state and this dramatically opened the range of possibilities in politics. Indeed, the defeat threw the whole political system into question, a situation that sharply exposed the fault lines and internal political workings of the monarchy. In the period from Königgrätz on 3 July 1866 to the ministerial meeting on 1 February 1867 (when the emperor definitively decided on the dualist structure), all political parties and movements had the opportunity to define their program, to seek possible allies, and to argue their particular vision of the monarchy's political structure.
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Püsök, Sarolta. "To Serve with Words, Letters and Deeds - The First Stage of the Református Család (Reformed Family) Magazine’s Publication (1929-1944)." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Reformata Transylvanica 65, no. 2 (December 20, 2020): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbtref.65.2.06.
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" The study firstly addresses the crisis period, which made the creation of the periodical necessary. The first issue was published in 1929, but our time travel to understand the era needs to take us back at least to the 19th century since the roots of the crisis can be found there: the defeat of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848; the worker optimism following the 1867 Austro-Hungarian Compromise, which, in addition to spectacular results, further deepened the economic and ethnic gap between the various strata of the population; the people-centred, fickle ideological basis of theological liberalism; the horrors of World War I, the Republic of Councils of Hungary, the Treaty of Trianon. The second main topic outlines one of the successful areas of crisis management, i.e. the domestic mission aspirations unfolding in the Transylvanian Reformed Church District: the role of theology professors, Vécs Society, associations mobilizing certain strata of church members, and related press releases and press products. The third chapter presents the first release period of Református Család from 1929 to 1944: objectives of the periodical, columns, readers, editors-writers. Keywords: the Hungarian Reformed community in Transylvania, crisis period, home/domestic mission, Transylvanian Reformed Women’s Association (1928–1944), Református Család periodical (1929–1944)."
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Mesterházi, Máté. "Die Umwertung der Idee der Nationaloper um 1900." Studia Musicologica 52, no. 1-4 (March 1, 2011): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.52.2011.1-4.7.
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The years immediately following the Austro-Hungarian Compromise (1867) would politically have been the best time to make Bánk bán, Ferenc Erkel’s most important opera known in Vienna, thus launching his work in the German cultural area. However, the plot of Bánk bán and Erkel’s personal attitude regarding the Compromise were probably at that time too much of a sensitive issue. In terms of cultural policy the International Exhibition of Music and Theatre at the end of the 19th century could have presented itself as an opportunity to premiere it in Vienna. Instead, Katona’s Bánk bán was presented. One could have expected that Gustav Mahler would stage Bánk bán at the Vienna Court Opera, as he did Dalibor at the beginning of his period as artistic director. Apparently Mahler did never even consider the idea of its staging which may have been connected with both his personal tastes and the unfavourable memories he had of Budapest. The success of Smetana’s Dalibor in winning a wide recognition on German stages around 1900 as opposed to Erkel’s neglect, may partly be explained by its post-Wagnerian musical language. However, since in the meantime opera houses have again been conquered by Italian belcanto and French grand opéra — the two main operatic styles from which Erkel took his inspiration — stylistic reasons clearly cannot explain why his work remains internationally unknown up to this day. One of the reasons for the lack of success may very well be the over-emphasizing by its Hungarian partisans of the opera’s national qualities instead of its inherent dramatic values.
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VanDemark, Christopher M. "Empress Elisabeth (‘Sisi’) of Austria and Patriotic Fashionism." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (October 11, 2016): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.254.
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In this article, Christopher VanDemark explores the intersections between nationalism, fashion, and the royal figure in Hungary between 1857 and the Compromise of 1867. Focusing on aesthetics as a vehicle for feminine power at a critical junction in Hungarian history, VanDemark contextualizes Empress Elisabeth’s role in engendering a revised political schema in the Habsburg sphere. Foreseeing the power of emblematic politics, the young Empress adeptly situated herself between the Hungarians and the Austrians to recast the Hungarian martyrology narrative promulgated after the failed revolution of 1848. Eminent Hungarian newspapers such as the Pesti Napló, Pester Lloyd, and the Vasárnapi Újság form the backbone of this article, as publications such as these facilitated the dissemination of patriotic sentiment while simultaneously exulting the efficacy of symbolic fashions. The topic of study engages with contemporary works on nationalism, which emphasize gender and aesthetics, and contributes to the emerging body of scholarship on important women in Hungarian history. Seminal texts by Catherine Brice, Sara Maza, Abby Zanger, and Lynn Hunt compliment the wider objective of this brief analysis, namely, the notion that the Queen’s body can both enhance and reform monarchical power within a nineteenth-century milieu.
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Szögi, László. "Az egyetemi és akadémiai ifjúság politikai szerepvállalása 1830–1880 között." Gerundium 9, no. 2 (March 13, 2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.29116/gerundium/2018/2/4.
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The Political Involvement of the University- and Academic Youth between 1830 and 1880. The institutional network of the higher education in Hungary was very diverse on the turn of the 18th and 19th century and in the first part of the 19th century. In the multi-national and multi-confessional country, 88 institutions provided higher than medium level education. Most of these institutions were related to the historical denomination but besides them several state higher educational institutions existed. We reported about the student movements of these schools in this paper. In the first part of the 19th century the Holy Alliance’s system prohibited the foundation of student movements, although, in most of the institutions, reading circles and literature student associations were formed in which the leaders of the future national movements played an important role. The period of the revolution and the fight for freedom of 1848–1849 was significant regarding the student movements as well, because at most universities the studentry listed their requests aiming not only the reform of student life but the social changes as well. After the defeat of the freedom fight it was not possible to form student associations for ten years. But from the 1860s the battle for the national language of higher education marked the Hungarian youth movements. After the Austro- Hungarian Compromise, the studentry’s activity decreased, although they spoke in some political questions. For example, in 1867–1877, during the time of the Russian-Turkish war, the students in Pest and Cluj- Napoca stood against the Russians and not the Turks. This action produced that the university youth got back 36 valuable medieval codices from the Turks which were stolen in 1526 from the Royal Library in Buda.
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Laslavíková, Jana. "Between province and metropolis. The opera repertoire of the Pressburger Stadttheater in the late nineteenth century." Studia Musicologica 58, no. 3-4 (December 2017): 363–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2017.58.3-4.5.
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The establishment and development of the Municipal Theater in Pressburg in the period 1886–1920 was closely linked with the cultural and social development of the city in the period following the Austrian-Hungarian Compromise in 1867. The theater was built by the rising stratum of Pressburg townsmen, based on a requirement of the Hungarian government. The theater was in the possession of the town that rented it to theater directors and their German and Hungarian companies. The theater had a primacy among provincial theaters in Hungary. This was mainly due to the vicinity of Vienna and the efforts to resemble the metropolis, notably by the local patriotism of Pressburg inhabitants who wanted their locality to be regarded as a leading Hungarian town. The opera performances and their reception in the newspapers demonstrate the history of culture of the town, mentalities and collective identifications of its citizens, and last but not least the history of culture of Central Europe.
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Kubbinga, Henk. "A tribute to Loránd Eötvös." Europhysics News 51, no. 4 (July 2020): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/epn/2020405.
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The last decades of the 19th century Hungary came to flourish as an independent part of the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy; 1867 was a crucial year, a year of ‘Ausgleich’, ‘Compromise’. József Eötvös, Hungary’s leading intellectual and Cabinet Minister, reorganized science. He sent his son to Heidelberg, where junior learned physics from i.a. Bunsen, Helmholtz and Kirchhoff. What more could a youngster wish for? Roland Eötvös returned home with a predilection for fundamental matters, most of all for the nature of gravity and its relation to inertia. Geophysics, Hungary’s pride, finally took centre stage.
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Tamás, Ágnes. "Election campaign tools in Hungarian humour magazines in the second half of the 19th century." European Journal of Humour Research 6, no. 2 (June 23, 2018): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2018.6.2.284.tamas.
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In my research paper I examine the first two election campaigns in Hungary following the Astro-Hungarian Compromise (1867), in particular, the ways the campaigns employed tools of humour in popular press products of the time, such as caricatures and texts in humour magazines (Ludas Matyi [‘Mattie the Goose-Boy’], Az Üstökös [‘The Comet’], Borsszem Jankó [‘Jonny Peppercorn’]), which were considered effective political weapons by contemporaries. After a history-oriented introduction devoted to illustrating the much-debated content of the Compromise, the election system and the historical significance of the analysed papers, I categorize caricatures and the humorous or satirical texts related to the election of parliamentarians along the lines of the following aspects: (1) attacks against specific people, (2) standing up against the principles and political symbols of the opponent, (3) listing well-known, everyday anti-theses, (4) standing up against the press of the opponent, (5) judgment of the role of the Jewish, (6) war metaphors, (7) critique of the campaign methods of the opponent. My goal is to reveal what tools were used to ridicule political opponents, how parties were described to (potential) voters, how the parties tried to promote voting and convince people of their points of view. The analysed texts clearly depict the division of the Hungarian society (either supporting or rejecting the Compromise), and also document that the political tones became coarser and coarser, even in this humorous genre. During campaigns, the topic of elections took over the humour magazines, which serves as evidence for the intensity of public interest.
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Telesko, Werner, Richard Kurdiovsky, and Dagmar Sachsenhofer. "The Vienna Hofburg between 1835 and 1918—A Residence in the Conflicting Fields of Art, Politics, and Representation." Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000064.
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In the nineteenth century, the imperial palace in Vienna had become the epicenter of political decision making in the Danube monarchy. The fact that the Hofburg served as the emperor's family home and at the same time as the unchallenged centerpiece of politics and administration lent its function a duality that was mirrored in the title of the town where the palace was located. Officially, Vienna was the Haupt- und Residenzstadt, that is, the empire's capital and the monarch's official residence. In this former role, Vienna was second to none. Vienna was the seat of offices and ministries, the meeting place of parliamentary deputies in the Reichsrat, and the place where the governors who represented the sovereign in the respective Crownlands had their headquarters in the Statthalterei. It was not until Budapest became the capital of the Kingdom of Hungary in the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 that Vienna had to share its rank with another city. In their role as the monarch's official residence, both Vienna's and the Hofburg's traditions went back to the Middle Ages. There had been no interruptions even when in the Baroque period the monarchs had built other residences elsewhere in what today is Vienna, among them the Favorita palace on the Wieden (today's Theresianum), the Favorita palace in the Augarten park, and Schönbrunn palace. At all times the Hofburg had been the place where the Habsburg family and the sovereign lived during the winter half-year, and furthermore, it remained the setting of the most eminent ceremonies that formed the rituals of the Habsburg sovereign (Corpus Christi procession, Anniversarium militare ceremonies in commemoration of the dead, and others). No other Habsburg palace would ever challenge the Hofburg's priority in terms of rank.
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Szívόs, Erika. "Fin-De-Siècle Budapest as a Center of Art." East Central Europe 33, no. 1-2 (2006): 141–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633006x00097.
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AbstractThis article discusses the emergence of Budapest as an art center as an integral part of the greater project of the making of the Hungarian capital after the Compromise of 1867. In the political setup of the Dual Monarchy, major cultural institutions were founded and a distinct urban culture, centered around cafés, was born in Budapest. It was there that actual or potential patrons, as well as receptive audiences, of the arts were to be found, which in turn led the city to also become a magnet for artists. "Artists' tables," subject to great public attention and the source of coffeehouses' reputations, became sites of casual networking and the cultivation of personal relationships between artists, patrons, and various mediators in the arts.
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KWAN, JONATHAN. "TRANSYLVANIAN SAXON POLITICS AND IMPERIAL GERMANY, 1871–1876." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (April 15, 2018): 991–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000486.
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AbstractThis article investigates the potential influence of the newly formed Imperial Germany on Transylvanian Saxon politics. The Saxons were German-speaking settlers with long traditions of local autonomy and political privileges within the kingdom of Hungary. From the early eighteenth century, Saxon politics had been defined by its relations to Hungary and to the Habsburg monarchy as a whole. Under the dualist system set up in the 1867 Compromise, the Hungarian government exerted control over Transylvania. The unification of Germany in 1871 introduced a new factor into Saxon politics since there was a clear territorial subject for the indistinct notions of pan-German cultural, religious (Lutheran), and historical affinities. The issue of Saxon administrative and political autonomy, eventually removed by the Hungarian government in 1876, forms a case-study of Saxon politics and the place of Germany within it. There was a spectrum of responses, not simply increased German nationalism amongst Saxons, and the article traces the careers of Georg Daniel Teutsch, Jakob Rannicher, and Guido Baussnern to highlight the diversity within the Saxon camp. From the perspective of Imperial Germany, diplomatic considerations such as regional stability outweighed any possible intervention in Hungarian domestic matters. Moreover, the German public remained largely indifferent to appeals for support.
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Szentgáli-Tóth, Boldizsár. "‘The Hungary of the West’." DÍKÉ 2020, no. 2 (March 11, 2021): 124–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2020.04.02.09.
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During the 19th century, several Irish authors looked for those smples from Europe, which might be inwoked during the targeted reconsideration of the Irish-British relationship. The Irish aim was to establish a dualist monarchy with Great Britain, or at least to achieve a broader autonomy within the Empire. For this purpose, Hungary was also often seen as a proper example, how a smaller nation could strenghten its position within a larger country. The Irish constitutional literature, and also the newspapers discussed the compromise between Austria and Hungary in 1867, and called for a similar agreement between Ireland and England to provide broader self-determination for Ireland. The study would outline the main arguments of these contemporary contributions, and would assess, how the real Hungarian development, and a mainly idealized image from Hungary influenced the Irish public discourse during that period. Special highlight would be given to a book published by Arthur Griffith, an important politician of that period, “The Resurrection of Hungary” which provided a detailed narrative from the Hungarian development, and used this sample as an argument in the particular Irish political context. Griffith was also one of the key figures of the negotiations in 1921, which lead finally to the agreement between Ireland and England, therefore, this Hungarian orientation had also clear practical impact. My purpose is to demonstrate this influence on the basis of the original, contemporary Irish sources.
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Karády, Victor. "Historical Studies of Elite Groups in the Age of Computer Science: The Case of Post-Feudal Hungary." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102013.
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This essay addresses the issue of social stratification, which is the basic organizing factor of life in human communities, since it defines one’s position in any societal environment as well as the fabric or the internal structure of societal togetherness. It deals with one essential aspect of social stratification, namely that of elite formation, taking as a relevant example the case study of Hungary. It is argued that new computer technologies make possible large-scale surveys of elite formation, opening up new vistas for the interpretation of major process of social change that took place in Central European societies. The first part of the essay provides a historical overview of processes of elite formation in modern Hungary. The second part presents an ambitious program of research on the evolution of Hungarian elites from the 1867 “Compromise” with Austria to the beginning of the Communist regime (1948). This unprecedented vast survey was initiated in 2005 and will be completed in 2009. The main target concerns educated elites, but the project also deals with other elite clusters, on a selective basis. The method employed is prosopographical, covering some 200,000 individual biographies. The essay provides a comprehensive description of the technical side of the survey and of the socio-historical scope of the problems it highlights.
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Sondhaus, Lawrence. "The Austro-Hungarian Naval Officer Corps, 1867–1918." Austrian History Yearbook 24 (January 1993): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005257.
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Two Decades Ago, Holger Herwig's The German Naval Officer Corps: A Social and Political History, 1890–1918 (1973) chronicled the story of the new military elite that rose to prominence when imperial Germany went to sea: a corps that sought to emulate the traditions of the Prussian army, its middle-class officers eager to embrace the values and attitudes of the more aristocratic army officer corps.1 Recently Istvan Deak's excellent work Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848–1918 (1990) has provided a comprehensive picture of the officer corps of the Habsburg army.2 Like imperial Germany, Austria-Hungary was a central European land power with few long-standing traditions at sea, but differences in social composition, training, and outlook distinguished the Austro-Hungarian naval officer corps from its German counterpart. Within the Dual Monarchy the navy had to deal with the nationality question and other challenges that also faced the army, but in many respects its officer corps reflected the diversity of the empire more than the Habsburg army officer corps did, contributing to the navy's relatively more successful record as a multinational institution.
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Halász, Ivan. "The foreign administration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (1867–1918)." Krytyka Prawa 11, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 238–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7206/kp.2080-1084.284.
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Parvulescu, Anca, and Manuela Boatcă. "(Dis)Counting Languages." Journal of World Literature 5, no. 1 (February 14, 2020): 47–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00403300.
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Abstract The essay analyzes the interglottism at work in Liviu Rebreanu’s novel Ion (1920) against the polyglottism theorized and performed editorially by the first Comparative Literature journal (ACLU), which it positions against the background of post-1867 Austro-Hungarian imperial policies for the use of languages.
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Képessy, Imre. "The Consolidation of Hungarian Legal Practice with the Austrian Norms in 1861." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4797.
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A few months before the suppression of the Hungarian Revolution in August 1849, Emperor Franz Joseph issued the Constitution of Olmütz, which suspended the Hungarian constitutional order. After 1850, the Viennese Government aimed to unify the legal system in the whole empire, and as part of the process, many Austrian legal norms were imposed by royal decrees upon the Hungarian territories. This led to fundamental changes in the country’s legal system (the customary law as “law in action” took precedence up until 1848), even though it happened unconstitutionally. The worsening state of affairs and the defeat in the Austro-Sardinian War led the Emperor to promulgate a new constitution which became known as the October Diploma in 1860. Accordingly, Hungary regained its former constitutional status, but Franz Joseph ordered the newly reinstated chief justice to assemble a council that should debate over the most pressing issues regarding the administration of justice. There, the most influential lawyers proposed that the Hungarian laws shall be restored – albeit with several compromises. Most members agreed that an absolute and immediate repeal of every Austrian legal norm would certainly violate the rights of the citizens. Therefore, even though this committee did not accept the validity of these laws, the majority of its members argued that some of them must remain in effect until the Parliament will reconvene. Consequently, the Austrian legal norms as “law in books” deeply influenced the “law in action” in Hungary for the years to come.
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Varga, Bálint. "The Two Faces of the Hungarian Empire." Austrian History Yearbook 52 (April 7, 2021): 118–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237820000545.
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AbstractThis article investigates the uses of the term “Hungarian Empire” during the long nineteenth century. It argues that the term “empire” emerged in the Hungarian political discourse in the Vormärz era and it was used to denote the imagined integrity of Hungary proper, Transylvania, Croatia, Slavonia, and eventually Dalmatia on the grounds of the historic rights of the Holy Crown of Hungary in the form of a composite nation-state. This usage of the term became ubiquitous after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. A second meaning pertaining to imperialist foreign policy entered the dictionary of Hungarian political discourse in the late nineteenth century. Fed by the recently created memory of the medieval Hungarian great power, several pressure groups in fin-de-siècle Hungary lobbied for a Hungarian (informal) empire in Southeastern Europe and beyond. While several lobby groups were firmly embedded in the framework of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, some of these visionaries imagined a Hungarian empire independent from the Habsburg structures. A short comparison with the Croatian and Czech political discourses illuminates that the first meaning of empire (composite nation-state) did not differ in substance from contemporary terminology in other Habsburg lands but the second meaning (imperialism) was indeed a unique phenomenon in the Habsburg monarchy.
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Székely, Tamás, and Szilveszter Csernus-Lukács. "Securing Own Position: Challenges Faced by Local Elites after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise." Acta Poloniae Historica 121 (August 19, 2020): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/aph.2020.121.05.
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AIRAPETOV, Arutyun Gurgenovich. "ON THE CAUSES OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPIRE." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 176 (2018): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-176-201-208.
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We discuss one of the key problems of the modern history – the collapse of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian Empire. The dual monarchy, or Monarchy, lasted a little more than half a century, from 1867 to 1918, and disintegrated as a result of the sharp aggravation of interethnic contradictions and the military-political defeat of the Central Powers. The book of the contemporary of the historical drama, the Hungarian publicist, the left-liberal politician O. Jászi occupies a special place is in the rich Austro-Hungarianism. The author of this study was the scientific editor of the translation of O. Jászi’s book into Russian. We examine two innovative ideas in many ways pioneer of O. Jászi’s historical and sociological labor: a) the contradictory impact of economic forces (factor) on the close integration of multi-level regions of the Danube monarchy; b) as we show, relying on the research of O. Jászi, the psychological reason for the collapse of the polyethnic state was the cultural and mental incompatibility of Hungarians and Austrian Germans, as well as of other peoples of the Monarchy. We summarize that the economic backwardness of Hungary and the originality of the Hungarian national identity, different political culture were the deep disintegrational factors of the disappearance of one of the largest continental empires from the world political map.
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Pammer, Michael. "The Hungarian risk: the premium on Hungarian state bonds, 1881–1914." Financial History Review 24, no. 1 (April 2017): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096856501700004x.
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Both states that constituted the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy issued considerable amounts of perpetual bonds from the 1870s to World War I. These bonds constituted the greater part of the state debt, which was relatively larger in Hungary than in Austria. Movements in bond prices were not uniform for different kinds of securities such as gold bonds, paper bonds and bonds of the common debt of the pre-1867 era. Price movements and movements in the spread between Hungarian and Austrian bond yields followed a stochastic trend. Most fiscal factors such as the share of the state debt, and of state expenses, in GDP, the share of state consumption in overall state expenses, the relation between the debt service and the tax revenues, or the deficit in the state budget, had little or no impact. The conversion of debt instruments reveals a high degree of efficiency on the part of investors. Political crises affected relative price movements in the short run but were unimportant in the context of the middle- and long-term development. Throughout the period, Hungarian bonds as compared to Austrian bonds had lower prices in the Vienna Stock Exchange, suggesting a preference of Viennese investors for domestic securities independently from economic and political circumstances.
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Mataniak, Mateusz. "Recenzja książki Krzysztofa Brońskiego Finanse publiczne w Galicji w okresie autonomii (1867–1914). Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie, 2019, stron 319." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 14, no. 2 (2021): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.21.019.13527.
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Review of Krzysztof Broński’s Book Public Finance of Galicia in the Autonomy Era (1867–1914). Kraków: Kraków University of Economics Press, 2019, 319 Pages The review discusses the latest book on the situation of public finances in Galicia during the period of autonomy (1867–1914). The author, using numerous statistical studies, materials of the Diet of Galicia and Lodomeria, and the National Department as well as academic literature (nineteenth-century and modern), presents Galicia’s place in the Austro-Hungarian tax system and recreates the structure of its budgets, as well as the financial situation of local government, and the basic principles of the social security system. This is all offered against a broad constitutional and political, as well as socio-economic, background. The result of the work is several important research theorems, which significantly enrich knowledge about Galicia.
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Plazzotta, Francesco. "Les institutions du Compromis austro-hongrois,1867-1914 vues par les historiographies française et italienne." Bulletin de l'Institut Pierre Renouvin 41, no. 1 (2015): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/bipr.041.0043.
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Katalinić, Vjera. "Zagreb at the operatic crossroads in the 1860s: the winding road towards the national opera." Muzyka 63, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/m.337.
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During the 1860s, Zagreb did not have a steady operatic ensemble, although its preparatory stage was already in existence within the drama department of the National Theatre, when – from 1863 – operettas were performed by a small theatre orchestra. However, the National Theatre as an institution exist from 1861 on, and the theatre building, erected in 1834 and owned by the City Municipality from 1852 on, was continuously housing opera companies from abroad, mostly from within the Habsburg and later (since 1867) Austro-Hungarian Empire, coming prevailingly from its Italian provinces. The article offers a brief outline of the theatre organisation as well as an overview of various foreign companies, coming from Hungarian, Austrian and Italian towns, their repertoires (mostly Italian, with sporadically German and Hungarian pieces) and their reception as reflected in Zagreb’s German and Croatian press. It also points at the importance of local music education and of Croatian pieces that were produced in Zagreb during that period, following the advancement of national strivings that finally led to the foundation of the permanent opera company in 1870.
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Ordasi, Zsuzsa. "Budapest: progresso urbano a passi accelerati." STORIA URBANA, no. 120 (July 2009): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2008-120003.
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- Unlike other great cities of Europe, Budapest did not experience any significant urban development before the nineteenth century, especially before 1867, the year of the foundation of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. After that, the city became the second pole, after Vienna, of this important European state. The capital of the Kingdom of Hungary grew through the use of various types of urban architecture and especially through a "style" that was meant to express Hungarian national identity. Architects, engineers, and other professionals from Hungary and Austria contributed to this process of modernization as well as many foreigners from Germany, France and England. The city's master plan - modeled after Paris's - focused on the area crossed by the Viale Sugár [Boulevard of the Spoke] was set on the Parisian model and so covered only certain parts of the city. The Committee on Public Works (1870-1948) played a leading role in putting the plan approved in 1972 - into effect in all aspects of urban planning, architecture and infrastructure.
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Maitz, Péter. "Linguistic nationalism in nineteenth-century Hungary." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 9, no. 1 (January 15, 2008): 20–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.9.1.03mai.
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Linguistic nationalism was a decisive linguistic ideology all through the nineteenth century. Consequently, by its very nature, it determined thinking about language throughout the entire period, and thus, linguistic behavior, as well. Based on metalinguistic data, this paper attempts to reconstruct the form of existence of this linguistic ideology in Hungary in the period of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1867–1918). The author’s aim is not to explore and contrast the various prominent and less prominent individual views of the period but rather to reconstruct and explain the general, collective system of ideas and values that underlies their apparent multiplicity and which is more or less constant throughout the period at hand. The paper hence wishes to contribute to a significant and neglected domain of historical sociolinguistics, the recognition of the history of linguistic awareness.
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Boisserie, Etienne. "Du compromis austro-hongrois à la première indépendance (1867-1945). Aperçu de la querelle historiographique slovaque après 1989." Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest 35, no. 3 (2004): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/receo.2004.1662.
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Kazda, Antonín, Alena Novák Sedláčková, and Matija Bračić. "Expropriation and Airport Development." Civil and Environmental Engineering 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 282–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cee-2020-0028.
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AbstractThe article deals with issues, which may arise during the preparation of line infrastructure projects in the public interest such as airports, railways or highways. We focused mainly on the issue of expropriation of land in the public interest and related problems in Slovakia and Croatia but also in other states. Few case studies complement the theoretical part of the study. The paper is focused on comparison of selected national legislation especially Slovak and Croatian in this field and individual State’s approaches and tries to find the necessary changes in legislation whose could be usefully for the future. Slovakia and Croatia were chosen for comparison because not only they have a similar population and number of public airports, but they also have a common history and had common legal framework where, after the Austro-Hungarian settlement in 1867, Croatia itself belonged to Zalitavsko within Austria-Hungary together with Slovakia.
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Fuchs, Brigitte, and Husref Tahirović. "Gisela Januszewska (née Rosenfeld), an Austro- Hungarian ‘Woman Doctor for Women’ in Banjaluka, 1899–1912." Acta Medica Academica 49, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/ama2006-124.287.
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<p>The focus of this article is on the biography and medical activity of Gisela Januszewska (nee Rosenfeld) in Austro-Hungarian (AH) occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH) between 1899 and 1912. Rosenfeld, later Januszewska and then Kuhn(ova) by marriage, was the fifth of a total of nine official female physicians who were employed by the AH administration to improve the health and hygienic conditions among Bosnian and Bosnian Muslim women. In 1893, Gisela Kuhn moved from Brno, Moravia to Switzerland to pursue her medical studies; she was awarded her Doctorate in Medicine (MD) from the University of Zurich in 1898. In the same year, she took up her first position as a local health insurance doctor for women and children in Remscheid but was prohibited from practising in the German Empire. In 1899, she successfully applied to the AH authorities for the newly established position of a female health officer in Banjaluka and began working there in July 1899. She lost her civil service status upon marrying her colleague, Dr Wladislaw Januszewski, in 1900 but carried out her previously officially assigned tasks as a private physician. In 1903, she was employed as a ‘woman doctor for women’ at the newly established municipal outpatient clinic in Banjaluka. Upon her husband’s retirement in 1912, the couple left BH and settled in Graz, Styria. After, World War I Januszewska ran a general medical practice in Graz until 1935 and worked as a health insurance-gynaecologist until 1933. She received several AH and Austrian awards and medals for her merits as a physician and a volunteer for humanitarian organisations. Upon Austria’s annexation to Nazi Germany 1938, however, she was classified a Jew and was deported to Theresienstadt concentration camp (Terezin, Bohemia), where she died in 1943.</p><p><strong>Conclusion. </strong>Gisela Januszewska, nee Rosenfeld (1867–1943) viewed her medical practice as a social medicine mission which she put into practice as a ‘woman doctor for woman’ in Banjaluka, BH (1899–1912) and Graz, Austria (1919–1935).</p>
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Антон Іващук. "CONTENT AND STRUCTURE OF FRENCH TEXTBOOKS USED IN GALICIA (1867–1890)." Collection of Scientific Papers of Uman State Pedagogical University, no. 3 (September 4, 2020): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2307-4906.3.2020.219094.
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The article under discussion deals with the textbooks for the French language learning used in the schools and gymnasiums of Galicia (1867–1890). The content and structure of textbooks by Jan Amborsky, August Svitkovsky and Stephanie Wechslerova have been analyzed in detail. Phonetic, grammatical and lexical material contained in the textbooks has been described. The historical and educational prerequisites that directly influenced the development of French language teaching in Galicy have been outlined. After having analyzed the textbooks for the French language learning in Galicia it was determined that during the indicated chronological period, there were three types of textbooks which were used in galician women’s schools, secondary schools and gymnasiums. Namely grammar reference books with or without exercises, readers with adapted or authentic texts and abstracts from well-known French literature and textbooks itself, which contained various texts, passages of literary works and which were used in order to teach grammar, reading, writing and translation. All found textbooks were analyzed according to the criteria created by N. Borysko. It was found that all analyzed textbooks were recommended for use in Galician women’s schools, secondary schools and gymnasiums by the Regional School Board. All the training material contained in the textbooks was in line with the main purpose of foreign language learning and the requirements of the Austro-Hungarian Ministry of Religion and Education. As a result of our research, it has been proved that in the selected period of time for teaching French language they used the grammar-translation method as evidenced by particular attention to the study of grammar theory, a large number of grammar-translation type of exercises and reading literary works in French.
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Medved, Mladen. "Trotsky or Wallerstein?" East Central Europe 45, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04501003.
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This article examines the potentials of world-systems analysis (WSA) and uneven and combined development (UCD) for the history of nineteenth-century Habsburg Monarchy by critically engaging with Andrea Komlosy’s account of the Monarchy, written from the perspective of WSA. It argues that Komlosy does not provide a consistent WSA interpretation of the Monarchy’s history by trying to analyze the Monarchy as a world-economy in its own right, thus excluding geopolitical dynamics and the world-economy. Furthermore, core-periphery relations within the Monarchy are dealt with in a contradictory fashion. Crucially, the quite anomalous state formation is not accounted for. The problematic account of state formation, it is argued, is due to the limitations of WSA. By taking a closer look at the genesis of the Austro–Hungarian Compromise, the article claims that UCD is better suited for explaining state formation in the Monarchy.
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Altić, Mirela. "From Coast to Coast: The Mapping of the Adriatic Sea by the Joint Forces of the Austro-Hungarian and Italian Hydrographic Offices." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-7-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> With the establishment of the second Austrian rule on the eastern Adriatic coast (1815), after several centuries, the Adriatic Sea was divided between two sides – Italian (Papal States and Kingdom of Two Sicilies) which ruled the western Adriatic coast, and the Austrian, which ruled the eastern coast and Lombardy-Venetia. Such division of the Adriatic Sea between the two powers in constant tension adversely affected the dynamics of mapping, and in the mid-19th century, there was a serious setback in mapping. In the 1860s, the strengthening of Italian and Austrian realms (Italy began its unification in 1860, and the Austrian Empire was converted into the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1867) created a need for cooperation between the two empires on the joint mapping of the Adriatic Sea, which was to enable the production of modern charts based on a comprehensive survey covering the whole sea surface area, from coast to coast.</p><p>For the purposes of the hydrographic survey, both imperial powers established their hydrographic offices as part of their military (naval) forces. The Austrian Empire established its Hydrographic Office in 1860, at first in Trieste and, from 1869 onwards, in the city of Pula (<i>Hydrographisches Amt der k. u. k. Kriegsmarine</i>). Its Italian counterpart, the <i>Istituto idrografico della Marina</i>, was founded in 1872 with its headquarters in Genoa (yet its first administrative act appeared as early as 1867). A systematic survey of the Adriatic Sea was started on its eastern side by the Austrian Hydrographic Office. It was conducted from 1866 to 1870 under the supervision of the experienced mariner and hydrographer Tobias Ritter von Oesterreicher. After land and sea surveys had been carried out on the basis of a dense triangulation network (first-, second-, and third-order triangulation), the first edition of the hydrographic charts of the eastern Adriatic coast was prepared by the Military Geographical Institute in Vienna and published by W. Essmann in Trieste as early as 1870 (and reissued in 1872). The survey resulted in a general chart of the Adriatic at a scale of 1:1 000 000, four course charts of the whole Adriatic Sea at a scale of 1:350 000, thirty-one coastal charts of the eastern Adriatic at scales of 1:40 000 to 1:100 000, and fifty-seven harbour charts at scales of 1:20 000 to 1:30 000. The survey of the Italian side of the Adriatic was conducted under the supervision of Counter-Admiral Duke Antonio Imbert, who earlier assisted Oesterreicher in the survey of the eastern coast. It started in 1867 and, by the end of 1873, conducted by the joint forces of the Austro-Hungarian and Italian hydrographic offices, resulted in a series of twenty-four charts at a scale of 1:100 000. Printed by the Military Geographical Institute in Vienna in 1873, together with a series covering the eastern Adriatic coast, these charts continued to serve as the main base map in the Office’s cartographic production for several decades, but also as a template for maps of Adriatic issued by foreign hydrographic offices, including that of the British Admiralty.</p><p>The collaboration between the Austrian and Italian hydrographic offices continued, jointly promoting the improvement of quality of nautical charts of the Adriatic and the development of the hydrographic service in general. Apart from producing the first modern charts of the Adriatic, this survey marked the beginning of a state institutions for hydrographic exploration, including first measurements of geomagnetism, salinity, currents, and tides. The 19th-century charting thus played a crucial role in the birth of the official hydrographic services and the development of modern hydrographic exploration of the Adriatic. The proposed paper is based on archival sources.</p></p>
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Andrási, Dorottya. "Az 1868-as nemzetiségi törvény és a magyar–horvát kiegyezés." Erdélyi Jogélet 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2020): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/erjog.2020.02.07.
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The Act XXX of 1868 regulated the public law situation of Croats and Hungarians in a uniquely subdualist way within the Monarchy, and the status quo provided an appropriate basis and guarantees for further development. Another significant step in the settlement of ethnic relations within the Monarchy was Act XLIV of 1868, a law that had an organic relationship with the Compromise Act. Both the Compromise Act and the Nationality Act were defined by the public law conception represented by Ferenc Deák, the essence of which is to focus on the terminology of the unified “political nation” for the Hungarian side, and the position and rights of other national minorities were regulated in relation to it. In Deák’s understanding, the concept of the political nation was linked to the idea of the nation-state, which, as a result of domestic political changes after 1875, became increasingly nationalist and upset relations with individual nationalities, including Croats. In the long run, this process led to mutual misunderstandings between the peoples within the Habsburg Monarchy and to an explosion of ethnic and political relations as a result of several unfortunate political factors.
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Paksy, Mate. "Toward a Better Understanding of Peripheral Nation-Building Strategies: A Critical Comparison of the Austro-Hungarian Ausgleich and the Canadian British North America Act (1867)." International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique 33, no. 3 (June 13, 2020): 823–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11196-020-09736-3.
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Okey, Robin. "Ian D. Armour Apple of Discord: The “Hungarian Factor” in Austro-Serbian Relations, 1867–1881. West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 2014. Pp. xxiii, 347, illus., maps." Austrian History Yearbook 47 (April 2016): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000254.
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Škvarna, Dušan. "Polacy w słowackiej publicystyce i polityce od lat 30. do 60. XIX wieku." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 2 (2020): 211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.012.12466.
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Poles in Slovak journalism and politics from the 1830s to the 1860s This paper sheds light on the perception of the Polish people, Polish politics, and their issues in Slovak journalism between 1830 and 1872. On the whole, the views were limited by the social opinions voiced by Slovak nationalists as well as by their interests and the general weakness of their National Movement. Slovak nationalists refused to accept political concepts that, on the one hand, supported the creation of nation states (by “large”nations such as Poland), and on the other hand, called for the assimilation of “small”nations living within them. This would spell the end of the Slavs and Romanians settled in Hungary, as Hungary would reform into one single national Hungarian state. Among all Austro-Slavs, the fear of “Magyarisation”contributed to the most intense and widespread Slavic solidarity and Russophilia in the Slovak-speaking environment. It also determined the difficult approach to the Polish issues. The Slovak nationalists sympathised with the Polish fate, however, at the same time, they had difficulties with accepting the Poland-Russia conflict. That is why we can find quite varied opinions of Poles and Polish issues. Idealising the Poles, Polonophilia, sympathising with Poles as regards their problems, careful and neutral views of those problems, efforts to limit the Poland-Russia conflict, and critical views of Poles were all entwined. For example, pro-Polish sympathies dominated in the Slovak National Movement in the 1830s, whereas in the 1840s the sympathies shifted towards Russia, despite the fact that some nationalists supported the Poles and their Uprising in Halych. The real Slovak-Polish co-operation can be seen particularly during the revolution in 1848–1849. Out of the Slovak political ideology emerged the Pan-Slavic work Slovanstvo a svet budúcnosti [Slavdom and the world of the future] by Ľ. Štúr, which combined the Slav perspective with the connections to Russia. The Polish issues were mainly present in the 1860s. During that time, the more conservative political wing, “Stará škola”[The Old School], was looking for support in the imperial Vienna, showing strong Russophilism and critical attitude to the Polish uprising. In contrast, the more liberal political line, “Nová škola”[The New School], striving for co-operation with Hungarian political parties, showed understanding for the Polish aversion and was critical of the imperial Russia. After the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the Slovak politics and culture considerably weakened. The interest in glossing over the problems of the northern neighbour also declined. The Polish issues re-entered Slovak journalism again after the 1890s in connection with analysing new geo-political affairs on the continent and polarisation of the European superpowers.
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Moser, M. Ye. "COUNCIL OF UKRAINE IN THE VISION OF IVAN FRANKO." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 67 (1) (2020): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2020.1.08.
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The secret places of the native language is a powerful instrument of the Ukrainian state builder. According to Oleksandr Potebnia, the link between languages and ideas, between languages and the associative ideas as well as the culture of a people generates the striving toward a societal unification according to the feature of national identity. In the 19th century, Ukrainians in the Austrian (since 1867: Austro-Hungarian) and in the Russian Empires felt their closeness not only due to similar living conditions, but first and foremost due to their common native language, the language of their reasoning. They strove for unification while they found themselves in different state formations, as is reflected in literary sources as well as in the language of historical and scholarly sources written by eminent Ukrainian intellectuals. In this article, we attempt to demonstrate that this is also true for Ivan Franko’s texts, and we highlight his role for the process of the unification of all parts of Ukraine. Franko was a leading Ukrainian thinker who worked as a writer, journalist and editor of periodicals. He was also a talented organizer of cultural and educational societies, and he was active in politics. The liberation and the unification of the Ukrainian people was an essential part of his program in all these spheres. His ideas exerted great impact on Galician intellectuals and had a genuine effect on the unification of Ukraine and, particularly, on the «Act zluky» (the «Unification Act») of 22 January 1919.
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Hála, Peter. "The Slovak Stories of Timrava and their English Translation." TranscUlturAl: A Journal of Translation and Cultural Studies 7, no. 1 (June 15, 2015): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21992/t9kg9s.
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Božena Slančíková Timrava (1867-1951) is an eminent Slovak writer. Her highly regarded realistic novels dealt with the rise of the modern Slovak nation. The intricate historical circumstances of the early 20th century, and the eventual emergence of the Slovak nation within complex European culture, made Timrava’s effort even more important. Due to the multicultural nature of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Timrava’s work is also meaningful in our trans-national and trans-cultural Global village. Timrava and other Slovak literary women were virtually unknown outside Slovakia until the extensive work done by Professor Norma L. Rudinsky (1928-2012), whose translation of six “Slovak stories by Timrava” was published in1992. However to truly understand and appreciate the importance of Timrava’s work, the English-speaking reader needed cultural and historical context. Rudinsky’s life-long effort culminated in the publication of “Incipient Feminists: Women Writers in theSlovak National Revival,” which was meant as a preamble to the works of Timrava for the English-speaking world. This paper introduces the life and work of Timrava within the intricate historical context of Slovak nation-building. It further outlines the importance of Rudinsky’s work and describes some interesting aspects of her translation. Attempting to present a practical cultural and historical approach to translation, the paper stresses the significance of so called ‘cultural grids’ and identifies the key elements, the ‘historical grids’, as well as author’s and translator’s biography, all within the wider context of the translator’s historical and sociological ‘matrix’ which ultimately determines the success of any translation of realistic historical literature.
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Purcar, Cristina. "A Tale of Two Lines: “The Transylvanian” and “The Imperial”: Mapping Territorial Integration through Railway Architecture." Social Science History 45, no. 2 (2021): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.2.
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AbstractWhile states undertook railway construction targeting economic and military objectives, this article questions whether and to which extent their symbolic territorial cohesion was also at stake. The hypothesis we aim to verify is that railway buildings acted as recurrent visual signifiers of territorial coherence and had, therefore, the potential of being instrumental as state-building tools. This research explores how an architectural reading of railway networks can inform our understanding of state-building projects and processes. We expect that geographically scoped railway architectural history is capable of cross-fertilizing political and planning history, through a better understanding of empire, state, and regional building discourses. The investigation focuses on the stylistic architectural choices of edifices on two trunk lines in Transylvania, North-West Romania, before World War I, while this territory belonged to the Habsburg then, as of 1867, Austro-Hungarian Empire. The large-scale analysis of railway architecture is discussed in relation to railway-line ownership, political (central, regional, and local) agency, economic development, and architectural Zeitgeist, highlighting state-building and territorial integration patterns. The mapping carried out reveals two successive architectural layers. These denote a shift in the role of railway architecture from an initial liberal phase, before the 1880s, to a bloom phase, prior to World War I. While during the former there was little state control over architectural aspects, during the latter architecture became a foremost representation instrument for the state railway administration. At the same time, the extant railway architecture appears as a palimpsest, a genuinely cross-border, European heritage, documenting the dynamics between imperial, state, regional, and local agencies.
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Kakhnych, Volodymyr. "FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENTIFIC CONCEPTS IN THE FIELD OF CRIMINAL LAW AT THE NATIONAL LVIV UNIVERSITY DURING THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN PERIOD (1867–1918) AND THEIR INFLUENCE AND SIGNIFICANCE FOR THE PRESENT." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law, no. 69 (December 23, 2019): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2019.69.035.
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Kutasi, David. "Value Components of Historic Residential Properties Evidence from Budapest Real Estate Market." Open House International 41, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-01-2016-b0014.
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There are plenty of historic buildings bearing different stylistics in Budapest and many of them have residential function. In the city center of Pest, most of the properties are historic buildings constructed between the period of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1876 and the World War II, but Buda also has some residential dwellings with historic value. Estimation of the value of the Budapest residential housing is an important issue for owners, real estate developers and investors, nevertheless not many studies have focused on the value components of those buildings in Central Eastern Europe or Hungary. In this paper the value components of Budapest residential flats were identified using the hedonic regression method. On a sample of more than 1800 residential properties of Budapest the differences between historic, panel and other buildings were compared. The conclusion can be drawn that altering aspects are relevant for each segment. Even the categories determine large differences between panel buildings and non-panel buildings regarding the value. For the historic properties, the existence of balcony, the up-to-date type of heating, the good condition of the flat, the unique panorama, the location in Pest City, the vicinity of parks and the distance from noisy facilities are the most important factors. Meanwhile for panels the allocation on lower floors, the better heating system, the good condition, the location in Buda and the vicinity of market are the factors that have the major positive effect on the value. For the non-historic and non-panel buildings the balcony, the up-to-date heating system, the good condition, the luxurious Buda district location, vicinity of parks and remoteness of noisy facilities are the most important components of value.
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Megyeri-Pálffi, Zoltán, and Katalin Marótzy. "Changes in Administrative Status and Urban Built Forms of the Town Centre of Berettyóújfalu After the Second World War." Építés - Építészettudomány 48, no. 3-4 (September 22, 2020): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/096.2020.006.
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After the Second World War, Hungary adopted the so-called Soviet model, which gave rise to significant changes in the state organisation. “Centralisation” and “democratic centralism” are the keywords which described the operation of government and local bodies in the four decades between 1945 and 1990.Through the change of the townscape of one settlement, this study throws light on how the change in administrative status and the centrally determined settlement policy affected urban development in Hungary, similarly to other former socialist states.Our highlighted example is Berettyóújfalu, whose administrative status changed from period to period in its 19–20th century history. Today, Berettyóújfalu’s townscape is basically determined by three architectural periods: the era of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy (1867–1918), the period between the two world wars (1918–1944) and the age of state socialism (1949–1989). Out of these periods, the third one was the most significant, as the most important interventions into the townscape occurred at that time.It seems that in Berettyóújfalu, the appearance of urban buildings has not been brought about by economic forces, but expressly by the change in the settlement’s administrative status. It was this change that influenced the town’s architectural character, which consists of two components: the official buildings and the residential building stock.In the era of socialism, the construction of housing estates also falls into the category of public developments, as after the Second World War, the system of state organisation changed fundamentally. Local governments ceased to exist, their role was taken over by hierarchical councils. Consequently, urban policy and urban construction became central duties according to the socialist state concept.The centrally developed industry and the resulting increase in the population was served by building housing blocks with system-building technology. These panel apartment blocks occupied the urban fabric that had been an integral part of the former townscape.In this way, this changed townscape could become a kind of architectural reader on Central and Eastern European history and urban development of the 19–20th centuries.Összefoglaló. A második világháború után Magyarország átvette az úgynevezett szovjet modellt, amely jelentős változásokhoz vezetett az államszervezetben. A „központosítás” és a „demokratikus centralizmus” azok a kulcsszavak, amelyek az állami szervek, s mellettük a helyi szervek működését jellemezték az 1945 és 1990 közötti négy évtizedben.Jelen tanulmány egy település városképének változásán keresztül arra világít rá, hogy Magyarországon – hasonlóan a többi volt szocialista államhoz – miként hatott a közigazgatási státus változása és a központilag meghatározott településpolitika a városépítészetre.A mai Berettyóújfalu településképét alapvetően három építési periódus határozza meg: az Osztrák– Magyar Monarchia kora (1867–1918), a két világháború közötti időszak (1918–1944) és az államszocializmus periódusa (1949–1989). Ezek közül a legmarkánsabb a harmadik, ugyanis ekkor történtek a legjelentősebb beavatkozások a településképben. E korszakokat és a mai városképet tekintve úgy tűnik, hogy a városias épületek megjelenése Berettyóújfaluban nem a gazdasági erő hozadéka volt, hanem kifejezetten a közigazgatási helyzetének megváltozásáé. Ez befolyásolta igazán a mai építészeti karaktert, amelynek két összetevője van: egyrészt a hivatali, másrészt a lakóépület-állomány.Az államszocializmusban a lakótelepek építése is a középítkezések körébe esik, miután a második világháború után alapvetően megváltozott az államszervezet rendszere. Az önkormányzatok megszűntek, helyüket a hierarchikusan működő tanácsok vették át. Ennek velejárója volt, hogy a településpolitika, a városépítés központi feladattá vált a szocialista államfelfogásnak megfelelően.A központilag meghatározott módon telepített ipart, a hozzá kapcsolódó lakosságnövekedést házgyári lakások felépítésével szolgálták ki. Ezek a paneles lakóházak épp azt a városszövetet foglalták el, amely egyébként a maga módján szervesen illeszkedett a korábbi városképbe.Ilyen módon ez a megváltozott településkép egyfajta építészeti olvasókönyvévé vált a 19–20. század közép-kelet-európai történelmének és városépítészetének.
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VARANYTSIA, Anna. "Elementary school teachers in the national movement. Polish-Ukrainian educational context in Galicia in the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-56-72.
Full textAbstract:
The profession of a national teacher is considered in the context of the demands of the national movement against the background of aggravation of Polish-Ukrainian controversies in Galicia in the second half of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. Paragraph 19 of the Basic Law on Citizens' Responsibilities and Rights provided for equal opportunities for the development of their own education and language for representatives of all nationalities of the Habsburg Monarchy. Due to the fact that the policy of decentralization of Franz Joseph I was implemented, first of all, under pressure from the Polish and Hungarian elites, the Poles in Galicia considered their own right to fill the intellectual and cultural space freed from Germanization. However, they were opposed by a numerical Russian element, calling for equality proclaimed at the state level. In this context, the issue of public schooling has become extremely acute, because primary school was the instrument that allowed spreading national consciousness among the general public. Particularly contradictions emerged after 1869, when the general school obligation was introduced. Changes in the perception of the role of the teacher are also associated with these transformations. As the lowest level of the intelligentsia, according to national discourse, the national teachers obliged the figures of the national movement to act as mediators between the wider social groups and the intellectual elite. These responsibilities were often at odds with the teacher's educational function and forced him to seek a compromise between national and professional requirements. The choice of a teacher in favor of national responsibilities has often caused conflicts with the school administration and the provincial authorities. The practice of community-based translation also made it difficult for teachers to engage with local communities. The local school board used the transfer of especially active teachers in the national movement to ethnically other communities as a form of punishment for political activity within the school. This meant that the Ruthenian teachers often found themselves in an almost completely Polish environment, and the Poles - in Russian. Such translations adversely affected the quality of work, both because of linguistic problems and moral and psychological pressure. On the other hand, the moment of the teacher's personal values was important. A large number of teachers viewed their profession through the lens of humanism, that is, service without exception to everyone, regardless of nationality. These teachers abandoned the demands of the national movement, provoking condemnation and accusations in the absence of national consciousness. Keywords Galicia, teacher, national movement, intellectuals.
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Waic, Marek, and Dagmar Pavlů. "Healthcare and Physical Education of Children and Youth in Prague 1869–1914." Frontiers in Sports and Active Living 2 (December 10, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fspor.2020.581285.
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The article focuses on the healthcare and physical education of children and youth in Prague, the capital city of Czech lands, in the period after the Austro-Hungarian compromise of 1867. The legislative framework for children's physical development and healthcare consisted of laws passed by the Imperial Council which were in force throughout the entire region of Cisleithania. Its execution and implementation, however, were the responsibility of the Czech territorial assembly and Prague municipality. The study analyses the environment in which children grew up, the quality of their diet, and their medical care, particularly the activities of school doctors. Further, the text concentrates on the organization and the quality of school physical education. Prague serves as an example of an industrial centre of the Cisleithanian region whose industrial development caused rapid urbanization which limited the possibilities of physical development of children and youth. Until the end of the 19th century, the only possibility of organized exercises was school physical education, and its quality was greatly influenced by the modest spatial conditions of schools. Even at the better-equipped grammar schools, physical education was an optional subject until 1909 and was not taught at most of them at all. As part of the modernization of the empire, the Cisleithanian government supported physical education, also for military reasons. The same was done by the Prague municipality, where care for the physical development and health of children and youth did not become the subject of political disputes.
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Witt, Katrina. "The Politics of Managing Pluralism: Austria-Hungary 1867-1918." Constellations 1, no. 1 (November 29, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons6899.
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The multi-cultural nature of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the late nineteenth century created much unrest among the many different ethnic groups within the Empire. As each group struggled against the other groups for more rights, dissolution threatened the Empire. The Hapsburg government under Franz Joseph used two different strategies in Austria and Hungary to keep the country united, and these strategies successfully kept the Empire together for half a century. After the Emperor’s death, opposing interests and separatism proved too powerful without Franz Joseph’s uniting influence, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed.
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Ščavničar, Darko. "Pravice in dolžnosti vojaka v prvi svetovni vojni." Studia Historica Slovenica 18 (2018), no. 3 (December 27, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2018-24.
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Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovenian (Abstract in Slovenian and English, Summary in English) Keywords: Austro-Hungarian army, First World War, military life, military rules, military values, Slovenian soldiers, patriotism, loyalty Abstract: The author gives a careful review of the important moments of sustainability of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, which was reflected in her military, power, and stability during the First World War. The review covers everything from the adoption of the agreement of the transformation of the Austrian Empire into the Dual monarchy in 1867 to the question of the military arrangement of the joint Austro-Hungarian army and its functioning. In the article, the author does not deal with a review of military developments, which has been elaborated in historiography, but with the formal image of a Slovenian soldier in the Austro-Hungarian army through an analysis of various military documents, rules, and instructions through the prism of values as a framework for the functioning, and behaviour of individuals independently and in the group. Thus, in this analysis, he focuses mainly on how and in what way individual military values such as honour, courage, loyalty, camaraderie, and dedication are reflected in various military rules and guidelines.