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Books on the topic 'Authoritarian conservatism'

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1

Offen, Karen M. Paul de Cassagnac and the authoritarian tradition in nineteenth-century France. New York: Garland Pub., 1991.

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2

It can happen here: Authoritarian peril in the age of Bush. New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin's Press, 2007.

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3

Stenner, Karen. The Authoritarian Dynamic (Cambridge Studies in Public Opinion and Political Psychology). Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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4

STENNER, KAREN. The Authoritarian Dynamic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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5

Conason, Joe. It Can Happen Here: Authoritarian Peril in the Age of Bush. Thomas Dunne Books, 2007.

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6

It Can Happen Here: Authoritarian Peril in the Age of Bush. St. Martin's Griffin, 2008.

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7

Retallack, James. The German Right, 1860-1920: Political Limits of the Authoritarian Imagination (German and European Studies). University of Toronto Press, 2006.

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8

The German Right, 1860-1920: Political Limits of the Authoritarian Imagination (German and European Studies). University of Toronto Press, 2006.

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9

Russia: Art Resistance and the Conservative-Authoritarian Zeigeist. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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10

Yesil, Bilge. Gezi Park Protests, Corruption Investigation, and the Control of the Online Public Sphere. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040177.003.0007.

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This chapter focuses on the online sphere. Through the prism of two developments in 2013—the Gezi Park protests and the corruption scandal—it discusses the possibilities and limits of online communications and the AKP's authoritarian reflex toward the burgeoning networked public sphere. It shows that the AKP's regulation and control of the online public sphere along the axes of nationalism, statism, and religious conservatism are not new, and that it has used three types of controls. These are first-generation controls that consist of Internet filtering and blocking, second-generation controls that involve passing legal restrictions, content removal requests, the technical shutdown of websites, and computer-network attacks; and third-generation controls that include warrantless surveillance, the creation of “national cyber-zones,” state-sponsored information campaigns, and direct physical action to silence individuals or group.
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11

Loxton, James. Conservative Party-Building in Latin America. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197537527.001.0001.

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Where do strong conservative parties come from? While there is a growing scholarly awareness about the importance of such parties for democratic stability, much less is known about their origins. In this groundbreaking book, James Loxton takes up this question by examining new conservative parties formed in Latin America between 1978 and 2010. The most successful cases, he finds, shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. Through a comparative analysis of failed and successful cases in Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, and Guatemala, Loxton argues that this was not a coincidence. The successes inherited a range of resources from outgoing authoritarian regimes that, paradoxically, gave them an advantage in democratic competition. He also highlights the role of intense counterrevolutionary struggle as a source of party cohesion. In addition to making an empirical contribution to the study of the Latin American right and a theoretical contribution to the study of party-building, Loxton advances our understanding of the worldwide phenomenon of “authoritarian successor parties”—parties that emerge from authoritarian regimes, but that operate after a transition to democracy. A major work, Conservative Party-Building in Latin America will reshape our understanding of politics in contemporary Latin America and the realities of democratic transitions everywhere.
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12

Kallis, Aristotle. Fascism and the Right in Interwar Europe. Edited by Nicholas Doumanis. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.18.

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Is it possible to speak of the interwar right in Europe in terms of a dichotomy between ‘fascism’ and ‘authoritarianism’, or of ‘new’ versus ‘old’ right? The rise of fascism in Italy and, later, Germany inspired fellow radicals in many European countries. In addition, however, the perceived ‘success’ of fascism exercised a critical influence on the ‘old’ conservative and authoritarian right, as both challenge and opportunity. Forces of the ‘old’ right responded to the perceived ‘success’ of fascism with a growing willingness to learn, reflexively appropriate, and selectively adapt fascist radical innovations to fit the particular characteristics of each national context. In this crucial respect, the story of the interwar European right is marked by ideological and political convergence, as well as unpredictable institutional hybridization, between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ right that produced a cumulative drive towards radicalization and dictatorship.
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13

Wortman, Richard S. The Muscovite Revival, 1881–1917. Edited by Simon Dixon. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236701.013.014.

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The assassination of Alexander II on 1 March 1881 ended the European myth of Russian monarchy—the narratives and imagery that had elevated Russian rulers since the reign of Peter I as exemplars of Western absolutism—and was followed by the introduction of a new governing myth idealizing seventeenth-century Muscovy. This chapter demonstrates that, by entertaining the illusion of a monarchical early Rus’, Alexander III and Nicholas II not only undermined the supra-national culture of their multi-national empire, but isolated themselves from educated society, both liberal and conservative, that looked towards political participation and the formation of a united nation-state on the model of the West. The catastrophic events of early twentieth-century Russia resulted not from a decrepit monarchy collapsing before insurgent oppositional movements, but from the clash of a monarch seeking to restore divinely inspired authoritarian rule with a Russia awakening politically and demanding to be heard.
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14

Ibrahim, Nur Amali. Improvisational Islam. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501727856.001.0001.

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This book examines novel ways of being Muslim, where religious dispositions are achieved through techniques that have little or no precedent in classical Islamic texts or concepts. At the center of the book are rival groups of Indonesian student activists in Indonesia who are behaving in similarly experimental ways. Progressive Muslim activists are reading humanistic and social scientific books and engaging in satire to formulate an inclusive understanding of the religion, while conservative Islamists are using Western techniques of accounting and self-help to develop religious puritanism. These religious practices have been made possible by deposal of President Suharto's authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 and the subsequent adoption of democratic systems. At the same time, the Indonesian case study, which occurs in a heightened political context, brings into sharper relief processes happening in Muslim life everywhere. To be a practitioner of their religion, Muslims draw on not only their scriptures, but also the non-traditional ideas and practices that circulate in their society, which importantly include those that originate in the West. In the contemporary political discourse where Muslims are often portrayed as adversarial to the West, this story about flexible and creative Muslims is an important one to tell.
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15

Crotty, Martin, Neil J. Diamant, and Mark Edele. The Politics of Veteran Benefits in the Twentieth Century. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501751639.001.0001.

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What happened to veterans of the nations involved in the world wars? How did they fare when they returned home and needed benefits? How were they recognized — or not — by their governments and fellow citizens? Where and under what circumstances did they obtain an elevated postwar status? This book examines veterans' struggles for entitlements and benefits in the United States, the United Kingdom, Japan, Taiwan, the Soviet Union, China, Germany, and Australia after both global conflicts. It illuminates how veterans' success or failure in winning benefits were affected by a range of factors that shaped their ability to exert political influence. Some veterans' groups fought politicians for improvements to their postwar lives; this lobbying, the book shows, could set the foundation for beneficial veteran treatment regimes or weaken the political forces proposing unfavorable policies. The book highlights cases of veterans who secured (and in some cases failed to secure) benefits and status after wars both won and lost; within both democratic and authoritarian polities; under liberal, conservative, and even Leninist governments; after wars fought by volunteers or conscripts, at home or abroad, and for legitimate or subsequently discredited causes. Veterans who succeeded did so, for the most part, by forcing their agendas through lobbying, protesting, and mobilizing public support. The book provides a large-scale map for a research field with a future: comparative veteran studies.
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16

Van Young, Eric. A Life Together. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300233919.001.0001.

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Lucas Alamán (1792-1853) was arguably the greatest statesman and certainly the greatest historian of Mexico in the three decades or so following the country’s achievement of its independence from Spain (1821) after a tremendously violent and destructive decade-long rebellion against the colonial power. Dubbed “a Metternich among Indians” by one contemporary, he was a conservative modernizer rather than the ruthless reactionary he has been branded. Several times chief minister in the national government but never president of the young republic, Alamán’s efforts to impose political stability on the country through implacable measures of state centralization, repression of political dissent, and the anti-democratic limitation of the popular electoral franchise were not aimed at building an authoritarian regime as such, but at establishing the conditions for the economic development--principally industrialization--that he believed would modernize the country and bring prosperity. This biography of Alamán portrays him against the chaotic background of nearly continual military and popular uprisings, a frail and stagnating economy, and a perennially bankrupt national treasury, and interacting with major political figures of the time, among them the ever-restive, swashbuckling Antonio López de Santa Anna. Alamán struggled as a politician against the swirling currents of liberalism, the federalism that threatened intermittently to tear the country into pieces, and the nation’s tragic confrontation with the territorial ambitions of the United States. His career as statesman, public intellectual, entrepreneur, and historian brightly illuminates the history of Mexico during a period when its very existence was imperiled.
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