Academic literature on the topic 'Authoritarian'

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Journal articles on the topic "Authoritarian"

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Ginsburg, Tom. "Authoritarian International Law?" American Journal of International Law 114, no. 2 (February 3, 2020): 221–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2020.3.

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AbstractInternational law, though formally neutral among regime types, has mainly been a product of liberal democracies since World War II. In light of recent challenges to the liberal international order, this Article asks, what would international law look like in an increasingly authoritarian world? As compared with democratic countries, authoritarians emphasize looser cooperation, negotiated settlements, and rules that reinforce regime survival. This raises the possibility of authoritarian international law, designed to extend authoritarian rule across time and space.
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Fuchs, Christian. "Authoritarian capitalism, authoritarian movements and authoritarian communication." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 5 (April 27, 2018): 779–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718772147.

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Paolo Gerbaudo’s book The Mask and the Flag: Populism, Citizenism and Global Protest, whose approach is reflected in his Crosscurrents piece in the issue of Media, Culture & Society at hand, is a response to these societal, political and academic challenges. This CrossCurrents comment asks, I ask, the following: Why is it that right-wing authoritarian populism in recent times has become much more popular than left-wing movements? How do right-wing authoritarian movements communicate? Why is it that right-wing political communication strategies seem to garner and result in mass support? The critical theory of authoritarianism advanced by the Frankfurt School and related authors on fascism, Nazism, and the authoritarian personality help us to critically analyse the communication of authoritarianism. In this context, particularly the works by Franz Leopold Neumann, Erich Fromm, Theodor W. Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, Leo Löwenthal, and Willhelm Reich are relevant.
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Pentony, Joseph F., Karen S. E. Petersen, Olivia Philips, Clare Leong, Paula Harper, Alicia Bakowski, Sarah Steward, and Rhonda Gonzales. "A Comparison of Authoritarianism in the United States, England, and Hungary with Selected Nonrandom Samples." European Psychologist 5, no. 4 (December 2000): 259–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027//1016-9040.5.4.259.

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It has been suggested that there is no such thing as a left-wing authoritarian, and that authoritarian attitudes do not correlate with authoritarian behaviors. Studies were done in the United States, England, and Hungary in order to obtain cross-cultural empirical data on these questions. An additional goal of the research was to use common measures across samples, which had not occurred in previous studies where comparisons were drawn. Left-wing authoritarians were not found in the United States or England, but were found in Hungary. An authoritarian attitude did not correlate positively with authoritarian behavior in any of the countries.
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Halmai, Gábor. "Populism, authoritarianism and constitutionalism." German Law Journal 20, no. 3 (April 2019): 296–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.23.

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AbstractThe paper deals with the relationship of different types of populism with authoritarianism and constitutionalism. In the first part, I try to define various approaches—Left and Right-Wing, “good” or “bad”—to populism, especially from the point of view of whether they aim at changing the liberal democratic constitutional system to an authoritarian one. The following part discusses the rhetoric of authoritarian populists, which makes this type of populism distinct from non-populist authoritarians. The paper also explores the question of whom to blame for the success of authoritarian populisms, and the final part investigates, whether the use of legal tools by an authoritarian populist to dismantle liberal constitutional democracies means that we can speak about a special populist constitutionalism. While the paper tries to find out the joint characteristics of authoritarian populism, it heavily relies on the Hungarian experiences as a kind of model approach in East-Central Europe and maybe even beyond.
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London, Herbert. "When anti-authoritarian scholarship is authoritarian." Academic Questions 6, no. 3 (September 1993): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02683283.

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Huskey, Eugene. "Authoritarian Leadership in the Post-Communist World." Daedalus 145, no. 3 (July 2016): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00398.

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A quarter-century after the collapse of the USSR, authoritarian politics dominates seven of the fifteen successor states. Placing the post-communist authoritarian experience in the broader frame of nondemocratic governance, this essay explores the origins and operation of personalist rule in the region; the relationship between time and power; and the role of Soviet legacies in shaping the agenda and tools of leadership. It also examines the efforts of post-communist authoritarians to enhance personal and regime legitimacy by claiming to rule beyond politics. Within the post-communist world, the essay finds significant variation among authoritarian leaders in their approaches to personnel policy and to the use of policies, symbols, and narratives to address the ethnic and religious awakening spawned by the collapse of Soviet rule. The essay concludes with a brief assessment of the trajectories of post-communist authoritarian leadership.
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Berntzen, Lars Erik. "How Elite Politicization of Terror Impacts Sympathies for Partisans: Radical Right versus Social Democrats." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (July 17, 2020): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2919.

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The populist radical right is frequently engaged in intense political and normative conflict with their political opponents. Does this have a spillover effect on citizens’ sympathies for populist radical right voters and the voters of their political antagonists, and if so, why? This is a study of citizens’ affective evaluation of radical right and social democratic voters when exposed to intense conflict between the two parties at the elite level. It zooms in on the conflict between the Norwegian Progress Party and the Labour Party that revolves around the trauma of the 22 July 2011 terror attacks, in which a former Progress Party member committed two devastating attacks against the Labour government and Labour Youth summer camp. This is studied using a survey experimental approach, relying on panel data from the Norwegian Citizen Panel. Drawing on the authoritarian dynamics’ literature, it incorporates the four-item child-rearing values index measure of authoritarian predispositions which offers a personality-based explanation for why people react differently to threat. In contrast to the authoritarian dynamics’ literature, which has found that it is either authoritarians or non-authoritarians who react, this study finds that both authoritarians and non-authoritarians simultaneously respond to high-intensity political conflict. Whereas non-authoritarians rally in support of social democratic voters, authoritarians rally in support of radical right voters. Further differentiating between those with low and high authoritarianism scores, we see that low-authoritarians also become more hostile to social democratic voters. This indicates that conflict involving populist radical right parties is a driver of personality-based, affective sorting of citizens. Since personality is relatively stable, the resulting state of polarization is also likely to be quite durable.
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Womick, Jake, John Eckelkamp, Sam Luzzo, Sarah J. Ward, S. Glenn Baker, Alison Salamun, and Laura A. King. "Exposure to authoritarian values leads to lower positive affect, higher negative affect, and higher meaning in life." PLOS ONE 16, no. 9 (September 15, 2021): e0256759. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256759.

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Five studies tested the effect of exposure to authoritarian values on positive affect (PA), negative affect (NA), and meaning in life (MIL). Study 1 (N = 1,053) showed that simply completing a measure of right-wing authoritarianism (vs. not) prior to rating MIL led to higher MIL. Preregistered Study 2 (N = 1,904) showed that reading speeches by real-world authoritarians (e.g., Adolf Hitler) led to lower PA, higher NA, and higher MIL than a control passage. In preregistered Studies 3 (N = 1,573) and 4 (N = 1,512), Americans read authoritarian, egalitarian, or control messages and rated mood, MIL, and evaluated the passages. Both studies showed that egalitarian messages led to better mood and authoritarian messages led to higher MIL. Study 5 (N = 148) directly replicated these results with Canadians. Aggregating across studies (N = 3,401), moderational analyses showed that meaning in life, post manipulation, was associated with more favorable evaluations of the authoritarian passage. In addition, PA was a stronger predictor of MIL in the egalitarian and control conditions than in the authoritarian condition. Further results showed no evidence that negative mood (or disagreement) spurred the boost in MIL. Implications and future directions are discussed.
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Hayoz, Nicolas. "“Modern Authoritarians” Coping with the Challenge of Modern Society." Soziale Systeme 23, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2018): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sosys-2018-0005.

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Abstract The study of “Modern authoritarians”<fnote> This part of the title is inspired by Arch Puddington’s Freedom House report on modern authoritarians (Puddington 2017).</fnote> has become for understandable reasons a fashionable topic, particularly in political science. Authoritarian regimes such as Russia and China are of course a challenge for democracies. A more sociological perspective could focus rather on the question to what extent such modern authoritarian powers have realized on a regional level of world society a variant of differentiation which could challenge or even undermine functional differentiation as the main type of differentiation in modern society. The empire could be a candidate for such a variant. But this paper prefers to look rather at how authoritarian regimes are using and misusing organizations and networks to protect their grip on power and to control society, particularly politics. Such power structures may be considered as parasitical differentiation. What in the political world looks like a kind of competition between autocracies and democracies could also be considered as a regional, more or less successful attempt to control and instrumentalise politically functional differentiation, its performance and its effects.
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Feldman, Richard. "Authoritarian Epistemology." Philosophical Topics 23, no. 1 (1995): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics199523119.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Authoritarian"

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Zhou, Yingnan Joseph. "Authoritarian governance in China." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2174.

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What determines governance quality in authoritarian settings? The existing literature on governance concentrates on democratic governance and provides no ready answer. By focusing on the world’s largest authoritarian country, China, this study delineates an authoritarian model of governance quality. In the model, I argue that in order for good governance to occur, an authoritarian government must have both the ability and the desire to govern well, and the current authoritarian government in China has both. Specifically, its ability to govern well comes from 1) its sovereignty within the territory, 2) its fiscal resources, and 3) its party-state structure blended with decentralization, term and age limits, and performance-based promotion. Its desire to govern well comes from 1) the regime’s need for political legitimacy; 2) good governance as an important source of political legitimacy; 3) the decay of alternative sources of legitimacy; 4) the double uncertainty of authoritarian politics that compels leaders to highly active in delivering good governance. I formulate key hypotheses and test them with a variety of original datasets. The Chinese County Governance Data are collected from county government websites. The data on county-level public opinion are constructed through Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) based on the 2010 Chinese General Social Survey and the 2000 national census data. County leader characteristics are collected from Database of Local Officials. The empirical analysis general supports the model. My study reveals an authoritarian logic of governance which centers on the party state’s top-down control and the regime’s insecurity about political legitimacy. My study also demonstrates that China’s model of governance is not shared by most authoritarian countries today.
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Wakabi, Wairagala. "Motivating eParticipation in Authoritarian Countries." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Örebro Universitet, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-48179.

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Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) can enrich the ways in which citizens participate in civic and political matters. Indeed, many theorists on online participation, or eParticipation, proclaim the potential of digital technologies to empower citizens with convenient ways to participate in democratic processes and to hold leaders to account. However, it is not clear if and how digital technologies, notably social media, can contribute to a more democratic system and engaged public in a country where open expression is limited. This thesis studies Social Networking Sites (SNS) as Information Systems (IS) artefacts, including individuals’ motivation for using them, how their features enable participation - or not - and the impacts of their use in an authoritarian country. Through personal interviews and focus group discussions in Uganda, this thesis finds that the common enablers of online participation in often-studied, mostly Western democratic countries are rarely translated into the offline world in an authoritarian country with one president for the last 30 years. The thesis proposes ways to increase eParticipation in authoritarian contexts, citing the social accountability sector (where the thesis shows evidence of eParticipation working) as a pathway to greater citizen participation and government responsiveness. Findings also contribute to the Information Systems artefact discourse by illuminating the political, social, technological, and information artefacts in SNS when used for eParticipation. Moreover, the thesis shows how, in contexts with a democracy deficit, resource-based theories such as the Civic Voluntarism Model (CVM) fall short in explaining what motivates political participation. It also explains how social networks contain the various constitutive aspects of the IS artefact – social, technical, informational and political - and how these various aspects need to be aligned for eParticipation to work.
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Policzer, Pablo 1964. "Organizing coercion in authoritarian Chile." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8238.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.
"June 2001."
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-178).
Coercion is at the center of politics, yet how it is organized has remained poorly understood. This dissertation analyzes how the Chilean military regime (1973-90) organized coercion, focusing especially on two major shifts during the period of most institutional flux, from 1973-78. Available explanations for the shifts fail to account for the magnitude of organizational changes. As an alternative, this dissertation provides a typology of coercion, based on measurements of how well principals monitor agents' operations and performance. Principals can monitor from within their own organization (internal monitoring), or from information sources outside their direct control (external monitoring). Measuring levels of internal and external monitoring, using various criteria for the breadth and depth of information, yields a matrix with types that are mutually exclusive and jointly exhaustive. The four basic types are blind, bureaucratic, transparent, and hide and seek coercion. There are tradeoffs to each type of coercion, which can prompt principals to shift from one to another. In Chile, measurements of internal and external monitoring before and after each of the two major shifts, alongside counterfactual analysis and tests of the competing available explanations, reveal that the regime in each case grappled with organizing coercion as a discrete problem of governance. In 1974 the regime created a powerful secret police to better coordinate coercion through higher internal monitoring. The police resolved many organizational problems but failed to increase internal monitoring substantially.
(cont.) Moreover, it created a series of new problems as it began to run amok. In 1977-78 it was replaced by another institution, which increased internal monitoring, a shift that also coincided with an increase in external monitoring. In each case, the regime's choices were influenced by, but not reducible to, broader political dynamics such as power struggles and efforts to institutionalize the regime. Secondary literature is used to analyze three other cases (Argentina, East Germany, and South Africa), that organized coercion differently than Chile. In all cases, the framework provided accounts for the variation in the organization of coercion.
by Pablo Policzer.
Ph.D.
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Esselgren, Rebecca. "Putin's authoritarian state : the consolidation of an authoritarian regime through the use of 'soft powers'." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79442.

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Putin’s authoritarian rule reaches all areas of Russian society, this can be attributed to the soft powers that the regime uses to further establish their power. The basis of this research is a theory from the book Authoritarianism goes global, where the authors describes the importance of soft powers in an authoritarian regime. The soft powers analysed include election monitoring, disinformation, cyberspace security and civil society repression. The aim is to examine which soft powers play a part in the consolidation of the Russian regime, and the strategies used to further legitimise their political agenda. The three questions answered in this research is how did Putin’s first eight years in power affect the use of soft powers in Russia today? What soft powers have led to the consolidation of an authoritarian regime in Russia? And how does Putin use these soft powers to further legitimize his political agenda? A qualitative text analysis was performed to answer the questions. The conclusions drawn is that Putin’s actions today are heavily influenced by his first presidency. Furthermore he extensively use the soft powers, and they have a significant influence on how the Russian authoritarian regime manage to consolidate power. Moreover the proficiency shown while manipulating these arenas leads to Putin being able to further legitimise his political agenda.
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Hinton, Kenneth. "The Authoritarian Personality and Economic Distress." TopSCHOLAR®, 1996. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/802.

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In this study, I combined the personality and social indicator approaches of authoritarianism to determine if these separate approaches reflect similar constructs, and also examined whether economic distress increases authoritarianism and its internal coherence. The writer, in contrast with the time-series designs used in previous social-indicator studies, controlled for extraneous historical events by sampling individuals within the same time period. One hundred and sixty-one employed and 41 unemployed adult manufacturing workers completed a ninety-five-item questionnaire. The questionnaire contained a short version of the right-wing authoritarianism scale (RWA), items reflecting the social indicators of authoritarianism, and both objective (family income, employment status) and subjective (worry about the economy, worry about personal finances) indices of economic distress.
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Li, Zheyuan. "Democratic Transition: An Authoritarian Leader's Perspective." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1075.

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In this thesis, we approach the issue of democratic transition from the subjective perspective of the authoritarian leader. By identifying successful cases of democratic transition in the last two decades, we enter a detailed analysis on the authoritarian regimes' incentive towards stepping down from leadership and pushing for democratic reform domestically.
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Riski, V. (Ville). "Authoritarian management versus emotionally intelligen leadership." Bachelor's thesis, University of Oulu, 2017. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201705252107.

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Ma, Hua. "Authoritarian deliberation : the case of Hong Kong." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29123.

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Hong Kong is a half-authoritarian and half-democratic metropolis whose citizens enjoy full civil liberties. Deliberation is not usually expected in an authoritarian regime; however, the Hong Kong case shows that authoritarian deliberation is possible, although limited. There are two key questions that this thesis explores. The first one is whether or not the model of authoritarian deliberation is possible. The second one is why did the semi-authoritarian Hong Kong government choose to allow full deliberative processes in some issue areas? What can we draw from the unique HK deliberative practices? By examining the emerging deliberation initiatives in Hong Kong on both the macro and micro levels, this paper figures out two mechanisms for Hong Kong deliberation, one with the Advisory Group acting as a bridge between the government and the public. It is a model that can be learnt by mainland China about how to initiate and conduct effective deliberation at the metropolitan level. This thesis argues that deliberation in a context of an existing strong civil society and civil liberties like in Hong Kong is probably irreversible. The deliberative process in Hong Kong is successful in granting legitimacy to some policy outcomes, but probably not to the regime itself. However, no deliberation in the policy-making process may cause a legitimacy crisis for the regime.
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Andres, Nicole. "Media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia." Thesis, Andres, Nicole (2016) Media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2016. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/34994/.

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This thesis analyses media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia. The introduction of legally guaranteed press freedom and democracy following President Suharto’s fall in 1998 changed the relationship between the media on the one hand and the political and business elite on the other. But what has been the significance of press freedom for elite politics? The argument of this thesis is that the politico-business elites have, to differing degrees, harnessed the concept of press freedom by incorporating the media as a political weapon in their power struggles over key positions in political institutions and over political resources. Crucially, the heterogeneous and mostly privately owned media companies positioned themselves as actors in the intra-elite contestations. Through a set of case studies on intra-elite power struggles that escalated into scandals, this thesis examines the ways in which the elite has integrated the media into those struggles, and analyses the vested interests of the owners and practitioners of the media in those struggles. Ultimately, it establishes two key points. First, the elite has employed scandal as a an opportunity to change the composition of a democratically elected government; and second, during those political scandals the owners or prominent editors of particular media organisations, either consciously or otherwise, have formed temporary coalitions with particular elite factions based on shared interests defined by structural conditions and personal relations. The dissertation’s focus on media-elite interactions is prompted by the lingering dominance of elites within Indonesia’s political economy, the domination of the media landscape by a small number of media conglomerates whose owners are either members of the politico-business elite themselves or linked to the latter in various forms, and, further, that the media have become important sites for intra-elite contestation over political power. By placing its analytical focus explicitly on the nature of the relationship between the commercial mainstream news media and the politico-business elite in times of intra-elite power struggles fought out in the public sphere, this approach moves away from media-centred investigations, normative concerns and liberal concepts as the dominant way of thinking about the media’s democratic functions.
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Gorokhovskaia, Yana. "Elections, political participation, and authoritarian responsiveness in Russia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/58854.

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For decades, elections were thought of as the necessary but not sufficient condition for democracy. After the end of the Cold War, however, the world witnessed an unprecedented proliferation of regimes that combined the democratic institution of elections with authoritarian practices. Despite the presence of regular and free multi-party elections, these regimes did not liberalize or democratize. However, elections continued to matter and sporadically elections became focal points for social dissent and protest. In a series of three papers, this dissertation examines elections in Russia. The first paper presents an in-depth analysis of the 2013 Moscow mayoral election. I make the argument that in order to secure the legitimacy that elections can bestow, the authorities in this case promoted electoral competition by helping all the candidates for mayor surmount a high procedural barrier to participation. This paper contributes to scholarship on the manipulation of elections which has previously only considered measures that restrict electoral competition. Elections where authorities promote competition are still unlikely to result in opposition victories but may dampen voter participation. The second paper uses Albert Hirschman’s Exit, Voice and Loyalty framework and evidence from twenty-nine semi-structured interviews to analyze political participation in an authoritarian state through the experience of individuals running for local political office in Moscow’s municipalities. I find that citizens without substantial previous political experience, but galvanized by anti-fraud protests, ran successful political campaigns with help from civil society organizations and political parties. Counterintuitively, once in office, they adopted hyper-legal strategies to combat corruption and waste. The third and final paper uses regression analysis to test two explanatory models for electoral competition under authoritarianism: voter preferences and regime manipulation. Relying on an original dataset of protests across Russia’s regions, I find partial support for both models. Previous protest activity both increases electoral competition and provokes more pre-election manipulation of the field of candidates. In addition, voter mobilization in support of regime candidates is especially effective in generating pro-regime results. Replacing long-sitting but economically predatory governors before the election can dampen the impact of voter disapproval again boosting pro-incumbent results.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Books on the topic "Authoritarian"

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Hess, Steve. Authoritarian Landscapes. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6537-9.

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The authoritarian specter. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1996.

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Lincoln: Authoritarian savior. Davis, CA: Groth Associates, 1995.

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Altemeyer, Bob. The authoritarian specter. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1996.

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Biernatzki, William E. Post-authoritarian communication. St Louis, Mo: Centre for the Study of Communication and Culture, 1996.

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Groth, Alexander J. Lincoln: Authoritarian savior. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1996.

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Wallgren, Thomas, Uddhab Pyakurel, Catalina Revollo Pardo, and Teivo Teivainen. Challenging Authoritarian Capitalism. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003325871.

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Hans, Binnendijk, Nalle Peggy, Bendahmane Diane B, and Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs (U.S.), eds. Authoritarian regimes in transition. Washington, D.C: Foreign Service Institute, U.S. Dept. of State, 1987.

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Munro-Kua, Anne. Authoritarian Populism in Malaysia. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379916.

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Authoritarian populism in Malaysia. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Authoritarian"

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Fuchs, Christian. "Authoritarian Capitalism, Authoritarian Movements, Authoritarian Communication." In Digital Fascism, 261–75. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003256090-12.

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Li, Rongxin. "Authoritarian Deliberation, Authoritarian Consultation, and Beyond." In Consultative Democracy or Consultative Authoritarianism?, 61–100. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3869-6_3.

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Chou, Jessica L., Shannon Cooper-Sadlo, and Agnes Jos. "Authoritarian Parenting." In Encyclopedia of Couple and Family Therapy, 192–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49425-8_588.

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Burston, Daniel. "Authoritarian Personality." In Encyclopedia of Psychology and Religion, 179–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24348-7_58.

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Hague, Rod, Martin Harrop, and John McCormick. "Authoritarian Rule." In Comparative Government and Politics, 56–72. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-52838-4_4.

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Hess, Steve. "Authoritarian Landscapes." In Authoritarian Landscapes, 21–40. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6537-9_2.

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Chou, Jessica L., Shannon Cooper-Sadlo, and Agnes Jos. "Authoritarian Parenting." In Encyclopedia of Couple and Family Therapy, 1–3. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15877-8_588-1.

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Burston, Daniel. "Authoritarian Personality." In Encyclopedia of Psychology and Religion, 143–46. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6086-2_58.

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Hague, Rod, and Martin Harrop. "Authoritarian rule." In Comparative Government and Politics, 58–75. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-31786-5_4.

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Spitzer, Anais N., Kathryn Madden, Leon Schlamm, Stuart Z. Charmé, Melissa K. Smothers, Ronald Katz, Jo Nash, et al. "Authoritarian Personality." In Encyclopedia of Psychology and Religion, 87–89. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-71802-6_58.

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Conference papers on the topic "Authoritarian"

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Chen, Wei-Wen. "Authoritarian Parenting, Perfectionism, and Academic Procrastination." In 2021 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1680186.

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Bunga, Beatriks N., Angelikus N. Koten, Kristin Margiani, Theodorina N. Seran, and Indra Yohanes Kiling. "Young Children Perception on Authoritarian Parenting." In International Conference on Early Childhood Education and Parenting 2019 (ECEP 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200808.012.

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Kinderman, Daniel. "Authoritarian Capitalism and Its Impact on Business." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.23.

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Wu, Xiu-mei. "Special culture and art research authoritarian social structure." In 2017 International Conference on Innovations in Economic Management and Social Science (IEMSS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iemss-17.2017.121.

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Avaeva, A. L., and A. A. Omarova. "The effectiveness of authoritarian management in Russian enterprises." In Наука России: Цели и задачи. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/sr-10-02-2019-11.

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Никифоров, Максим Александрович, and Марина Сергеевна Танцура. "DEMOCRATIC-POLITICAL CULTURE AND AUTHORITARY SYNDROME IN RUSSIAN SOCIETY." In Исследование и практика в социально-экономической и гуманитарной сфере: сборник избранных статей Всероссийской (национальной) научно-практической конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Декабрь 2020). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/ipgs.2020.91.86.005.

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В статье исследуется вопрос места и роли авторитарного синдрома в формировании демократической политической культуры Российской Федерации. Исследуется проблема становления современной российской политической культуры, выделяются основные черты авторитарного синдрома, рассматриваются стадии травматизации российского общества. Выделяются вероятные тенденции дальнейшего развития политической культуры страны. The article explores the question about the place and role of the authoritarian syndrome in the formation of a Russian democratic political culture. The problem of the formation of modern Russian political culture is investigated, the main features of the authoritarian syndrome are highlighted, the stages of traumatization of Russian society are considered. Probable trends of further development of political culture of the country are highlighted.
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Mingjian, Zhou, and Shi Shuisheng. "Linking Power Distance Orientation and Education Level to Authoritarian Leadership." In 2011 International Conference on Information Management, Innovation Management and Industrial Engineering (ICIII). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iciii.2011.205.

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Chen, Zhenjiao, Mengmeng Song, Lin Jia, and Zhaohua Wang. "How Authoritarian Leadership and Renqing Orientation Improve Tacit Knowledge Sharing." In Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24251/hicss.2017.543.

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Feese, Sebastian, Amir Muaremi, Bert Arnrich, Gerhard Troster, Bertolt Meyer, and Klaus Jonas. "Discriminating Individually Considerate and Authoritarian Leaders by Speech Activity Cues." In 2011 IEEE Third Int'l Conference on Privacy, Security, Risk and Trust (PASSAT) / 2011 IEEE Third Int'l Conference on Social Computing (SocialCom). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/passat/socialcom.2011.209.

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Qiu, Lin. "The Impact of Authoritarian Leadership on Work-to-Family Conflict." In 2020 5th International Conference on Humanities Science and Society Development (ICHSSD 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200727.130.

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Reports on the topic "Authoritarian"

1

Newson, Adlai, and Francesco Trebbi. Authoritarian Elites. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, August 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24966.

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Anderson, Patrick S. US Support for Democracy in Authoritarian Regimes. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada568394.

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Hwang, Tim. Shaping the Terrain of AI Competition. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, June 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/20190029.

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How should democracies effectively compete against authoritarian regimes in the AI space? This report offers a “terrain strategy” for the United States to leverage the malleability of artificial intelligence to offset authoritarians' structural advantages in engineering and deploying AI.
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Terzyan, Aram. Overcoming the Authoritarian Legacy? Understanding Regime Change in Ukraine. Eurasia Institutes, August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-1-2020.

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Terzyan, Aram. Post-Soviet Authoritarian Pathways: Insights from Kyrgyzstan and Belarus. Eurasia Institutes, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/erd-1-2021.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan. The AKP’s Authoritarian, Islamist Populism: Carving out a New Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0005.

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The global tide of populism will leave a profound mark on Turkey. The ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) success during the past two decades, has hinged on Islamist authoritarian populism and been driven by its long-time leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. “New Turkey” is now a reality. The AKP has been successful at dismantling the Kemalist ideals – ironically, perhaps, by using similarly repressing techniques, such as cracking down on civil liberties and democratic rights.
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Deane, Judith. War Termination by an Authoritarian State. The Soviet Experience in Afghanistan. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada443156.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan. Erdogan’s Political Journey: From Victimised Muslim Democrat to Authoritarian, Islamist Populist. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0007.

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With “the people” on his side, Recep Tayyip Erdogan has changed the very fabric of Turkish society. Turkey has been changing from an oppressive Kemalist state to an aggressive autocratic and vindictive Islamist state. All opposition is securitised and deemed “the enemy,” state institutions spread Erdoganism’s populist narratives, and democratic checks and balances have been successfully dismantled.
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Terzyan, Aram. Varieties of Post-Soviet Authoritarian Regimes: The Cases of Belarus and Armenia. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/erd-7-2020.

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Sun, Pu. Reproduction of 'Do Authoritarian Elections Help the Poor? Evidence from Russian Cities'. Social Science Reproduction Platform, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.48152/ssrp-tbg0-e158.

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