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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Authoritarian'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 January 2023

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1

Zhou, Yingnan Joseph. "Authoritarian governance in China." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2174.

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What determines governance quality in authoritarian settings? The existing literature on governance concentrates on democratic governance and provides no ready answer. By focusing on the world’s largest authoritarian country, China, this study delineates an authoritarian model of governance quality. In the model, I argue that in order for good governance to occur, an authoritarian government must have both the ability and the desire to govern well, and the current authoritarian government in China has both. Specifically, its ability to govern well comes from 1) its sovereignty within the territory, 2) its fiscal resources, and 3) its party-state structure blended with decentralization, term and age limits, and performance-based promotion. Its desire to govern well comes from 1) the regime’s need for political legitimacy; 2) good governance as an important source of political legitimacy; 3) the decay of alternative sources of legitimacy; 4) the double uncertainty of authoritarian politics that compels leaders to highly active in delivering good governance. I formulate key hypotheses and test them with a variety of original datasets. The Chinese County Governance Data are collected from county government websites. The data on county-level public opinion are constructed through Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) based on the 2010 Chinese General Social Survey and the 2000 national census data. County leader characteristics are collected from Database of Local Officials. The empirical analysis general supports the model. My study reveals an authoritarian logic of governance which centers on the party state’s top-down control and the regime’s insecurity about political legitimacy. My study also demonstrates that China’s model of governance is not shared by most authoritarian countries today.
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Wakabi, Wairagala. "Motivating eParticipation in Authoritarian Countries." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Örebro Universitet, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-48179.

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Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) can enrich the ways in which citizens participate in civic and political matters. Indeed, many theorists on online participation, or eParticipation, proclaim the potential of digital technologies to empower citizens with convenient ways to participate in democratic processes and to hold leaders to account. However, it is not clear if and how digital technologies, notably social media, can contribute to a more democratic system and engaged public in a country where open expression is limited. This thesis studies Social Networking Sites (SNS) as Information Systems (IS) artefacts, including individuals’ motivation for using them, how their features enable participation - or not - and the impacts of their use in an authoritarian country. Through personal interviews and focus group discussions in Uganda, this thesis finds that the common enablers of online participation in often-studied, mostly Western democratic countries are rarely translated into the offline world in an authoritarian country with one president for the last 30 years. The thesis proposes ways to increase eParticipation in authoritarian contexts, citing the social accountability sector (where the thesis shows evidence of eParticipation working) as a pathway to greater citizen participation and government responsiveness. Findings also contribute to the Information Systems artefact discourse by illuminating the political, social, technological, and information artefacts in SNS when used for eParticipation. Moreover, the thesis shows how, in contexts with a democracy deficit, resource-based theories such as the Civic Voluntarism Model (CVM) fall short in explaining what motivates political participation. It also explains how social networks contain the various constitutive aspects of the IS artefact – social, technical, informational and political - and how these various aspects need to be aligned for eParticipation to work.
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3

Policzer, Pablo 1964. "Organizing coercion in authoritarian Chile." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8238.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.
"June 2001."
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-178).
Coercion is at the center of politics, yet how it is organized has remained poorly understood. This dissertation analyzes how the Chilean military regime (1973-90) organized coercion, focusing especially on two major shifts during the period of most institutional flux, from 1973-78. Available explanations for the shifts fail to account for the magnitude of organizational changes. As an alternative, this dissertation provides a typology of coercion, based on measurements of how well principals monitor agents' operations and performance. Principals can monitor from within their own organization (internal monitoring), or from information sources outside their direct control (external monitoring). Measuring levels of internal and external monitoring, using various criteria for the breadth and depth of information, yields a matrix with types that are mutually exclusive and jointly exhaustive. The four basic types are blind, bureaucratic, transparent, and hide and seek coercion. There are tradeoffs to each type of coercion, which can prompt principals to shift from one to another. In Chile, measurements of internal and external monitoring before and after each of the two major shifts, alongside counterfactual analysis and tests of the competing available explanations, reveal that the regime in each case grappled with organizing coercion as a discrete problem of governance. In 1974 the regime created a powerful secret police to better coordinate coercion through higher internal monitoring. The police resolved many organizational problems but failed to increase internal monitoring substantially.
(cont.) Moreover, it created a series of new problems as it began to run amok. In 1977-78 it was replaced by another institution, which increased internal monitoring, a shift that also coincided with an increase in external monitoring. In each case, the regime's choices were influenced by, but not reducible to, broader political dynamics such as power struggles and efforts to institutionalize the regime. Secondary literature is used to analyze three other cases (Argentina, East Germany, and South Africa), that organized coercion differently than Chile. In all cases, the framework provided accounts for the variation in the organization of coercion.
by Pablo Policzer.
Ph.D.
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4

Esselgren, Rebecca. "Putin's authoritarian state : the consolidation of an authoritarian regime through the use of 'soft powers'." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79442.

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Putin’s authoritarian rule reaches all areas of Russian society, this can be attributed to the soft powers that the regime uses to further establish their power. The basis of this research is a theory from the book Authoritarianism goes global, where the authors describes the importance of soft powers in an authoritarian regime. The soft powers analysed include election monitoring, disinformation, cyberspace security and civil society repression. The aim is to examine which soft powers play a part in the consolidation of the Russian regime, and the strategies used to further legitimise their political agenda. The three questions answered in this research is how did Putin’s first eight years in power affect the use of soft powers in Russia today? What soft powers have led to the consolidation of an authoritarian regime in Russia? And how does Putin use these soft powers to further legitimize his political agenda? A qualitative text analysis was performed to answer the questions. The conclusions drawn is that Putin’s actions today are heavily influenced by his first presidency. Furthermore he extensively use the soft powers, and they have a significant influence on how the Russian authoritarian regime manage to consolidate power. Moreover the proficiency shown while manipulating these arenas leads to Putin being able to further legitimise his political agenda.
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5

Hinton, Kenneth. "The Authoritarian Personality and Economic Distress." TopSCHOLAR®, 1996. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/802.

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In this study, I combined the personality and social indicator approaches of authoritarianism to determine if these separate approaches reflect similar constructs, and also examined whether economic distress increases authoritarianism and its internal coherence. The writer, in contrast with the time-series designs used in previous social-indicator studies, controlled for extraneous historical events by sampling individuals within the same time period. One hundred and sixty-one employed and 41 unemployed adult manufacturing workers completed a ninety-five-item questionnaire. The questionnaire contained a short version of the right-wing authoritarianism scale (RWA), items reflecting the social indicators of authoritarianism, and both objective (family income, employment status) and subjective (worry about the economy, worry about personal finances) indices of economic distress.
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6

Li, Zheyuan. "Democratic Transition: An Authoritarian Leader's Perspective." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1075.

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In this thesis, we approach the issue of democratic transition from the subjective perspective of the authoritarian leader. By identifying successful cases of democratic transition in the last two decades, we enter a detailed analysis on the authoritarian regimes' incentive towards stepping down from leadership and pushing for democratic reform domestically.
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7

Riski, V. (Ville). "Authoritarian management versus emotionally intelligen leadership." Bachelor's thesis, University of Oulu, 2017. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201705252107.

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8

Ma, Hua. "Authoritarian deliberation : the case of Hong Kong." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29123.

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Hong Kong is a half-authoritarian and half-democratic metropolis whose citizens enjoy full civil liberties. Deliberation is not usually expected in an authoritarian regime; however, the Hong Kong case shows that authoritarian deliberation is possible, although limited. There are two key questions that this thesis explores. The first one is whether or not the model of authoritarian deliberation is possible. The second one is why did the semi-authoritarian Hong Kong government choose to allow full deliberative processes in some issue areas? What can we draw from the unique HK deliberative practices? By examining the emerging deliberation initiatives in Hong Kong on both the macro and micro levels, this paper figures out two mechanisms for Hong Kong deliberation, one with the Advisory Group acting as a bridge between the government and the public. It is a model that can be learnt by mainland China about how to initiate and conduct effective deliberation at the metropolitan level. This thesis argues that deliberation in a context of an existing strong civil society and civil liberties like in Hong Kong is probably irreversible. The deliberative process in Hong Kong is successful in granting legitimacy to some policy outcomes, but probably not to the regime itself. However, no deliberation in the policy-making process may cause a legitimacy crisis for the regime.
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9

Andres, Nicole. "Media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia." Thesis, Andres, Nicole (2016) Media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2016. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/34994/.

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This thesis analyses media-elite interactions in post-authoritarian Indonesia. The introduction of legally guaranteed press freedom and democracy following President Suharto’s fall in 1998 changed the relationship between the media on the one hand and the political and business elite on the other. But what has been the significance of press freedom for elite politics? The argument of this thesis is that the politico-business elites have, to differing degrees, harnessed the concept of press freedom by incorporating the media as a political weapon in their power struggles over key positions in political institutions and over political resources. Crucially, the heterogeneous and mostly privately owned media companies positioned themselves as actors in the intra-elite contestations. Through a set of case studies on intra-elite power struggles that escalated into scandals, this thesis examines the ways in which the elite has integrated the media into those struggles, and analyses the vested interests of the owners and practitioners of the media in those struggles. Ultimately, it establishes two key points. First, the elite has employed scandal as a an opportunity to change the composition of a democratically elected government; and second, during those political scandals the owners or prominent editors of particular media organisations, either consciously or otherwise, have formed temporary coalitions with particular elite factions based on shared interests defined by structural conditions and personal relations. The dissertation’s focus on media-elite interactions is prompted by the lingering dominance of elites within Indonesia’s political economy, the domination of the media landscape by a small number of media conglomerates whose owners are either members of the politico-business elite themselves or linked to the latter in various forms, and, further, that the media have become important sites for intra-elite contestation over political power. By placing its analytical focus explicitly on the nature of the relationship between the commercial mainstream news media and the politico-business elite in times of intra-elite power struggles fought out in the public sphere, this approach moves away from media-centred investigations, normative concerns and liberal concepts as the dominant way of thinking about the media’s democratic functions.
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Gorokhovskaia, Yana. "Elections, political participation, and authoritarian responsiveness in Russia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/58854.

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For decades, elections were thought of as the necessary but not sufficient condition for democracy. After the end of the Cold War, however, the world witnessed an unprecedented proliferation of regimes that combined the democratic institution of elections with authoritarian practices. Despite the presence of regular and free multi-party elections, these regimes did not liberalize or democratize. However, elections continued to matter and sporadically elections became focal points for social dissent and protest. In a series of three papers, this dissertation examines elections in Russia. The first paper presents an in-depth analysis of the 2013 Moscow mayoral election. I make the argument that in order to secure the legitimacy that elections can bestow, the authorities in this case promoted electoral competition by helping all the candidates for mayor surmount a high procedural barrier to participation. This paper contributes to scholarship on the manipulation of elections which has previously only considered measures that restrict electoral competition. Elections where authorities promote competition are still unlikely to result in opposition victories but may dampen voter participation. The second paper uses Albert Hirschman’s Exit, Voice and Loyalty framework and evidence from twenty-nine semi-structured interviews to analyze political participation in an authoritarian state through the experience of individuals running for local political office in Moscow’s municipalities. I find that citizens without substantial previous political experience, but galvanized by anti-fraud protests, ran successful political campaigns with help from civil society organizations and political parties. Counterintuitively, once in office, they adopted hyper-legal strategies to combat corruption and waste. The third and final paper uses regression analysis to test two explanatory models for electoral competition under authoritarianism: voter preferences and regime manipulation. Relying on an original dataset of protests across Russia’s regions, I find partial support for both models. Previous protest activity both increases electoral competition and provokes more pre-election manipulation of the field of candidates. In addition, voter mobilization in support of regime candidates is especially effective in generating pro-regime results. Replacing long-sitting but economically predatory governors before the election can dampen the impact of voter disapproval again boosting pro-incumbent results.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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11

Olar, Roman-Gabriel. "Institutionalization, repression and political instability in authoritarian regimes." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22671/.

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Given that autocrats can be challenged by insiders of their ruling coalition and/or by the citizens of the country they govern, what control strategies can they use in order to minimize the potential for conflict and violence? The current literature on authoritarian politics focuses on the use of co-optation and repression to explain how autocrats mitigate the hazardous conditions under which they rule. The former induce compliance and co-operation by providing social and material benefits, while the latter forces with the threat of physical punishment. While both control strategies received significant attention in the literature, they have been mostly examined separately from each other. Against this background, this thesis contributes to the literature on authoritarian politics and state repression by focusing on the connection between co-optation and repression, on how autocrats use these two control strategies to prevent challenges and how the use of one control strategy impacts the use of the other. This dissertation builds on some of the theoretical and empirical tensions in the current literature and brings several theoretical and empirical contributions to our understanding of authoritarian politics. Theoretically, this dissertation contributes to the literature by offering an actor-oriented theoretical explanation of autocratic repression against social campaigns, an alternative theoretical mechanism on the coup reducing effect of institutions and a transnational theoretical account of autocratic repression. The empirical contribution of this dissertation rests in showing that accounting for actors’ characteristics improves models’ predictive power, that we know very little about the factors that explain coups’ success in autocracies and demonstrates there is a transnational interdependence in autocratic repression. The findings of this dissertation have implications for dissidents mobilizing against autocrats, for professionals and policy makers interested in political (in)stability, and for organizations attempting to improve human rights practices worldwide.
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12

Juliawan, Benedictus Hari. "Playing politics : labour movements in post-authoritarian Indonesia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7d799e4-5a32-4bb3-81fb-76578c78c07f.

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Since the collapse of the New Order regime in 1998, democratisation and economic liberalisation have combined to create both opportunities and constraints for the revival of organised labour in Indonesia. The picture of post-authoritarian labour movements painted by various scholars is almost universally bleak, portraying helpless trade unions in the face of economic impasse and the undemocratic remnants of the old forces. Being overtly cautious of the new democracy, this line of analysis has not done justice to Indonesian labour movements. It overestimates the ghost of the old dictatorship and underestimates the power of budding organised labour. Using trade union as the unit of analysis, this dissertation seeks to offer a different view of Indonesian labour movements. It looks at shifting political opportunities in the regions and the agency of trade unions which constitute a political force that is far from being consolidated but has certainly made a significant contribution to the broadening of democratic politics. In negotiating pressures that originate from an increasingly liberalised economy, trade unions have adopted a strategy which is called „playing politics‟ in this dissertation. The term means that in the absence of significant market power, trade unions enter into the realm of power politics primarily by organising labour as social movements and attempt to ally with political elites, exploit the conflicts that emerge within state institutions and between the state and business, and try to join the ruling classes. In developing this argument, this dissertation makes two contributions to the study of labour politics in Indonesia: its reassessment of the historiography of the first ten years of post-authoritarianism and its offer of insights into possible future directions of labour politics.
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13

Fast, Ellinor. "National Security Act : Authoritarian legacies in South Korea." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374468.

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The aim of this paper is to examine the correlation between regime socialisation and censorship support in South Korea. The National Security Act is a policy that has been active in the country mentioned, since the 1950’s and restricts the freedom of speech. In a country like South Korea, which is a democracy, it is hard to understand the dual values that are being portrayed in the society. With the help of a theory about political socialisation by individual experience and by using a linear regression, this paper hypothesises that there will be people who are more supportive or completely against the backing for censorship if they have lived through an authoritarian regime. In the bivariate linear regression, the results indicate that there is a relation between the independent, regime socialisation and the dependent variable, support for censorship. However opposed to the theory of this paper, that inhabitants of countries with former authoritarian rule should be more supportive of censorship, the results from the multivariate linear regression show that with the control variables, gender, education, income and Asian values, the correlation between regime socialisation and the support for censorship is not statistically significant. Instead it shows that gender, education and income confound the relationship between regime socialisation and support for censorship.
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14

Smith, Levar Lamar. "CONSTRUCTING THE STATE: ELITE SETTLEMENTS IN AUTHORITARIAN ZIMBABWE." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1522086739473739.

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15

Wolfe, Christian J. "Clinging to Power: Authoritarian Leaders and Coercive Effectiveness." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1629981480039829.

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Fu, Diana. "Flexible repression : engineering control and contention in authoritarian China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:28de652f-66e9-4bd7-9c03-af499249d8cd.

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How do authoritarian stales foster civil society growth while keeping unruly organizations in line? This governance dilemma dogs every state that attempts to modernize by permitting civil society to pluralize while minding its potential to stir up restive social forces. This dissertation's main finding is that the Chinese party state the world's largest and arguably the most resilient authoritarian regime-has engineered a flexible institution of state control in which the "rules of the game" arc created, disseminated, and enforced outside of institutionalized channels. This dissertation demonstrates how the coercive apparatus improvises in an erratic manner, unfettered by accountability mechanisms. The regime does not necessarily pull the levers of hard control mechanisms-the tanks, guns, and tear gas-whenever dissenters cross a line of political acceptability. Instead, in keeping with its decentralized political system and its tradition of experimental policy-making, the Chinese state continually remakes the rules of the game which keeps potential rabble-rousers on their toes. Although the regulatory skeleton of state corporatism remains intact, flexible repression is the informal institution-the set of rules and procedures-that structures state-civil society interactions. Specifically, this institution is made up of three key practices: a) decentralization b) ad-hoc deployment c) mixed control strategies. These three practices manifest in two concrete strategies used to govern aboveground and underground civil society: fragmented coercion and controlled competition. Flexible repression enables the Chinese party-state to exploit the advantages of a flourishing third sector while curtailing its threatening potential. Through participant observation, interviews, and comparative case studies of aboveground and underground independent labor organizations, this dissertation accomplishes three goals. First, it identifies the within-country variation in state control strategies over civil society, which includes the above-ground sector as well as the underground sector of ostensibly banned organizations. Secondly, it traces the patterns of interactions between the state and civil society, generating hypotheses about the mechanisms of change. Finally, it identifies new concepts relevant for studying organized contention in authoritarian regime.. .... Overall, this dissertation contributes to the study of authoritarian state control and civil society contention, with an emphasis on the nexus between the two.
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Venegas, Muggli J. I. "Youth political disaffection and Chile's post-authoritarian political system." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1414830/.

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This research aims to explain current high levels of political disaffection among Chilean youth, to understand why youths in Chile are particularly more disaffected than other groups, and to comprehend the apparent new way of doing politics that would be emerging among this group. Since the return to democracy in 1990 Chile has experienced good levels of economic development and political stability. However, with the pass of years, Chilean citizens, and particularly young people, have increased their levels of political disaffection. Moreover, lately these feelings have begun to be expressed through strong social movements. This thesis argues that this phenomenon can be principally explained by a large disconnection between the political class and common citizens in Chile, which would be founded on both several institutional and socio-economic legacies of the dictatorship and the way the political transition was made. The relationship between youths and the political system in Chile is analyzed through both quantitative and qualitative analyses. This is done first through the direct analysis of the association between indicators of political disaffection and perceptions about the way of functioning of the Chilean Political system. Moreover, several case studies that express these feelings of disaffection are also analyzed in order to deepen the argument. First, an analysis of the lack of a youth public policy is done in order to describe a specific case that shows that the political system is particularly more disconnected regarding young people. Additionally, the success among youths of the independent presidential candidature of Marco Enriquez-Ominami in 2009 and the educational movements of 2006 and 2011-2012 are also analyzed. This is done also to more deeply comprehend the engenderment of feelings of disaffection but also in order to examine an apparent new way of doing politics that may be emerging among young people.
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Erayja, Salem Ali S. "ICT activism in authoritarian regimes : organisation, mobilisation and contexts." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/16292/.

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The world has witnessed many contentious political situations in recent years, such as the Arab Spring, in which information and communication technologies (ICT) have arguably played a critical role. Although there is wide scholarly agreement that ICT enable fast and low cost activism, their role in creating significant changes offline remains ambiguous. The research to date has focused on a more democratic context; however, in non-democratic contexts, the political and social environment is critically different, which could influence social movements’ use of ICT and their impact. Therefore, online activism in an Arab authoritarian context requires further empirical investigations. Based on 30 semi-structured interviews with activists from six insider and outsider groups, this thesis investigates the role of ICT in the socio-political context of Saudi Arabia, focussing on movements’ activities concerning formation, organisation and mobilisation. It has been found that the socio-political context is critical in shaping both constraints and opportunities for movements’ activities. The repressive political system, the power of religion and social traditions can act as constraints on activism. However, ICT offer significant platforms that enable activists to challenge the reality of the context and turn such constraints into opportunities. The thesis introduces the LOAF model to explain the six stages of progression for online activism formation. In addition, I argue that the decentralised organisational structure of outsider movements, along with the new form of rotated leadership online, can be understood as a strategic response to the repressive context. Insider movements, as less repressed groups, tend to form their organisation in a more bureaucratic way. ICT effectively facilitate activists with an alternative mobilisation tool to recruit elites, raise awareness and challenge the public’s cultural and political understandings. Finally, I conclude that in order to reach more nuanced conclusions, social movement research should consider both the nature of the socio-political environment (authoritarian or otherwise), and the stage of formation that the investigated movement has achieved.
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Loxton, James Ivor. "Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070023.

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Beginning in the late 1970s, with the onset of the third wave of democratization, a host of new conservative parties emerged in Latin America. The trajectories of these parties varied tremendously. While some went on to enjoy long-term electoral success, others failed to take root. The most successful new conservative parties all shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. They were "authoritarian successor parties," or parties founded by high-level incumbents of authoritarian regimes that continue to operate after a transition to democracy. What explains variation in conservative party-building outcomes in Latin America since the onset of the third wave, and why were the most successful new conservative parties also authoritarian successor parties? This study answers these questions by developing a theory of "authoritarian inheritance." It argues that, paradoxically, close links to former dictatorships may, under some circumstances, be the key to party-building success. This is because authoritarian successor parties sometimes inherit resources from the old regime that are useful under democracy. The study examines five potential resources: party brand, territorial organization, clientelistic networks, business connections and a source of cohesion rooted in a history of joint struggle. New conservative parties that lack such inheritance face a more daunting task. Such parties may have better democratic credentials, but they are likely to have worse democratic prospects. This argument is developed through an analysis of four parties: Chile's Independent Democratic Union (UDI), Argentina's Union of the Democratic Center (UCEDE), El Salvador's Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and Guatemala's Party of National Advancement (PAN). Drawing on interview and archival data gathered during 15 months of fieldwork in five countries, this study contributes to three literatures. First, as the first book-length comparison of conservative parties in Latin America, it contributes to the literature on Latin American politics. Second, by developing a new theory of how successful new parties may emerge--the theory of authoritarian inheritance--it contributes to the literature on party-building. Third, by developing the concept of authoritarian successor parties, it sheds light on a common but underappreciated vestige of authoritarian rule and, in this way, contributes to the literature on regimes.
Government
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Frantz, Erica Emily. "Tying the dictator's hands elite coalitions in authoritarian regimes /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1579964161&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Morelock, Jeremiah. "Elements of Authoritarian Populism in Diseased Others Science Fiction." Thesis, Boston College, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108572.

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Thesis advisor: Stephen Pfohl
This work addresses the globally urgent need to understand the social origins of the recent surge in authoritarian and populist social movements across Europe and the Americas. It analyzes how themes of tribalism, confidence in medical science, and confidence in military violence changed over the years in the retelling of stories in popular culture. The focus is I Am Legend and Day of the Dead – two series of American film remakes of popular science fiction stories that feature pandemic disease and the threat of what are here referred to as “Diseased Others” – the transformed, humanoid Others who have caught the disease. The qualitatively-driven approach exhibits an original methodological contribution to the discipline of sociology, offering several innovations via the coding schemes used and an adaptation of grounded theory for multiple sample sets of films. The data consulted include transcriptions of dialogue from films, reviews in popular news sources, interviews with cast and crew, box office data, and data from the General Social Survey. Within these examples of “Diseased Others” science fiction, themes of tribal morality and confidence in medical science and the military have followed a discernible trajectory. This trajectory is of narrowing moral scope toward loyalty to one’s own in opposition to outside groups, and embracing military violence as a positive solution to threats to the “normal” population. In general, medical science is also increasingly positioned as dangerous and blameworthy (even if also capable of positive intervention). This trajectory thus displays a heightening of what are identified for the present study as three “elements of authoritarian populism”: tribalism, distrust of rational institutions, and willingness to resort to violence
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2019
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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22

Klesner, Joseph L. (Joseph Lee). "Electoral reform in an authoritarian regime--the case of Mexico." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/110871.

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Wallin, Pontus. "Authoritarian collaboration : Unexpected effects of open government initiatives in China." Doctoral thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-38102.

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There is a recent emergence of open government initiatives for citizen participation in policy making in China. Open government initiatives seek to increase the level of participation, deliberation and transparency in government affairs, sometimes by use of Internet fora. In contemporary political science the introduction of these initiatives in authoritarian contexts has been described as a paradox of authoritarian deliberation. This thesis uses cybernetic theory, perspectives of information steering in all systems, to resolve the paradox and present a new view on authoritarianism and autocracy. A cybernetic definition of autocracy allows for an analysis of different types of autocracy in different models of governance. The theoretical tools developed are used to define and assess the potential for democratic autocracy, representative autocracy, deliberative autocracy and collaborative autocracy in online open government initiatives in China.   The argument of the thesis is that these initiatives must be understood within the environment in which they are introduced. In the case of the Chinese online environment, individuals often have limited possibilities of acting anonymously. To explore how online identity registration affects citizens, a lab-in-the-field experiment was set up. Chinese university students were invited to engage with a government sponsored online forum under conditions of both anonymity and identity registration. Previous research suggests that anonymity would lead users of online fora to be more active and produce more content. This hypothesis was partly proven false by the experiment. This study shows that users who have their identities registered, sometimes even produce more content. The study also shows that registered users tend to act against their own preferences and participate more in nationalistic debates. The concluding discussion is focused on the wider implications of these effects. If citizens are incentivized to channel their dissatisfaction as loyalty, rather than voice or exit, they might become complicit in sustaining authoritarianism. Interviews with experiment participants show that open government initiatives primarily enable deliberative and collaborative autocracy when introduced in the Chinese online environment. This has the potential of increasing the amount of dissatisfaction that citizens channel as loyalty via mechanisms of authoritarian collaboration.
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Saif, Ghazal. "'Blogging : keyboards fight tanks' : counter-authoritarian discourses in Egyptian blogs." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/16805/.

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This study highlights various counter-hegemonic discourses in Egyptian blogs. It underscores how bloggers protest against the authority of both state and social institutions. It departs from existing empirical research in its theoretical approach and methodology in terms of size, categorization and analysis of sample. The key empirical results of the thesis show that it is more rewarding to ‘look at what blogs are talking about’ than to ‘look for’ the applicability of a theoretical theorem to the discourse on blogs. As a result, the findings that emerged during the analysis of sample, and the postmodern theoretical trajectories that arose from the same, were not anticipated and quite insightful. Finally, this study provides a nuanced understanding of resistance-bloggers, the position of the blogosphere within the Egyptian social-nexus, upon which, it is hoped, future studies of blogs can build.
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Haugen, Andreas. "Adapting to Democracy: Voter Turnout Among Immigrants from Authoritarian Regimes." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437702.

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Voting in an election is the most basic and fundamental form of political participation in a democracy. Citizens are given the opportunity to elect legislators that take political decisions on their behalf. As immigration is increasing globally, many immigrants find themselves with this opportunity for the very first time immigrating from authoritarian regimes. Are immigrants from authoritarian regime able to adapt to their new political setting, or is there an observable difference in voter turnout based on the regime-type of the immigrant’s native country? There exist three branches of theories within the theoretical framework of political resocializa-tion: the theory of exposure, the theory of transferability and the theory of resistance. Previous research on the adaptability of immigrants from authoritarian regimes is often single case stud-ies that only analyse one of the three branches or analyse different forms of political participa-tion and have produced somewhat contradicting results. With empirical evidence remaining the relationship between voter turnout and regime-type is yet to be fully comprehended. By using data from the European Value Survey, this study tests all three theories of political resocializa-tion in 34 countries, to further generate insight into this matter. The results show that immigrants from authoritarian regimes are not less likely to vote in the national election of their new host country. The amount of exposure to the new host country, or whether the immigrant spent his “formative years” in the authoritarian regime are not statisti-cally significant to voting. Age, marital status, education and income are shown to be more statistically significant predictors to voter turnout, compared to regime-type.
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Fielder, James Douglas. "Dissent in digital: the Internet and dissent in authoritarian states." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2870.

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Does the Internet facilitate anti-regime dissent within authoritarian states? I argue that the Internet fosters dissent mobilization through three factors: distance, decentralization and interaction. First, the Internet fosters dissent mobilization by allowing protesters to communicate relatively cheaply and instantaneously over great distances. While other communication mediums also reduce distance costs, the second factor, decentralization, allows dissenters to use the Internet to evade state controls and reduces the state's ability to restrict information flows. Third, the Internet's Interactive nature allows users to both become consumers and producers of information. Interactivity also fosters trust between users that can evolve into offline action. However, the empirical record consists almost entirely of open sourcenews reporting and qualitative studies, and there are few clear theoretical links between the traditional dissent and repression literatures and recent Internet mobilization theories. My goal in this project is to place a generalizable theory of Internet-mediated dissent within traditional mobilization context and more recent communication, computer science and legal literatures. I frame my theory of Internet mediated dissent through three components. The first component is Internet access as a mobilizing structure, in which I posit that Internet access creates conditions for social mobilization that are difficult for regimes to counter. The second component is the effect of Internetcensorship on Internet-facilitated dissent. For the third theoretical component, I assess that despite the type of censorship, increased Internet use eventually overwhelms the regime's capacity to censor information. I test my theoretical components through a series of large N cross national time series negative binomial regressions spanning 1999-2010. In the first test, I find that increased Internet access increased the likelihood of protest in non-democratic states. Results of the second tests are mixed: technical censorship has no effect on protest, soft controls decreased incidence of protest, and combined technical and soft programs increase the likelihood of protest, albeit the substantive effect is slight. In the third test, I hypothesize that Internet use eventually crosses a user threshold after which censorship is no longer effective. The results of the third test suggest that censorship is not effective regardless of Internet access levels. However, the influence of Internet use on protest tapers off once a specific threshold is reached. The dissertation proceeds as follows: in Chapter 2, I present literature review that frames my research question within previous empirical work. Next, in Chapter 3 I propose and illustrate my theory of Internet-mediated dissent. In Chapter 4, I test whether or not incidents of anti-regime protest increase as Internet use increases inside non-democratic states. I build on these results in Chapter 5, in which I test whether technical filters, soft controls or a combination of methods decrease the likelihood of protest inside non-democratic states, followed by a test for whether increasing Internet use overwhelms censorship programs. Finally, in chapter 6 I summarize my findings, discuss data complications, offer ideas for future research, and discuss the implications of this project.
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Lindsey, James. "The Relationship of the Authoritarian Personality & Social Identity Theory." TopSCHOLAR®, 1993. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2538.

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Since social identity theory and authoritarian personality theory have been presented as opposing theories of discrimination, the present experiment explored whether authoritarianism could explain discrimination in social identity theory's minimal group paradigm. High, high average, low average, and low authoritarians were given three measures of in-group favoritism in minimal groups (two point -distribution tasks and a group -rating task). An authoritarianism main effect and an authoritarianism by order interaction on the point -distribution tasks indicated that authoritarianism significantly enhanced discrimination, but only when these tasks followed the group-rating measure. This interaction indicates that authoritarianism has greater influence on discrimination as in-group/out-group distinctions are made more salient. Authoritarianism did not influence discrimination in group ratings. Social identity theory proposes that individuals use discrimination to enhance their self-esteem, but only high authoritarians appeared to do so in this study.
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Perkins, Andrea M. "Mubarak’s Machine: The Durability of the Authoritarian Regime in Egypt." Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1737.

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The Egyptian authoritarian regime is a mammoth machine created and headed by President Hosni Mubarak as an instrument for the exercise of his own power. His ability to influence every facet of the character of Egypt lies in his previous career experience, the involvement in politics of his immediate family, his commitment to unpopular but lucrative foreign policies, and the bureaucratic obstacle course he created for opposition entities to navigate. Through persistent efforts to prepare himself for national leadership prior to gaining power, then to consolidate his power in the institutions of Egypt, Mubarak has built a state organization with a solid legal basis for suppression of opposition. Using an extensive system of patronage, Mubarak maintains elite support for his continued control of the state. Sustained adherence to the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty brings Egypt significant foreign aid that compensates for some of its economic shortfalls, and affords Mubarak the opportunity to serve as a regional partner in advancing the Middle East Peace Process, reinforcing Mubarak's fitness to rule on the international stage. The maintenance of a pervasive and fiercely loyal security apparatus also gives Mubarak the ability to disrupt any internal opposition activity before it can fully mobilize a call for change. The manner in which Mubarak crafted a democratic facade to cover his authoritarian regime is an artful nod to the Third Wave of democratization; he recognized that to remain in power in the 21st century, Egypt must be perceived as democratic in nature by the international community. That election irregularities, policy barriers to political participation, and single-party control of the legislature prevent the creation of a truly representative government is an important but difficult to prove fact that Mubarak's facade democratic motions are designed to disguise. It is prudent to consider how Mubarak's exit from Egyptian politics will affect the authoritarian system he has built and managed since 1981. The likely accession of his son, Gamal, will keep most power guarantors in place, but the globalizing forces of this century will require a fresh approach to managing domestic, international, and global relations.
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Kalēja, Ance [Verfasser], and Michael [Akademischer Betreuer] Haus. "Economic and Social Rights in Authoritarian Regimes: Rights, Well-Being and Strategies of Authoritarian Rule in Singapore, Jordan and Belarus / Ance Kaleja ; Betreuer: Michael Haus." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1177695510/34.

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Escobar, Ana Margarita Chavez. "From Authoritarian to Democratic regimes : the new role of security intelligence." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA389897.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold. "March 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-143). Also Available online.
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Wien, Peter. "Iraqi Arab nationalism : authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclinations, 1932 - 1941 /." London ;New York : Routledge, 2008. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0518/2005025604.html.

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Univ., Diss. u.d.T. Wien, Peter: Discipline and Sacrifice: authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist inclination in Iraqi Arab Nationalism, 1934-1941--Bonn, 2003.
Includes bibliographical references and index. The historical framework -- Generational conflict -- The generational approach -- The sherifian generation -- The young effendiyya -- The debate of the Iraqi press -- The Iraqi press in its environment -- Direct references to Germany and fascism -- Fascist imagery? -- The debate on the youth.
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Hoffmann, Thorsten. "The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt pursuing moderation within an authoritarian environment." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5685.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) is one of the biggest Islamist movements in the Middle East and North Africa, and its role in the future of Egyptian politics deserves careful consideration in light of the recent overthrow of Hosni Mubarak's regime. Over the past decades, the MB has changed their relationship with successive Egyptian authoritarian regimes by continuously renouncing violence and abiding by a moderate path as a means to achieve their objectives. This study uses competing theoretical approaches to understand the reasons behind the Muslim Brotherhood's decision to abide by a moderate strategy. The major finding of this study is that, over time, a combination of external and internal factors, such as regime repression and constraints and leadership, organizational and generational structures, as well as ideological influences, have shaped the organization's decision making. Furthermore, this study highlights the stagnation of this moderate development in the face of both regime constraints and internal leadership and generational issues, and demonstrates that the mode of recovery from this stagnation will be critical in the Muslim Brotherhood's future orientation as a movement.
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Urrutia, Veronica Edith Gomez. "Gender, law and public policy in post-authoritarian Chile and Brazil." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418407.

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MacDonald, Andrew W. "What is the nature of authoritarian regimes? : responsive authoritarianism in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ea011de5-9231-4f77-9899-2d1bbe5be2a5.

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This work proposes a new theory of authoritarian regimes: responsive authoritarianism. Most existing theories of autocracies take as their point of departure elite politics or the state’s repressive apparatus to explain the rise and fall of regimes. I argue that, for many states, regimes also have to consider the consent of the governed when designing policies. Specifically, when regime legitimacy is low but the central leadership maintains a long time horizon, autocratic regimes are predicted to become more responsive to the needs of citizens. This theory is tested against a number of aspects of the Chinese fiscal system dealing with public goods provision during the period of 2002-2011 and generally finds in favor of the theory. Chapter 4 tests the fiscal transfer system, Chapter 5 tests the fiscal expenditure data, and Chapter 6 tests data on the results of the transfer and expenditure data: actual public goods provision. This theory has a number of implications that suggest that scholars begin to rethink how they conceptualize power dynamics within an authoritarian regime, in particular paying closer attention to the relationship between the ruler(s) and the ruled. It suggests that, at least in the political science literature, power be returned to the people.
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Kenney-Lazar, Miles. "Resisting with the State| The Authoritarian Governance of Land in Laos." Thesis, Clark University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10246657.

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Over the past decade, the government of Laos has granted extensive tracts of land to plantation, mining, and hydropower investors across the country, constituting five percent of the national territory. Such projects have transformed rural livelihoods and environments, particularly via the dispossession of the lands, fields, and forests that Lao peasants rely upon for daily subsistence and cash income. While large-scale land acquisitions, or land grabs, across the Global South have been countered by social protest and movements in many countries, organized and vocal social mobilization is largely absent in Laos due to authoritarian state repression of dissident activity perceived to be anti-government. Lao peasants, however, have increasingly crafted politically creative methods of resistance that have enabled some communities and households to maintain access to land that had been allocated to investors. In this dissertation, I examine how effective resistance materializes within the Lao political landscape, by resisting with the state, shaping how industrial tree plantations are governed and their geographies of agrarian-environmental transformation.

The overarching argument of the dissertation is that in authoritarian contexts, like Laos, peasants are able to maintain access to land by taking advantage of political relations among state, corporate, and community actors that provide politically feasible means of refusal. Peasants find ways to resist that tread a middle path, that do not challenge state hegemonic power nor engage in under-the-radar acts of everyday resistance. Instead, they exploit and refashion established lines and relations of power among communities, state agencies, and plantation managers. They resist within the bounds of state power. Political relations between resource companies and the state vary, affecting how state sovereignty is mobilized to dispossess peasants of their land. Communities targeted by companies with weak relations with the state are afforded greater opportunities to contest such projects as they are not developed with the heavy coercion afforded to companies with better state relations. Communities that have powerful political connections with the state are also in a better position to resist. They are able to more effectively lodge their claims with the state when they have the political links to do so, particularly ethnic and kinship ties developed during the Second Indochina War. Communities more effectively resist the acquisition of lands that are afforded greater value by the state, particularly lowland paddy rice fields and state conservation areas. Finally, internal community relations, particularly democratic decision-making and solidarity, shape how effectively they mobilize against unjust land dispossession.

These arguments draw upon 20 months of in-country, ethnographic fieldwork during which I studied the operations of two plantation companies in 10 villages of Phin and Xepon districts, eastern Savannakhet province, southern Laos. One company is a state-owned Vietnamese rubber enterprise while the other is a private Chinese paper and pulp company planting eucalyptus and acacia trees. The bulk of the data comes from semi-structured one-on-one and focus group interviews with government officials at all administrative levels, civil society organizations, plantation company managers, village leaders, village households, and village women. The study is also deeply informed by participant observation – particularly with Lao government officials, civil society organizations, and rural communities – and by participatory mapping exercises and collected investment project documents.

The dissertation makes novel contributions to the discipline of geography. First, I demonstrate the importance of contested political ethnography, a methodological approach through which immersion in uncomfortable and oppositional political situations provides insights that would otherwise go unnoticed. Second, I contribute to understandings of how nature-society transformations occur in under-studied, authoritarian political contexts where neoliberal reforms are integrated with a heavy-handed role of the state in the economy. Third, I theorize how resistance can materialize and be effective in such contexts, despite its heavy repression. Fourth, I contribute to understandings of how dispossession actually occurs in practice and is governed by varying political relationships, leading to geographically variegated agrarian-environmental transformations.

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Farmer, Lauren A. "Bastions Against the Fourth Wave: Toward a Theory of Authoritarian Organizations." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/409201.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
I theorize that a sub-set of states build and maintain authoritarian organizations (AOs) that exist to protect and reinforce authoritarian practices and values. First, I offer a logic for understanding AOs and their contributions to their member states. Second, I develop a framework that hypothesizes a range of benefits that an AO might offer its member states, identifying both material benefits (that contribute to repression and co-optation behaviors) and ideational benefits (that legitimize autocratic behavior) that an AO might provide. Finally, I assess three contemporary AOs: the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Qualitative evidence shows that AOs most successfully contribute to the ideational side of the dictator’s toolkit, particularly by co-opting civil society into a structure set and maintained by authoritarians, and legitimizing authoritarian rule via distorting authoritarian practices, bandwagoning mutual rhetorical support at the international level, and challenging democracy as a norm of governance, chipping away at the Third and Fourth Waves of democratization. My research challenges the dominant understanding of IOs as generally democratizing actors, by identifying a subset of IOs that deliberately perform against this expectation. This research agenda also furthers our understanding the dictator’s toolkit by adding an international component to explanations of how non-democratic governments survive and counter democratizing pressures at home and abroad.
Temple University--Theses
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Stein, Elizabeth A. "Leading the way the media and the struggle against authoritarian rule /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835431&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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38

Offen, Karen M. "Paul de Cassagnac and the authoritarian tradition in nineteenth-century France /." New York : Garland, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36662281b.

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39

Hanson, Margaret C. "Legalized Rent-Seeking: How Dictators Use Civil Courts to Manage Corruption." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500310385542543.

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40

Elfving, Lovisa. "Those who doubt Nkurunziza's legitimacy are “out of their minds” : A Case Study of the Burundian State’s Conflict Management." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-81111.

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The aim of this study is to examine what conflict management practices that were employed in Burundi by the state around the electoral crisis of 2015. This will be done by applying the Authoritarian Conflict Management Framework. The study is qualitative, desk and case study and the data has been analyzed according to the method abduction as redescription and recontextualization. The result of the study shows that the Burundian state has adopted several conflict management practices to control political opponents. The state presents itself as democratic and under attacked by "enemies of the state" and "terrorists" as they call the opponents in the official discourse on Twitter. This discourse occurs simultaneously as the state security forces are dehumanizing the opponents in compounds where the opponents are being ill-treated and tortured. Another result explains why the Burundian security forces are enjoying impunity despite their human rights violations against the opponents within the mentioned compound. Despite violent actions, the state has also turned to a practice that gave development initiatives to diaspora to engage in, in order to restrict the diasporas political influence. A last main result questions the long-lasting stability of the contemporary government of Burundi, as the neopatrimonialism system has not only provided stability but also been a factor that triggered the 2015 political crisis.
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Michalik, Susanne Enterline Andrew John. "The use of democratic institutions as a strategy to legitimize authoritarian rule." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3639.

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42

Wilson, Adrian Wolford Wendy. "Decentering anarchism governmentality and anti-authoritarian social movements in twentieth-century Spain /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1661.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Geography." Discipline: Geography; Department/School: Geography.
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Bourgeois, David C. C. "Making space : the subversion of authoritarian language in Lewis Carroll's Alice books." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33877.

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The works of Lewis Carroll show an abiding interest on the part of the author in the relationship between education, language and authority. In particular, the Alices are the story of a young girl who must learn to deal with a variety of characters in dream-worlds where the power of language reigns. It is therefore necessary for Alice to learn how language is used for authoritarian purposes and to discover ways of defending herself against it. It is the purpose of this thesis to investigate, in many cases for the first time, the ways in which Alice is able to find "spaces" in language where authority breaks down, places where the fundamental nature of language is unable to support authoritarian use. In this way, "space" will become both a metaphor and a figurative model for Alice's growing knowledge of and resistance to authority.
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Segal, Talia. "Rapid Urbanization in Istanbul: Sustainable Neoliberal Growth or Authoritarian Consolidations of Power?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1010.

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The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) has had a political hegemony over Istanbul for more than a decade. Initiating rapid rates of development, the Turkish economy has nearly quadrupled under AKP leadership. The political party has also become notorious, though, for moving further away from a liberal democracy. Flirting with authoritarianism, recent governance trends include a weak rule of law, stringent social policies, extralegal policy execution, and substantial censorship. While Istanbul closely aligns with several emerging urban centers, the factors contributing to its patterns of growth are unique to both Turkish history and culture, and the city’s strategic regional position. Through a proposed self-sustaining cycle of neoliberal policy implementation, followed by institutional and political consolidation, the AKP has managed to maintain control of new engines for growth while facing increasing pushback from the residents of Istanbul. Though the past few years have been marked by unprecedented development, weaknesses in the AKP’s institutional structure are beginning to show. Istanbul is on the brink of an economic downfall. The government needs to take immediate action against a massive urban crisis if it wants to sustain legitimacy of authority. In leveraging the strategic location of the city, international institutions must partake in shifting Istanbul towards a more sustainable trajectory of urban growth.
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Elakder, Abdurraouf. "Sanctions and the salvation of the authoritarian regimes Libya, Eritrea, and Iraq." Thesis, Western Illinois University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1572923.

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There are studies that have touched on the question of whether sanctions are effective or not. Some argue that sanctions are effective in achieving their goals, while others argue that they are ineffective. Some adopt the opinion that sanctions are effective with other foreign policy tools in specific conditions conducted with them. But there are not many who write about the adverse effects of sanctions on the target country's internal politics after their failure to achieve their goals as a separate subject.

This study highlights the counterproductivity of sanctions imposed on the authoritarian regimes that aim to pressure them into changing their policies or bring them down. The paper goes beyond the ineffectiveness of sanctions to argue that sanctions that target the authoritarian regimes help to strengthen the position of the authoritarian leaders instead of bringing political change. That happens in two different ways: If the sanctions are smart they either provoke the masses or unite them, which in turn shifts the public opinion in favor of the target regime or the target regime led by its charismatic leader will manipulate and exaggerate their effects for the purposes of furthering his power. If sanctions are comprehensive, however, they cause economic crisis and devastation of socioeconomic structures that hit the whole society and ensure the regime's continuity by limiting the capacity of the public to organize. In both situations the imposition of the sanctions would strengthen the sanctioned authoritarian regime. In this study, Libya and Eritrea were selected to examine the hypothesis on smart sanctions on the authoritarian regime while Iraq was chosen to examine the hypothesis on comprehensive sanctions.

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Hsin-YuHu and 胡心瑜. "Authoritarian Leadership and Voice Behavior." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/25810046551234162587.

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碩士
國立成功大學
企業管理學系碩士在職專班
103
SUMMARY The study examined the impact of authoritarian leadership on employees’ voice behavior and whether Leader-member exchange (LMX), organization-based self-esteem(OBSE), and affective trust moderate the relationships. Using a sample of 304 leader-follower dyads collected from a variety of industries in Taiwan. We used hierarchical regression analysis to verify all hypotheses. Our findings are summarized as following. First, authoritarian leadership is negatively related to employees’ voice behavior. Second, LMX, OBSE, and affective trust totally mediate the negative relationship between authoritarian leadership on one hand and employees’ voice behavior on the other. Finally, the relationship between authoritarian leadership and LMX is shown to be mediated by benevolence leadership . Keywords：Authoritarian leadership, Voice behavior, Leader-member exchange (LMX) , Organization-based self-esteem(OBSE), Affective trust
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Tien, Kan Wen, and 甘文田. "Political Transition of Chilean Authoritarian Regime." Thesis, 1996. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/83714083947750054238.

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碩士
淡江大學
拉丁美洲研究所
84
From 1830 to 1973, Chile enjoyed more than a century of de- cracy,receiving high praise and widespread recognition acrossworld. Except for brief setbacks in 1924 and 1932, Chileessed well-developed democracy and party politics,held open and free elections periodically, and guaranteed citizenship and basic human rights to Chileans. In Latin America, where mili- tary coups have been the norm,Chile''s achievements can been seens all the more admirable. In 1973, during the reign of the left-wing coalitionovernment of Salvador Allende, a coup d''etat broke out due to political and socioeconomic crises. As a result, Chile began toollow a pendulum-swing of "democracy or dictatorship", a pheno- menon prevalent in the Latin American region. However, despite the coup,many Chileans remained optimisticbout their country''s future. Because there were few incidentsthe past where Chilean military power had intervened initics, and because Chileans were used to the democratic way of life, Chileans continued to believe that their country would soon return to democracy. But contrary to what was hoped,hileans military forces not only assumed power with littlefficulty, but also intened to establish a permanent military- controlled government. As a result, Chile was put underictatorial military rule for 15 years,which was the longestmost severe authoritarian rule in Chile''s history. So what were the factors that enabled the Chilean military toold on to power for 15 years? And what made Chile eventuallyturn to democracy? These are the questions this thesis proveso, based on relative theories of democratic transitions. Theor has also construct analytical variables accordingly tothe case.
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"Civil-Military Relations in Authoritarian Regimes." Doctoral diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.53732.

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abstract: This dissertation proposes a theory of authoritarian control of the armed forces using the economic theory of the firm. To establish a “master-servant” relationship, an organization structures governance as a long-term contractual agreement to mitigate the vulnerabilities associated with uncertainty and bilateral dependency. The bargaining power for civilian and military actors entering a contractual relationship is assessed by two dimensions: the negotiated political property rights and the credible guarantee of those rights. These dimensions outline four civil-military institutional arrangements or army types (cartel, cadre, entrepreneur, and patron armies) in an authoritarian system. In the cycle of repression, the more the dictator relies on the military for repression to stay in office, the more negotiated political property rights obtained by the military; and the more rights obtained by the military the less civilian control. Thus, the dependence on coercive violence entails a paradox for the dictator—the agents empowered to manage violence are also empowered to act against the regime. To minimize this threat, the dictator may choose to default on the political bargain through coup-proofing strategies at the cost to the regime’s credibility and reputation, later impacting a military’s decision to defend, defect, or coup during times of crisis. The cycle of repression captures the various stages in the life-cycle of the political contract between the regime and the armed forces providing insights into institutional changes governing the relationship. As such, this project furthers our understanding of the complexities of authoritarian civil–military relations and contributes conceptual tools for future studies.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Political Science 2019
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Tsai, Ming-che, and 蔡明徹. "The extension of family life experience：compare the behavior people submitting themselves to authoritarian parenting with authoritarian leading." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/89465041009232805785.

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碩士
國立中山大學
人力資源管理研究所
94
The purpose of this paper is to research the relationship between people submitting themselves to their parents’ authoritarian parenting and their managers’ authoritarian leading, and research the reason of family experience extending to company organizations. Conclusions of this research show that the more parents educate their children by authoritarian parenting style, the more their children submit themselves to authoritarian parenting. The younger generation of people are belong to, the lesser their parents educate them by authoritarian parenting style. The more managers lead their subordinates by authoritarian leadership, the lesser their subordinates are satisfied with the interaction of their managers, and the lesser their subordinates submit themselves to their authoritarian leading. The more people submit themselves to their parents’ authoritarian parenting, the more they submit themselves to their managers’ authoritarian leading. The degree of different generation of people submitting themselves to parents’ authoritarian parenting are the same, and submitting themselves to manager’s authoritarian leading are the same, too. The degree of parents’ authoritarian parenting is more than manager’s authoritarian leading, and the degree of people submitting themselves to parents’ authoritarian parenting is lesser than they submitting themselves to manager’s authoritarian leading. The more stimulus generalization effect, people are easier using metaphor to compare family with company organization.
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50

Su, Ching-Hsuan, and 蘇慶軒. "Constitution and Authoritarian Rule:The Expansion of the Presidential Power and the Institutionalization of the Kuomintang Authoritarian Regime." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/6n4978.

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Abstract:
博士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
106
The existing research on constitutional politics rarely touches upon the relationship between constitution and authoritarian rule. By examining the expansion of the power of the President of the Republic of China, this study aims to illustrate how political elites in the authoritarian regime maintained and made use of the principle of horizontal separation of powers stipulated in the ROC Constitution to interact with other powers and operate the government, but at the same time suspended the part of the ROC Constitution that guarantees the protection of people’s rights. The political elites of the authoritarian regime thus were able to exclude Taiwanese local political elites from the national-level political operations on the one hand, and bar the political participation of citizens and political accountability from the political arena on the other hand. This model of power interaction that was established, operated, and modified according to the ROC constitutional framework had led to the institutionalization of the KMT authoritarian regime. In chapter order, this study first points out that the political status of the ROC Constitution had been consolidated due to the exogenous factor of the Chinese Civil War and the political antithesis; secondly, the political elites of the regime and the party establishment undertook power interactions in compliance with the constitutional regulations, which became the endogenous factor of the consolidation of the ROC Constitution. Lastly, while Chiang Kai-shek had to expand his presidential power for his rule, the expansion made the political elites of the regime revisit the model of power interaction and tilted the path of institutionalization toward the Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period of National Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion. However, as the model of power interaction excluded the Taiwanese local elites and thereby lacked the function of political recruitment, this model of power interaction could not retain its closed nature and the regime had no choice but to open up after the geopolitical environment changed and the political elites of the regime and the party establishment aged.
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