Journal articles: 'Authoritarian conservatism'

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Nilsson, Artur, and John T. Jost. "The authoritarian-conservatism nexus." Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences 34 (August 2020): 148–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2020.03.003.

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Istiqomah, Istiqomah, and Bagus Takwin. "CONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIMS: THE ROLE OF EPISTEMIC MOTIVATION, AUTHORITARIANISM AND ISLAMIC TOTALISM." Psikis : Jurnal Psikologi Islami 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/psikis.v6i1.4983.

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This research proves that religiosity (Islamic totalism) is a predictor of conservative ideology, as is the need for cognitive closure and right wing authoritarian which has been proven as a psychological variable that affects conservative ideology. The ideology of conservatism emphasizes on the tendency to preserve what is already established, resist change and maintain existing orders whether social, economic, legal, religious, political, or cultural (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003). This research utilized a quantitative survey method. Participants of this study were 528 college students from Jakarta with multiple regression analysis. The results obtained are 1) Islamic totalism, cognitive closure and right wing authoritarian are social and economic conservatism predictors; 2) only Islamic totalism is a religious conservatism predictor; 3) Islamic totalism has the greatest influence on social, economic and religious conservatives.

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Duckitt, John, and Boris Bizumic. "Multidimensionality of Right-Wing Authoritarian Attitudes: Authoritarianism-Conservatism-Traditionalism." Political Psychology 34, no. 6 (February 18, 2013): 841–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pops.12022.

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Nilsson, Mikael. "Swedish Catholicism and Authoritarian Ideologies: Attitudes to Communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and Authoritarian Conservatism in a Swedish Catholic Journal, 1922–1945." Fascism 5, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00501004.

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This article investigates the attitude to communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and authoritarian conservatism in the Swedish Catholic Church’s journal Credo from 1922 to 1945. The comparative approach has made it possible to see how the journal distinguished between the various forms of authoritarian ideologies in Europe during this period. The article shows that the Catholic Church in Sweden took a very negative view of communism (the Soviet Union and the Spanish Republic) and strongly condemned it throughout the period, while it took a largely very positive stance towards Fascism (Italy) and Authoritarian Conservativism (Spain and Portugal). In the case of National Socialism (Nazi Germany) the attitude was more diverse. Credo was largely negative towards National Socialism but only because it was thought to threaten Catholics and Catholicism in Germany. However, Credo never criticized discrimination and genocidal violence against the Jews.

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Alhasani, Mirela Dubali. "To What Extend the Democratic Party of Albania is Conservative? A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis of This Political Party." Journal of Social Science Studies 3, no. 2 (April 15, 2016): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v3i2.8997.

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This paper will shed light upon the profile of the Democratic Party of Albania aiming to examine whether the party’s self-claimed ideology of conservatism is in coherence and cohesion with its political evolution, policies and activities during democratic transition since early 1990s. Moreover, the party’s doctrine will be inspected through the leader’s sole philosophy as the first shaper and founding –father of the party. The empirical comparison with the other sister-like European political parties will be expounded by the theoretical interpretations on conservative values and conservative ideology. I argue that the profile of the Democratic Party of Albania draws mainly from the core values of classical conservatism; however, it also demonstrates particular features shaped by its leadership authoritarian authenticity and the domestic political - economic legacy of Albania

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Xu, Aymeric. "Mapping Conservatism of the Republican Era: Genesis and Typologies." Journal of Chinese History 4, no. 1 (November 22, 2019): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jch.2019.35.

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AbstractChinese conservatism is often reduced to a cultural movement the main concern of which is the preservation of traditional culture. This article proposes a new framework with which to analyze modern Chinese conservatism. It identifies late Qing culturalist nationalism, which incorporates traditional culture into concrete political reforms inspired by modern Western politics, as the origin of conservatism in the Republican era. Conservatism in this period was a reaction against New Culture activists’ denial of the political utility of this culturalist nationalism and constituted a response to World War I, leading some to question the merits of Western civilization. As a result, tradition no longer unitarily evoked the cultural elements corresponding to modern Western politics. Adopting a typological approach in order to distinguish different types of conservatism by differentiating various political implications of traditional culture, it divides the Chinese conservatism of the Republican era into four typologies: liberal conservatism, antimodern conservatism, philosophical conservatism, and authoritarian conservatism.

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Kandler, C., E. Bell, and R. Riemann. "Environmental Sources of Variance in Authoritarian Conservatism and Attitudes toward Inequality." Personality and Individual Differences 101 (October 2016): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.05.177.

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Stankov, Lazar. "From social conservatism and authoritarian populism to militant right-wing extremism." Personality and Individual Differences 175 (June 2021): 110733. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2021.110733.

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Kiely, Ray. "From Authoritarian Liberalism to Economic Technocracy: Neoliberalism, Politics and ‘De-democratization’." Critical Sociology 43, no. 4-5 (October 5, 2016): 725–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920516668386.

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Neoliberalism is often sharply contrasted with collectivist ideologies, including conservatism and fascism as well as socialism. This paper challenges such a characterization as too one-sided, focusing on neoliberalism in the context of ‘crises’ of liberal modernity, highlighting significant areas of overlap with authoritarian conservative and neo-fascist critiques of the rise of ‘mass democracy’ in the 1930s, and the common project to resist the politicization of the market economy and constitutional order. This project was applied and adapted in the post-1945 context, and specifically the second crisis of liberal modernity in the 1960s and 1970s, which turned to insights from the Chicago School to support economic technocracy over democracy. It was in this context that neoliberals developed either a more explicit authoritarianism in order to resist the demands of democracy, or the reconstruction of governance according to market principles, both designed to ‘de-democratize’ the liberal democratic political order.

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Knott, Andy. "The new moving right show." Soundings 75, no. 75 (September 1, 2020): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.75.07.2020.

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The current political conjuncture in the UK invites a revisiting of Stuart Hall's influential analysis of Thatcherism and, in particular, his characterisation of authoritarian populism. With the Conservatives' recent and ongoing shift towards right-wing populism under Boris Johnson and Dominic Cummings, we have a useful comparator with the turn to Thatcherism; and this shift also provides the opportunity to engage in a longer-range analysis of the relationship between conservatism, authoritarian/right-wing populism and neoliberalism. Hall's association of Thatcherism with authoritarian populism occurred during a fallow period in analyses of populism - in stark contrast to the contemporary populist 'moment', 'eruption' or 'explosion'. Thatcher's populist credentials are interrogated: some elements of current definitions of populism, including the people versus elite antagonism, were sidelined in her political language; and an emphasis on individualism infused her wider discourse. Nevertheless, the concept of authoritarian populism, and Hall's wider analysis, still offers an interesting perspective for a contemporary period of challenge to dominant discourse - even though the contestation is within the right.

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Schwarz, Bill. "Boris Johnson's Conservatism: an insurrection against political reason?" Soundings 73, no. 73 (December 1, 2019): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.73.02.2019.

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An oligarchic Jacobinism – with Boris Johnson as champion of the people – seems to be finding resonance with the wider UK electorate, a meeting of opposites in which class hatreds reverberate with class deference. The seriousness of the current attack on democratic processes derives from the fact that the principal agent dedicated to eviscerating the institutions of the state is located inside the Conservative Party. Johnson's cabinet is dominated by the 'Britannia Unchained' authors and the European Research Group Spartans. This is the end of the 'good chaps' Tory party, and the beginning of a consolidation of a peculiarly English form of authoritarian populism. The construction of a democratic opposition to this lurch to the right requires the broadest possible alliance.

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Stubbs, Paul, and Noémi Lendvai‐Bainton. "Authoritarian Neoliberalism, Radical Conservatism and Social Policy within the European Union: Croatia, Hungary and Poland." Development and Change 51, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 540–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12565.

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Haverda, Timothy, and Jeffrey A. Halley. "Trump’s 2016 Presidential Campaign and Adorno’s Psychological Technique: Content Analyses of Authoritarian Populism." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 17, no. 2 (July 29, 2019): 18–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v17i2.1077.

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There has been a burgeoning interest in the sociology of the Frankfurt School as well as the oeuvre of Theodor W. Adorno since the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald J. Trump. The objectives of this study are to both illustrate the enduring importance of Adorno and to provide an important theoretical outline in making sense of Trump’s 2016 United States presidential campaign. Using Adorno’s understudied textual analysis of the radio addresses of Martin Luther Thomas and data from Trump’s 2016 US presidential campaign, we find that Trump’s own discourse can be condensed into three of Adorno’s rhetorical devices: (1) the lone wolf device or anti-statism/pseudo-conservatism, reflecting his criticism of “special interests” and his appraisal of business and (self-)finance; (2) the movement device, which amounted to glorification of action; and (3) the exactitude of error device which amounted to xenophobic, ethnonationalist hyperbole.

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Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (March 25, 2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.

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Evseev, V. V. "AUTHORITARIANISM IN THE CENTRAL ASIA (AS EXEMPLIFIED BY KAZAKHSTAN)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(32) (October 28, 2013): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-5-32-101-107.

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In the article the problem of formation and transformation of an authoritarian style of governance in Central Asia has been considered. Its author claims that the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches of government are not really divided. The executive branch remains the force which determines the main development trends in society. Consequently, reforms in region have superficial nature. Among the main reasons of authoritarianism, established in Central Asia, the author emphasizes on the maintenance of tribal (clan) society structure, strengthening of conservatism and influence on the part of Islam, weak civil society institutions and the formation of local elite based on old party nomenclature. As it was established in the article, the political parties in Central Asia, as a rule, don`t have an ideological platform, and their formation is dominated by regional, clan and tribal interests. Their support from voters is determined by the attitude towards the party leader. As an example of Kazakhstan the author examines the major stages of its political system development for the last twenty years. It was suggested that an authoritarian setback took place amid the high politico-social tensions in 1993-1995. After, the process of authoritarian modernization began in the context of “large privatization”. As a result, polycentrism, when a clan became a prevailing form of elite grouping, was formed. In 1998-2004, the political system of Kazakhstan was built on basis of “managed democracy” model. An idea of improving system`s stability through strengthening of presidential power with simultaneous development of institutional elements of democracy forms its basis. A present stage of Kazakhstan’s political development is marked by that the authoritarian style of government amid the substantial economic progress and social stabilization has become to discourage the business and civic engagement activities. The situation demanded the liberalization of political life and the ruling elite had to make concessions.

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Butler, J. Corey. "PERSONALITY AND EMOTIONAL CORRELATES OF RIGHT-WING AUTHORITARIANISM." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2000.28.1.1.

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Authoritarianism, the tendency to be hierarchical, conventional, and intolerant, has been implicated by research as an extreme feature of general right-wing ideology. The relationship between this ideological pattern and variables of personality and emotion was investigated in three studies. Studies 1 and 2 assessed personality traits in terms of the five-factor model, as well as right-wing authoritarianism, conservatism, and a battery of other political attitude measures. Study 3 examined the positive and negative affect of individuals with differing levels of authoritarianism. The results demonstrate that the authoritarian syndrome is primarily characterized by low openness to experience, and that it is unrelated to self-reported measures of emotion.

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Antonov, Mikhail. "Conservatism in Russia and Sovereignty in Human Rights." Review of Central and East European Law 39, no. 1 (July 2, 2014): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-90000010.

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This article examines the correlation between the concepts of sovereignty, human rights, and democracy in Russian legal and political debate, analyzing this correlation in the context of Russian philosophical discourse. It argues that sovereignty often is used as a powerful argument which allows the setting aside of international humanitarian standards and the formal constitutional guarantees of human rights. This conflict between sovereignty and human rights also recurs in other countries, and many legal scholars are demanding the revision or even abandonment of the concept of sovereignty. In Russia, this conflict is aggravated by some characteristic features of the traditional mentality frequently favoring statism and collective interests over individual ones, and by the state building a ‘power vertical’ subordinating regional and other particularistic interests to the central power. These features and policies are studied in the context of the Slavophile-Westernizer philosophical divide. This divide reveals the pros and contras put forward by the Russian supporters of the isolationist (conservative) policy throughout contemporary history—especially in the sovereignty debates in recent years. The 1993 Russian Constitution contains many declaratory statements about human rights and democracy, but their formulations are vague and, thus far, have had little concrete effect in court battles where the application of international humanitarian law from time to time has been counterbalanced by the concerns of the protection of sovereignty. These concerns coincide with isolationist and authoritarian policies, which in 2006 led to their amalgamation in the concept of ‘sovereign democracy’. This concept is considered in this article to be a recurrence of the Russian conservative tradition. Even though the concept in its literal meaning has been abandoned by its author and supporters, most of its ideas remain on the cusp of the official political discourse which reproduces the pivotal axes of Russian political philosophy of the XIX century.

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Simon, Christopher A., and Michael C. Moltz. "Conflicted by conservatism? Exploring authoritarian values, climate politics, and alternative energy funding public opinion in the United States." Energy Research & Social Science 73 (March 2021): 101944. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2021.101944.

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Abromeit, John. "The Concept of Pseudo-Conservatism as a Link Between The Authoritarian Personality and Early Critical Theory." Polity 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/717191.

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Borén, Thomas, Patrycja Grzyś, and Craig Young. "Intra-urban connectedness, policy mobilities and creative city-making: national conservatism vs. urban (neo)liberalism." European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no. 3 (March 31, 2020): 246–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776420913096.

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This article aims to advance the literature on policy mobility by decentring the primacy of mobility itself and focusing on understanding what cities do in order to ‘arrive at’ localized versions of urban policy in relation to globally circulating ideas around creativity. The paper explores the performance of a particular local ‘creative economy’ in terms of institutional and strategic adjustments, key drivers and individuals and events, and the role of long-term local, national and international influences on ‘creative cityness’. It does this through an analysis of cultural and creativity policy and local stakeholders in the cultural policy scene in Gdańsk, Poland, focusing on the local performative aspects of mobile policies and arguing the need to understand the formation of a ‘common local project’ as a form of intra-urban connectedness alongside inter-urban connectedness. The paper extends the range of contexts in which the ‘creative city’ has been analysed to include post-socialist, post-European Union accession Central and Eastern Europe, thus making an original contribution by studying these issues in the context of the complex multi-scalar relations between the city, national government and the supranational European Union and the ideological conflict between national authoritarian neoliberalism and urban and supranational scale (neo-)liberalism.

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Valavani, Alexandra, and Gerasimos Prodromitis. "Authoritarianism, prejudice and COVID-19: the moderating role of cultural liberalism." Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 26, no. 3 (February 5, 2022): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.28863.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has posed an enormous challenge in medical, economic, and political terms during the past months. The threat of disease, the more or less authoritarian biopolitics of the states, the concept of social distancing, dictate the need to examine the consequences of the pandemic on an ideological level. Making use of data collected before the pandemic (N = 82) as a point of reference, the aim of the present study was to test the hypothesis that right-wing authoritarianism (Authoritarianism – Conservatism – Traditionalism; ACT; Duckitt et al., 2010) increases under conditions of threat salience (Adorno et al., 1950; Sales, 1973), while appraising the possible moderating role of cultural liberalism. Furthermore, the hypothesis that threat predicts prejudice (e.g., Florack et al., 2003) was examined. Data were collected during three phases of the pandemic in Greece: the first weeks (N = 85), the lockdown (N = 131) and the lifting of the lockdown measures (N = 126). Results confirmed our hypotheses. An increase was found in Conservatism and Traditionalism, especially among less liberal participants, whereas more liberals appeared to express reduced levels of right-wing authoritarianism during the lifting of lockdown measures compared to the pre-COVID-19 period. A progressive expression of prejudice was also found, with cultural liberalism playing a limited but still moderating role in all three phases. Implications of the pandemic for the ideological level are discussed.

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Daugaard, Solveig. "ANYBODY LIVING A PRIVATE LIFE IS A BELIEVER IN MONEY. GERTRUDE STEIN, THE GREAT DEPRESSION, AND THE ABSTRACTION OF MONEY." Nordic Journal of Aesthetics 29, no. 60 (November 22, 2020): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nja.v29i60.122838.

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The article considers Gertrude Stein’s reflections about the increasing abstraction of economics in response to the Great Depression and Roosevelt’s New Deal in a number of explicitly political pieces from the mid-1930s, including “A Political Series” (1935), and her five brief newspaper commentaries on “money”: ”Money”, “More About Money”, “Still More About Money”, “All About Money”, and “My Last About Money” (1936). The article then relates them to Walter Benjamin’s and Giorgio Agamben’s ideas about the religious implications of the money system that resonate with Stein’s salute to the “believer in money” as security against contemporary authoritarian tendencies. Stein’s opinion pieces argue against taxation, unionism, and public spending, yet also demonstrate the slippery passage between her explicit conservatism, her economic liberalism and her still present radicalism and critique of patriarchal authority as they recycle crucial elements from contemporaneous works such The Geographical History of America (1935) and Everybody’s Autobiography (1937).

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Liew Kai Khiun. "Post-Confucian East Asian television dramas: Staging medical politics inside the White Tower." International Journal of Cultural Studies 14, no. 3 (April 12, 2011): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877910391865.

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Between 2003 and 2007, three versions of the Japanese novel, Shiroi Kyotou ( The Great White Tower) were screened as television drama serials in Japan (2003), Taiwan (2006) and South Korea (2007). The phenomenon of White Tower reflects the vibrant multiculturality and transnationality of East Asian television dramas. Accordingly, this article seeks to use the various narratives of White Tower as manifestations of the underlying tensions of post-authoritarian and post-miracle economies of Taiwan, South Korea and Japan. While audiences are awed by the technologically sophisticated hospital settings and the rigidly disciplined health professionals in the productions, they are also exposed to the ugly realities of cronyism, neglect and arrogance of the predominantly male medical elite. Given the conservatism of most mainstream television dramas, the challenge here is to determine how to interpret the latest versions of White Tower as simultaneously exhibitions and critiques of Asian modernity.

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Hasyim, Syafiq. "Fatwas and Democracy: Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI, Indonesian Ulema Council) and Rising Conservatism in Indonesian Islam." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 8, no. 1 (November 8, 2019): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2019.13.

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AbstractThe role of Majelis Ulama Indonesia (Indonesian Ulema Council) in influencing the construction of democracy through its fatwas has fluctuated since its establishment in 1975. During the Suharto regime, which was characterised by authoritarian national leadership, MUI fatwas tended to serve the interests of the regime. Since the reform era, they have stimulated undemocratic circumstances in Indonesian Islam. This article examines MUI fatwas and their influence on democracy in the context of Indonesian Islam. The main argument of this article is that fatwas in themselves can improve or worsen the implementation of democracy. Fatwas may impede democracy if their contents are not aligned with democratic principles, while they may support the development of democracy if their contents promote democracy. Rising conservatism in Indonesia has been influenced by the issuance of fatwas that do not promote democratic values. In addition to examining the roles of fatwa givers and the methodology of fatwa issuance, this article analyses the social and political circumstances driving their issuance. This article presents examples of MUI fatwas that have democratic and undemocratic characteristics. It concludes that democratic circumstances can be achieved through opening spaces for fatwa issuance among additional fatwa institutions in Indonesia, as the monopolisation of fatwa issuance has created undemocratic tendencies in Indonesian Islam.

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Medenica, Ivan. "BITEF Before and After 1989: Representation to Deconstruction of Social and Cultural Paradigms." New Theatre Quarterly 37, no. 3 (July 19, 2021): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x21000178.

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Ivan Medenica here analyzes the cultural shift that the Belgrade International Theatre Festival (BITEF) experienced after 1989. From its beginnings in the late 1960s until the end of the1980s, BITEF was a representation of the dominant multicultural, modernist, and progressive paradigm of Yugoslavia’s cultural policy. This was not an unambiguous position. On the one hand, modernist values were imposed by Tito’s authoritarian regime and, on the other, they were confronted with the conservative tendencies both in politics and the arts. As a multicultural and progressive platform, BITEF was one of the biggest victims in the field of the arts of Slobodan Milošević’s nationalist regime in the 1990s and the wars in former Yugoslavia. After the fall of Milošević in 2000, a complex period of tension started between the ‘reborn’ urge for democratization and internationalization, on the one hand, and persistent nationalism and conservatism, on the other. Due to its tradition, reinforced artistic ambitions, and international reputation, BITEF regained its fame. Its position today, however, is quite paradoxical. It is an anti-traditionalist and multicultural festival – within a culture and society that are becoming traditional and rather claustrophobic. Ivan Medenica is a Professor of Theatre at the University of the Arts in Belgrade in Serbia and has received the national award for theatre criticism six times. His publications include The Tragedy of Initiation, or the Inconstant Prince: The Classics and Their Masks. Medenica is also the artistic director of BITEF.

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Jung In Kang and 장원윤. "Critique of Modern Western Civilization by European Conservatism and the Joseon Wijeongcheoksapa in the Nineteenth Century: Focusing on Counter-Revolutionary Authoritarian Conservatism in France and Germany and the Wijeongcheoksa Thought of the Hwaseo School." Korean Political Science Review 48, no. 2 (June 2014): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2014.48.2.011.

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Krejčík, Jiří. "From Gandhi to Deendayal: contradictions of conservative Hindu tendencies in Indian environmental thinking." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 19, no. 2 (August 9, 2019): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2019.2.31973.

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This article examines the traditionalist and conservative trends in the environmental thinking in India, especially in the works of M. K. Gandhi and Deendayal Upadhyay. Special attention is paid to the latter’s concept of integral humanism, which has recently become a widely discussed idea in the Indian public discourse. Exploring their ideological bases, Gandhian spiritual radicalism and Deendayal’s integral humanism are placed into the broader trend of the Indian nationalist and environmentalist thinking, showing the possible convergence of ecology and social conservatism. Analyzing the implications of the authoritarian and non-egalitarian tendencies in the society, it shows how the Indian environmentalist movements drawing on Brahminical traditions and Gandhian thinking become prone to be hijacked by the Hindu nationalism. *** De Gandhi a Deendayal: contradições nas tendências conservadoras hindus no pensamento ecológico indiano ***Este artigo examina as tendências tradicionalistas e conservadoras no pensamento ambiental na Índia, especialmente nos trabalhos de M. K. Gandhi e Deendayal Upadhyay. Uma atenção especial é dada ao conceito de humanismo integral, desse último autor, que recentemente se tornou uma ideia amplamente discutida no discurso público indiano. Explorando suas bases ideológicas, o radicalismo espiritual de Gandhi e o humanismo integral de Deendayal são colocados na tendência mais ampla do pensamento nacionalista e ambientalista indiano, mostrando a possível convergência da ecologia e do conservadorismo social. Analisando as implicações das tendências autoritárias e não-igualitárias na sociedade, isso mostra como os movimentos ambientalistas indianos, baseando-se nas tradições bramânicas e no pensamento de Gandhi, tendem a ser sequestrados pelo nacionalismo hindu.Palavras-chave: Índia. Ambientalismo. Tradicionalismo. Hinduísmo. Nacionalismo hindu. Humanismo integral.

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Campbell, Rosie, and Silvia Erzeel. "Exploring Gender Differences in Support for Rightist Parties: The Role of Party and Gender Ideology." Politics & Gender 14, no. 01 (March 2018): 80–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000599.

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This contribution to the Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism uses expert and election surveys to explore the extent to which the feminist or traditional gender ideology of parties of the right relates to their economic and liberal/authoritarian ideology. We show that although parties of the left generally espouse more feminist ideologies than parties of the right, there are a significant number of rightist parties in Western Europe that combine laissez-faire economic values with liberal feminist ideals. That said, there is more homogeneity among parties of the populist radical right than rightist parties more generally. We find that despite some variation in their gender ideology, parties of the populist radical right overwhelmingly—with the exception of one party in the Netherlands—continue to adopt traditional or antifeminist gender ideologies. In terms of attracting women voters, we find that rightist parties who adopt a feminist gender ideology are able to attract more women voters than other parties of the right. We detect several examples of center-right parties that include feminist elements in their gender ideologies and are able to win over larger proportions of women voters than rightist parties that fail to adopt feminist positions.

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Svoboda, Ivo, Olena V. Novakova, Olena B. Balatska, Olena V. Karchevska, and Valentyn S. Tulinov. "Political Extremism in Modern Democratic Transformations." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 70 (October 10, 2021): 504–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3970.30.

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Modern political transformations involve free choice of ideology, ability to communicate with society and maintenance of their political preferences. Political struggle often leads to radical action and political extremism. The aim of this study involved an analysis of political extremism that occurs in modern democracies, and identification of the main factors underlying the development of political extremism. The determinants of the political stability/extremism are analysed based on the algorithm of hierarchical clustering. It is proved that 26 European countries studied in the work can be grouped into four clusters, which are characterised by the number of parties of extremist ideology in the national parliaments of European countries; Elite Quality Index (EQx); the Freedom in the World Index; Political Stability and Absence of Violence Index, which is part of The Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI). It is revealed that today ideological trends of authoritarian populism, conservatism and extremism are spreading in European countries. Cluster analysis has shown that the political extremism is influenced by the level of quality of national elites, the development of fundamental rights and freedoms, the political stability, and the absence of violence. Further research should focus on econometric simulation of factors shaping political extremism through economic development indicators.

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Fahruddin, Fahruddin. "ISLAM DAN REVOLUSI: Posisi Dan Peran Ulama Dalam Revolusi Islam Iran." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 9, no. 1 (April 13, 2008): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v9i1.4667.

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This article explains that Islam, as a religion, demonstrates phenomena of social revolution. One of essential revolutions is Iranian Revolution. It has attracted almost all elements of society, from grass roots to elites. The discussion of Iranian Revolution is always interconnected with Moslem intellectuals. They were the decision makers of the revolution. There was the viewpoint discrepancy of Moslem intellectuals before and after the revolution. Before Iranian revolution, they had similar idea to end the authoritarian rezime (Reza Pahlevi) which was supported by the Western countries. However, after the revolution, Muslim intellectuals grew to be two groups: the reformism and the conservatism. Both groups see the authority of wilayah al faqih differently. The reformist group thought that wilayah al faqih was not valid to be the guide after revolution, but conservative group viewed conversely. Artikel ini menjelaskan bahwa sebagai agama, Islam menunjukkan fenomena revolusi sosial. Salah satu revolusi yang penting ialah revolusi Iran. Ia menarik perhatian hampir seluruh elemen masyarakat dari kaum pribumi hingga kaum elit. Diskusi tentang Revolusi Iran selalu berhubungan dengan cendekiawan Muslim. Mereka adalah pembuat keputusan dalam revolusi. Ada ketidakcocokan sudut pandang cendekiawan Muslim sebelum dan sesudah revolusi. Sebelum revolusi Iran, mereka sependapat untuk mengakhiri rezim otoriter (Reza Pahlevi), yang didukung oleh negara-negara Barat. Sebaliknya, setelah revolusi, cendekiawan Muslim terbagi dua golongan: reformis dan konservatif. Kedua grup memandang otoritas wilayah al faqih secara berbeda. Grup reformis berpendapat bahwa wilayah al faqih tidak valid untuk dijadikan pedoman setelah revolusi, sedangkan grup konservatif berpendapat sebaliknya.

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Papenko, Nataliia. "«Reformer» of Wilhelmine Era: Bernhard Martin von Bulow (1849-1929)." European Historical Studies, no. 15 (2020): 118–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.15.9.

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In the article the author examines the socio-political development of the German Empire during the reign of Emperor Wilhelm II. The author of the article tries to reveal the complex mechanism of the methods of policy of the imperial chancellor B. von Bulow both in the sphere of foreign and domestic politics. He began his activities in a difficult historical time not only for Germany but also for most of Western Europe. It was the time of Germany’s struggle for world domination. The political leaders of the leading Western European countries were representatives of the new formation, therefore, they had to act with new methods of management of society and not only them. The Reichskanzler B. von Bulow was ready to enact political and social reforms in order to weaken social conflicts and improve society as a whole. The author of the article emphasizes that unlike Western Europe, Germany at the beginning of the twentieth century could not completely free itself from the feudal-absolutist heritage. However, the rapid capitalist-industrial development of the country had an impact on all strata of the society and political institutions of power. At the beginning of the twentieth century in Germany, conservatism crystallized as a consistent ideology coupled with liberal tendencies. A bright representative of this ideology was B. von Bulow. Intelligent, charismatic, he was not against the democratic changes at all, insisting that all kinds of changes in the country be introduced in order to promote the organic development of generally recognized state and social institutions. So they are not in danger. As a leader of the country, he understood well the need to abandon extremes of conservatism, from violent methods, insisting on the combination of conservatism and liberalism, thus creating a bloc of party unity. Therefore, he tried to act in a consistent, active manner. At the beginning of the twentieth century Germany failed to build a stable parliamentary system. The Europeans considered the Germans “behind the facade of democracy”, because the effects of liberalization appeared there only from time to time. The article emphasizes that the liberals were not prepared to consider the radical projects of B. von Bulow, for example, general suffrage, because there were authoritarian traditions of the court, the army, and so German liberalism was weak and could not play a leading political role in the country. Relevance of the topic of study is determined by the historical significance of problems raised in it. Significant political parties, political and economic forces have created a “geopolitical consensus,” leading Germany to a struggle for world domination.

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Kassaveti, Ursula-Helen, and Nikolaos Papadogiannis. "‘The Azure Generation’: Liberal Youth Politics in Greece and the Politicization of Music, 1982–1984." European History Quarterly 52, no. 2 (March 30, 2022): 296–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221085122.

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This article focuses on the years 1982–1984, which witnessed the first systematic effort to establish a moderate right-wing youth organization in Greece during the Cold War. It shows that the invention of the political songs of the Liberal youth ONNED underpinned its mass mobilization in 1982–1984. In this vein, our analysis enriches recent historiographical approaches that focus on cultures of Conservatism and on political and cultural changes in post-authoritarian Southern Europe in the 1970s to 1980s. Those political songs were linked to both the rhetoric and the practices of ONNED cadres and members. Their lyrics conveyed anti-Communist post-memories of the Civil War in Greece (1943/1946–1949), as reconfigured and filtered through the experiences of ONNED cadres and members in the aftermath of the 1967–1974 dictatorship and the electoral victory of the Socialists in 1981. Thus, the study of the Liberal youth complements the analysis of moderate right-wing subjects in Spain, for whom the Civil War was no reference point after democracy was restored in 1975. Simultaneously, the article enriches research on the Greek Liberal youth so far, which has neglected how this subject reconfigured its approach to the Greek Civil War in comparison to the Right in the preceding decades. Our article also shows that the songs under study accompanied a wide range of ritualistic and prosaic practices of ONNED cadres and members. Listening to and singing those songs was part of a double demarcation process between ONNED cadres and members and their left-wing opponents, as well as within ONNED. For instance, in Thessaloniki, the more Conservative members embraced those songs in their leisure activities and their everyday spaces. By contrast, the more centre-right members were more critical, but still tolerated such music. The everyday life and spatial history approach is crucial to illuminating the varying reception of the political songs of ONNED within this organization.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Greg Barton, and James Barry. "The Decline and Resurgence of Turkish Islamism: The Story of Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP." Journal of Citizenship and Globalisation Studies 1, no. 1 (October 11, 2017): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcgs-2017-0005.

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AbstractFor decades, Turkish Islamists have failed to attract the votes of large sections of society and remained marginal. As a result of this failure to come to power, and due to domestic and international constraints and windows of opportunities, they have declared that they have jettisoned Islamism. Many Turkish Muslims whose religious disposition was shaped by the pluralistic urban Ottoman experience and small-town Anatolian traditionalism, and by the contesting currents of cosmopolitan pluralism and rural social conservatism, voted in favour of these former Islamists who have become “Muslim Democrats”. This paper elaborates on the genealogy of Turkish Islamists and their political trajectories and argues that when the forces and constraints of domestic and external social, political and economic conditions disappeared and the opportunities derived from being Muslim Democrats no longer existed, the former Islamists easily returned to their original ideology, showing that despite assertions to the contrary their respect for democracy and pluralism had not truly been internalised. This paper also aims to demonstrate that similar to other authoritarian populists, Erdoganists perceive the state and its leader as more important than anything else and as being above everything else, which has culminated in a personality cult and sanctification of the state. As long as Turkey’s economy continued to boom, almost everyone was happy that Turkey could readily market the “Muslim Democrats” story to the whole world for a long period as a major success story, or as an “exemplary Muslim country” or “model”. Yet, Middle Eastern elites and Western forces got carried away and learnt the hard way just how naive their view was in perhaps the first great transformation movement of the twenty-first century – the Arab Spring. Likewise, the Turkish Spring turned all too quickly towards autumn and then winter.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Greg Barton, and James Barry. "The Decline and Resurgence of Turkish Islamism." Journal of Citizenship and Globalisation Studies 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/jcgs2017vol1no1art1061.

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For decades, Turkish Islamists have failed to attract the votes of large sections of society and remained marginal. As a result of this failure to come to power, and due to domestic and international constraints and windows of opportunities, they have declared that they have jettisoned Islamism. Many Turkish Muslims whose religious disposition was shaped by the pluralistic urban Ottoman experience and small-town Anatolian traditionalism, and by the contesting currents of cosmopolitan pluralism and rural social conservatism, voted in favour of these former Islamists who have become “Muslim Democrats”. This paper elaborates on the genealogy of Turkish Islamists and their political trajectories and argues that when the forces and constraints of domestic and external social, political and economic conditions disappeared and the opportunities derived from being Muslim Democrats no longer existed, the former Islamists easily returned to their original ideology, showing that despite assertions to the contrary their respect for democracy and pluralism had not truly been internalised. This paper also aims to demonstrate that similar to other authoritarian populists, Erdoganists perceive the state and its leader as more important than anything else and as being above everything else, which has culminated in a personality cult and sanctification of the state. As long as Turkey’s economy continued to boom, almost everyone was happy that Turkey could readily market the “Muslim Democrats” story to the whole world for a long period as a major success story, or as an “exemplary Muslim country” or “model”. Yet, Middle Eastern elites and Western forces got carried away and learnt the hard way just how naive their view was in perhaps the first great transformation movement of the twenty-first century – the Arab Spring. Likewise, the Turkish Spring turned all too quickly towards autumn and then winter.

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Wilcox, W. Bradford. "Conservative Protestant Childrearing: Authoritarian or Authoritative?" American Sociological Review 63, no. 6 (December 1998): 796. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657502.

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Karlsen, Rune. "Idealer og realiteter i moderne psykisk helsearbeid." Nordisk tidsskrift for helseforskning 8, no. 2 (December 3, 2012): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/14.2406.

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Ideals and realities in modern mental healthcareThe ideals of mental health care differ from the psychiatry of earlier times. This difference is characterized by dissociation from a previous authoritarian and staff-administered practice in the psychiatric institutions. Client participation and interdisciplinary work, equality and relation building, resource orientation and mastery are the new professional ideals.Critical reading of patient records suggests a lack of agreement between professional ideals and practical realities in current Norwegian decentralized mental health work. The staff is still clinging to the old authority structures from the psychiatric hospitals, and they do not manage to show that they have their own profession. The users are too passive in their own treatment program. The staff lacks written language for describing the establishment and maintenance of personal relations. The new professional groups adopt the old ways of proceeding, and do not add new professional approaches. The article places a critical focus on the inherent conservatism of tacit knowledge.

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HOSAKA, Minoru. "Authoritarian Personality and Consciousness of Environmental Conservation." Japanese Sociological Review 53, no. 1 (2002): 70–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4057/jsr.53.70.

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Apple, Michael W. "Redefining Equality: Authoritarian Populism and the Conservative Restoration." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 90, no. 2 (December 1988): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146818809000204.

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Borges, André. "Authoritarian Inheritance, Political Conflict and Conservative Party Institutionalisation: The Cases of Chile and Brazil." Journal of Latin American Studies 53, no. 4 (October 6, 2021): 767–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x21000742.

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AbstractParty development in post-transition Latin America has often proceeded unevenly, as right-wing elites opted for non-partisan forms of political action and conservative parties remained poorly institutionalised. Recent research has demonstrated that party-building was facilitated where the political Right benefited from valuable political assets – party brand, territorial organisation, sources of funding and clientelistic networks – inherited from authoritarian regimes. This article argues that authoritarian inheritance in isolation is insufficient to foster conservative party institutionalisation. It analyses the trajectories of the major right-wing parties in Brazil and Chile, where former authoritarian incumbents benefited extensively from authoritarian inheritance and yet levels of institutionalisation differed widely across parties. The comparative analysis demonstrates that right-wing parties were most likely to consolidate where, in addition to inheriting valuable resources from the dictatorship, they experienced ideologically driven, violent conflict during their early years.

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Campi, Ashleigh. "Cultivating Authoritarian Submission: Race and Gender in Conservative Media." Theory & Event 24, no. 2 (2021): 456–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tae.2021.0022.

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Owen, Dennis E., Kenneth D. Wald, and Samuel S. Hill. "Authoritarian or Authority-Minded? The Cognitive Commitments of Fundamentalists and the Christian Right." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 1, no. 1 (1991): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1991.1.1.03a00050.

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One of the more consistent characterizations of both American Fundamentalism and other versions of conservative Evangelicalism is that these groups represent authoritarian religious and social systems. Such characterizations are not entirely without some basis in fact. Fundamentalism will almost always appear authoritarian, and so too will forms of Pentecostalism which, like Fundamentalism, place a heavy emphasis on correct thinking and combine a belief in the infallibility of scripture with a commitment to literal readings. Outsiders are sometimes disconcerted to find that “authoritarian” and related concepts are not assessed negatively in conservative Evangelical circles. Quite the contrary is the case: the Bible, infallible, inerrant, “God-breathed,” is the clear center of Evangelical authority. Many a Fundamentalist sermon has sought to clinch its case with the phrase, “on authority of the holy Word of God.”

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Sosteric, Mike. "Rethinking the Origins and Purpose of Religion: Jesus, Constantine, and the Containment of Global Revolution." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 1 (November 12, 2021): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-1-4.

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For sociologists, Jesus Christ and the associated Catholic Church are generally seen are regressive, conservative, and authoritarian. For this reason, Sociologists avoid reading the Bible as a textual research source. Overcoming sociological resistance, however and examining the Christian New Testament reveals a story much different than expected. While the Church may certainly be conservative, regressive, authoritarian, even predatorial, Jesus Christ and his apostles were not. Exegesis of Christian gospels reveals not a gentle shepherd of sheeple, but a revolutionary Christ that is neither conservative, gentle, nor passive—an impassioned and committed revolutionary set on progressive social change and fundamental revision of elite power structures. Keywords: Religion, Christianity, Jesus Christ, Critical theory, Narrative analysis.

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Jayasuriya, Kanishka. "Authoritarian Statism and the New Right in Asia’s Conservative Democracies." Journal of Contemporary Asia 48, no. 4 (January 29, 2018): 584–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2018.1431304.

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Barton, Colin. "Faustian Politics." Counterfutures 10 (July 27, 2021): 176–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v10.6948.

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Antal, Attila. "Authoritarian Populism, Environmentalism and Exceptional Governance in Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 28, no. 3 (October 2021): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2021-3-209.

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This paper analyzes how the incumbent authoritarian populist Orbán government started to navigate itself from an anti-climate to a conservative green position. First, the theoretical background of environmentalism and democracy/autocracy will be investigated. It is to say that the relationship between democracy and the environment is quite contradictory, although democracy has a demonstrable effect on the quality of the environment and sustainability, it is not worth absolutizing. That is why we should put an emphasis on the environmental approach of authoritarian regimes, here as a case study of the Hungarian regime. From 2010, the Orbán regime elaborated an ambiguous attitude toward the environment and green politics; on the on hand, it was characterized by climate denialism and demolition of environmental institutions, on the other hand, the super-majority behind the regime accepted the Fundamental Law with several green elements. In the second half of 2019 and early 2020, the regime started to create a new conservative green agenda. This authoritarian populist greening is not based on eco-authoritarian traditions. This paper challenges the notion that authoritarian populist actors are hostile to environmental policies. The Orbán regime proved adaptive in the case of the climate emergency and is about to elaborate its own climate agenda. At the same time, the regime is unable to face the real nature of the climate and ecological emergencies. The crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has been used by the regime to rule by decree based on exceptional powers. In fact, the regime relied on exceptional governance before the COVID-19 crisis, ever since the migration crisis of 2015. The authoritarian populist regime recognized the political opportunities of exceptional governance in terms of overlapping crises and that is why it is characterized by authoritarian climate populism.

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van Hiel, Alain, Mario Pandelaere, and Bart Duriez. "The Impact of Need for Closure on Conservative Beliefs and Racism: Differential Mediation by Authoritarian Submission and Authoritarian Dominance." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 30, no. 7 (July 2004): 824–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167204264333.

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Martínez, Isabel, and José Fernando García. "Impact of Parenting Styles on Adolescents' Self-Esteem and Internalization of Values in Spain." Spanish Journal of Psychology 10, no. 2 (November 2007): 338–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1138741600006600.

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The relationship of parenting styles with adolescents' outcomes was analyzed within a sample of Spanish adolescents. A sample of 1456 teenagers from 13 to 16 years of age, of whom 54.3% were females, reported on their parents' child-rearing practices. The teenagers' parents were classified into one of four groups (authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, or neglectful). The adolescents were then contrasted on two different outcomes: (1) priority given to Schwartz's self-transcendence (universalism and benevolence) and conservation (security, conformity, and tradition) values and (2) level of self-esteem (appraised in five domains: academic, social, emotional, family and physical). The results show that Spanish adolescents from indulgent households have the same or better outcomes than adolescents from authoritative homes. Parenting is related with two self-esteem dimensions—academic and family—and with all the self-transcendence and conservation values. Adolescents of indulgent parents show highest scores in self-esteem whereas adolescents from authoritarian parents obtain the worst results. In contrast, there were no differences between the priority given by adolescents of authoritative and indulgent parents to any of the self-transcendence and conservation values, whereas adolescents of authoritarian and neglectful parents, in general, assign the lowest priority to all of these values.

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McCann, Stewart J. H. "Authoritarian Personality and Rape Sentence Length in Conservative and Liberal States." Journal of Social Psychology 149, no. 3 (June 2009): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/socp.149.3.384-386.

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Shire, Karen A., and Kumiko Nemoto. "The Origins and Transformations of Conservative Gender Regimes in Germany and Japan." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 27, no. 3 (2020): 432–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa017.

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Abstract In this article, we extend Walby’s analysis of gender transformations to theorize gender relations in conservative modernizations. We draw insights from a historical comparison of gender inequalities in Germany and Japan, to draw a distinction between conservative authoritarian and conservative democratic gender regimes, and their transformations. Conservative gender regimes, we argue, constitute the domestic as a public sphere and transform through social and family policies, which reinforce a gendered division of labor. The concept of conservative gender regimes, we argue, is relevant for analyzing transformations in other European and non-European world regions.

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Firoozabadi, A. "FC24-04 - Authoritarian personality traits in Iranian medical students." European Psychiatry 26, S2 (March 2011): 1949. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(11)73652-5.

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IntroductionAdorno and his colleagues made an attempt to describe the behavior of people in the pre-war era in Germany. Their research led to the introduction of F-scale which is used as a measurement for conservative and authoritarian attitudes.ObjectiveBy the use of F-scale, we tried to evaluate authoritarian traits in a group of Iranian medical students in Shiraz University of Medical Sciences. Socio-economic status of the present-day Iran is comparable to pre-war era in Germany.Method80 medical students (40 men and 40 women) in different years of education were randomly selected and evaluated by the questionnaire. By statistical analysis, authoritarian traits were compared between male and female students and also in different years of education (First year, 3rd year and internship).ResultsFemale students showed a higher score than the male students. Also, we found a trend for male students to become more authoritarian over time. For the female students an opposite trends was found.ConclusionThese results could be representative of different attitudes of male and female students toward authority related issues. Also, it could be in favor of different effects of education on authoritarian traits among the male and female.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Authoritarian conservatism'

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