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Journal articles on the topic 'Authoritarian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 January 2023

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1

Ginsburg, Tom. "Authoritarian International Law?" American Journal of International Law 114, no. 2 (February 3, 2020): 221–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2020.3.

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AbstractInternational law, though formally neutral among regime types, has mainly been a product of liberal democracies since World War II. In light of recent challenges to the liberal international order, this Article asks, what would international law look like in an increasingly authoritarian world? As compared with democratic countries, authoritarians emphasize looser cooperation, negotiated settlements, and rules that reinforce regime survival. This raises the possibility of authoritarian international law, designed to extend authoritarian rule across time and space.

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2

Fuchs, Christian. "Authoritarian capitalism, authoritarian movements and authoritarian communication." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 5 (April 27, 2018): 779–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718772147.

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Paolo Gerbaudo’s book The Mask and the Flag: Populism, Citizenism and Global Protest, whose approach is reflected in his Crosscurrents piece in the issue of Media, Culture & Society at hand, is a response to these societal, political and academic challenges. This CrossCurrents comment asks, I ask, the following: Why is it that right-wing authoritarian populism in recent times has become much more popular than left-wing movements? How do right-wing authoritarian movements communicate? Why is it that right-wing political communication strategies seem to garner and result in mass support? The critical theory of authoritarianism advanced by the Frankfurt School and related authors on fascism, Nazism, and the authoritarian personality help us to critically analyse the communication of authoritarianism. In this context, particularly the works by Franz Leopold Neumann, Erich Fromm, Theodor W. Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, Leo Löwenthal, and Willhelm Reich are relevant.

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Pentony, Joseph F., Karen S. E. Petersen, Olivia Philips, Clare Leong, Paula Harper, Alicia Bakowski, Sarah Steward, and Rhonda Gonzales. "A Comparison of Authoritarianism in the United States, England, and Hungary with Selected Nonrandom Samples." European Psychologist 5, no. 4 (December 2000): 259–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027//1016-9040.5.4.259.

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It has been suggested that there is no such thing as a left-wing authoritarian, and that authoritarian attitudes do not correlate with authoritarian behaviors. Studies were done in the United States, England, and Hungary in order to obtain cross-cultural empirical data on these questions. An additional goal of the research was to use common measures across samples, which had not occurred in previous studies where comparisons were drawn. Left-wing authoritarians were not found in the United States or England, but were found in Hungary. An authoritarian attitude did not correlate positively with authoritarian behavior in any of the countries.

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4

Halmai, Gábor. "Populism, authoritarianism and constitutionalism." German Law Journal 20, no. 3 (April 2019): 296–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.23.

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AbstractThe paper deals with the relationship of different types of populism with authoritarianism and constitutionalism. In the first part, I try to define various approaches—Left and Right-Wing, “good” or “bad”—to populism, especially from the point of view of whether they aim at changing the liberal democratic constitutional system to an authoritarian one. The following part discusses the rhetoric of authoritarian populists, which makes this type of populism distinct from non-populist authoritarians. The paper also explores the question of whom to blame for the success of authoritarian populisms, and the final part investigates, whether the use of legal tools by an authoritarian populist to dismantle liberal constitutional democracies means that we can speak about a special populist constitutionalism. While the paper tries to find out the joint characteristics of authoritarian populism, it heavily relies on the Hungarian experiences as a kind of model approach in East-Central Europe and maybe even beyond.

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5

London, Herbert. "When anti-authoritarian scholarship is authoritarian." Academic Questions 6, no. 3 (September 1993): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02683283.

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6

Huskey, Eugene. "Authoritarian Leadership in the Post-Communist World." Daedalus 145, no. 3 (July 2016): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00398.

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A quarter-century after the collapse of the USSR, authoritarian politics dominates seven of the fifteen successor states. Placing the post-communist authoritarian experience in the broader frame of nondemocratic governance, this essay explores the origins and operation of personalist rule in the region; the relationship between time and power; and the role of Soviet legacies in shaping the agenda and tools of leadership. It also examines the efforts of post-communist authoritarians to enhance personal and regime legitimacy by claiming to rule beyond politics. Within the post-communist world, the essay finds significant variation among authoritarian leaders in their approaches to personnel policy and to the use of policies, symbols, and narratives to address the ethnic and religious awakening spawned by the collapse of Soviet rule. The essay concludes with a brief assessment of the trajectories of post-communist authoritarian leadership.

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7

Berntzen, Lars Erik. "How Elite Politicization of Terror Impacts Sympathies for Partisans: Radical Right versus Social Democrats." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (July 17, 2020): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2919.

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The populist radical right is frequently engaged in intense political and normative conflict with their political opponents. Does this have a spillover effect on citizens’ sympathies for populist radical right voters and the voters of their political antagonists, and if so, why? This is a study of citizens’ affective evaluation of radical right and social democratic voters when exposed to intense conflict between the two parties at the elite level. It zooms in on the conflict between the Norwegian Progress Party and the Labour Party that revolves around the trauma of the 22 July 2011 terror attacks, in which a former Progress Party member committed two devastating attacks against the Labour government and Labour Youth summer camp. This is studied using a survey experimental approach, relying on panel data from the Norwegian Citizen Panel. Drawing on the authoritarian dynamics’ literature, it incorporates the four-item child-rearing values index measure of authoritarian predispositions which offers a personality-based explanation for why people react differently to threat. In contrast to the authoritarian dynamics’ literature, which has found that it is either authoritarians or non-authoritarians who react, this study finds that both authoritarians and non-authoritarians simultaneously respond to high-intensity political conflict. Whereas non-authoritarians rally in support of social democratic voters, authoritarians rally in support of radical right voters. Further differentiating between those with low and high authoritarianism scores, we see that low-authoritarians also become more hostile to social democratic voters. This indicates that conflict involving populist radical right parties is a driver of personality-based, affective sorting of citizens. Since personality is relatively stable, the resulting state of polarization is also likely to be quite durable.

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Womick, Jake, John Eckelkamp, Sam Luzzo, Sarah J. Ward, S. Glenn Baker, Alison Salamun, and Laura A. King. "Exposure to authoritarian values leads to lower positive affect, higher negative affect, and higher meaning in life." PLOS ONE 16, no. 9 (September 15, 2021): e0256759. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256759.

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Five studies tested the effect of exposure to authoritarian values on positive affect (PA), negative affect (NA), and meaning in life (MIL). Study 1 (N = 1,053) showed that simply completing a measure of right-wing authoritarianism (vs. not) prior to rating MIL led to higher MIL. Preregistered Study 2 (N = 1,904) showed that reading speeches by real-world authoritarians (e.g., Adolf Hitler) led to lower PA, higher NA, and higher MIL than a control passage. In preregistered Studies 3 (N = 1,573) and 4 (N = 1,512), Americans read authoritarian, egalitarian, or control messages and rated mood, MIL, and evaluated the passages. Both studies showed that egalitarian messages led to better mood and authoritarian messages led to higher MIL. Study 5 (N = 148) directly replicated these results with Canadians. Aggregating across studies (N = 3,401), moderational analyses showed that meaning in life, post manipulation, was associated with more favorable evaluations of the authoritarian passage. In addition, PA was a stronger predictor of MIL in the egalitarian and control conditions than in the authoritarian condition. Further results showed no evidence that negative mood (or disagreement) spurred the boost in MIL. Implications and future directions are discussed.

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9

Hayoz, Nicolas. "“Modern Authoritarians” Coping with the Challenge of Modern Society." Soziale Systeme 23, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2018): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sosys-2018-0005.

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Abstract The study of “Modern authoritarians”<fnote> This part of the title is inspired by Arch Puddington’s Freedom House report on modern authoritarians (Puddington 2017).</fnote> has become for understandable reasons a fashionable topic, particularly in political science. Authoritarian regimes such as Russia and China are of course a challenge for democracies. A more sociological perspective could focus rather on the question to what extent such modern authoritarian powers have realized on a regional level of world society a variant of differentiation which could challenge or even undermine functional differentiation as the main type of differentiation in modern society. The empire could be a candidate for such a variant. But this paper prefers to look rather at how authoritarian regimes are using and misusing organizations and networks to protect their grip on power and to control society, particularly politics. Such power structures may be considered as parasitical differentiation. What in the political world looks like a kind of competition between autocracies and democracies could also be considered as a regional, more or less successful attempt to control and instrumentalise politically functional differentiation, its performance and its effects.

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10

Feldman, Richard. "Authoritarian Epistemology." Philosophical Topics 23, no. 1 (1995): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics199523119.

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11

Nathan, Andrew J. (Andrew James). "Authoritarian Resilience." Journal of Democracy 14, no. 1 (2003): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2003.0019.

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12

Göbel, Christian. "Authoritarian Consolidation." European Political Science 10, no. 2 (December 24, 2010): 176–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2010.47.

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13

Newson, Adlai, and Francesco Trebbi. "Authoritarian elites." Canadian Journal of Economics/Revue canadienne d'économique 51, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 1088–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/caje.12362.

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Andrew J. Nathan. "Authoritarian Impermanence." Journal of Democracy 20, no. 3 (2009): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.0.0097.

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15

Neumann, Iver B. "Authoritarian East." Global Affairs 1, no. 1 (January 2015): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2014.960190.

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16

Heller, Hermann. "Authoritarian Liberalism?" European Law Journal 21, no. 3 (February 25, 2015): 295–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/eulj.12125.

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17

Apoifis, Nicholas. "Fieldwork in a furnace: anarchists, anti-authoritarians and militant ethnography." Qualitative Research 17, no. 1 (August 1, 2016): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468794116652450.

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Militant ethnography is a burgeoning, deliberately politicised approach to qualitative research, that helps activist-researchers engage with the cultural logic and practices underpinning contemporary anti-authoritarian social movements. Despite its ascendancy amongst researchers investigating contemporary anarchist and anti-authoritarian social movements, militant ethnographic approaches have had limited broader exposure amongst qualitative researchers. With this in mind, my article serves three purposes. First, it acquaints a wider audience of qualitative researchers with militant ethnography. Second, and with reference to insights collaboratively produced during my own militant ethnographic research alongside Greek anarchists and anti-authoritarians, it shares some of the cultural logic and practices underpinning anarchist and anti-authoritarian activity in this space. Third, I make a novel case for the extended application of militant ethnography, so that it accommodates the dissemination of field-constructed knowledge and insights amongst kindred political networks in other locations.

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18

Topak, Özgün E. "The authoritarian surveillant assemblage: Authoritarian state surveillance in Turkey." Security Dialogue 50, no. 5 (June 26, 2019): 454–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619850336.

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This article examines Turkey’s authoritarian state surveillance regime by developing the concept of the authoritarian surveillant assemblage (ASA), building on and expanding the concept of the surveillant assemblage (SA). Turkey’s ASA is the outcome of diverse surveillance systems, which continuously expand their reach, form new connections and incorporate new actors. These systems include a protest and dissent surveillance system, an internet surveillance system, a synoptic media surveillance system and an informant–collaborator surveillance system. Turkey’s ASA is controlled by the Turkish state and serves its repressive interests. Although pivotal in emphasizing the complexity of surveillance connections and increasing diversification of and collaboration among surveillance actors, the SA model of surveillance puts the main emphasis on decentralized, uncoordinated and multifaceted forms of surveillance, and does not offer sufficient analytical space to understand how an authoritarian state could coordinate diverse surveillance systems and use it for the overarching purpose of control. The article draws on Michael Mann’s theory of state power and the authoritarian state to address these limitations of the SA and conceptualize the ASA. It shows how the diverse systems of Turkey’s ASA work in concert with one another under the hierarchical command of Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) to control the population and suppress dissent.

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19

Webber, Frances. "Britain’s authoritarian turn." Race & Class 62, no. 4 (February 17, 2021): 106–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396821989181.

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Looking back, in December 2020, at the year since Boris Johnson’s Conservatives were swept back into government with a huge majority, the author identifies a raft of new laws, Home Office measures and government proposals in the fields of policing, crime, and immigration and asylum which embody long-held rightwing projects. Coming on top of already discriminatory practices, these include restrictions on the fundamental right of peaceful protest and freedom from invasive and racist policing, the subjection of migrants and asylum seekers to dangerous and inhumane conditions and the removal of legal protections for asylum seekers. Simultaneously, Bills going through parliament restrict or remove altogether the legal accountability of state actors, including soldiers on overseas operations and police informants, for crimes including torture and murder. Citizens’ recourse to the courts to challenge unlawful ministerial decisions is also under threat.

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20

Schatz, Edward, and Elena Maltseva. "Kazakhstan's Authoritarian "Persuasion"." Post-Soviet Affairs 28, no. 1 (January 2012): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1060-586x.28.1.45.

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21

Ortega, Roberto Niembro. "Conceptualizing authoritarian constitutionalism." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 49, no. 4 (2016): 339–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2016-4-339.

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22

Becker, Felicitas. "Tanzania’s Authoritarian Turn." Current History 120, no. 826 (May 1, 2021): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.826.189.

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For a time, Tanzania enjoyed a reputation for mostly free elections and public debate. But after President John Magufuli was elected in 2015, he introduced measures to stifle the media and tilt the electoral playing field in favor of the longtime ruling party. The turn toward authoritarianism is not due to any one personality or stereotypical “mad dictator,” however (notwithstanding Magufuli’s pandemic denialism, which may have cost him his life). It is part of the legacy of the early postcolonial period and the revered founding president, Julius Nyerere, who set the foundations of one-party rule and wielded the rhetoric of economic nationalism.

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23

Jones, Bill. "America’s Authoritarian Slide." Political Insight 13, no. 1 (March 2022): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20419058221091637.

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24

Marasco, Robyn, Christina Gerhardt, and Kirk Wetters. "The Authoritarian Personality." Polity 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/717253.

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25

Scheuerman, William E. "Resisting Authoritarian Populism." Populism 5, no. 1 (February 17, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10029.

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Abstract Authoritarian populism poses major challenges to democracy. Yet relatively little systematic political-theoretical or philosophical analysis has focused on how best to oppose or resist it. The present essay focuses on three possible approaches now being tentatively discussed. Some writers emphasize the possible virtues of civil disobedience, others are advocating a related yet broader strategy of civil resistance, and yet others abandon both “civil” approaches in favor of uncivil disobedience. Despite their many strengths, each approach suffers from weaknesses, in part because each responds incompletely to the challenges of authoritarian populism and its use of increasingly commonplace modes of “smart” repression. With ominous implications for those worried about democracy’s fate, populists are embracing coercive techniques designed to squelch dissent without generating public sympathy or a popular backlash.

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26

Mayer, Nonna, and Bob Altemeyer. "The authoritarian specter." Revue Française de Sociologie 39, no. 3 (July 1998): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3322995.

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27

Riedl, Rachel Beatty, Dan Slater, Joseph Wong, and Daniel Ziblatt. "Authoritarian-Led Democratization." Annual Review of Political Science 23, no. 1 (May 11, 2020): 315–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-052318-025732.

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Authoritarian regimes become more likely to democratize when they face little choice or little risk. In some cases, the risk of democratization to authoritarian incumbents is so low that ending authoritarianism might not mean exiting power at all. This article develops a unified theory of authoritarian-led democratization under conditions of relatively low incumbent risk. We argue that the party strength of the authoritarian incumbent is the most pivotal factor in authoritarian-led democratization. When incumbent party strength has been substantial enough to give incumbent authoritarian politicians significant electoral victory confidence, nondemocratic regimes have pursued reversible democratic experiments that eventually culminated in stable, thriving democracies. Evidence from Europe's first wave of democratization and more recent democratic transitions in Taiwan and Ghana illustrate how party strength has underpinned authoritarian-led democratization across the world and across modern history.

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Marc F. Plattner. "The Authoritarian Challenge." Journal of Democracy 21, no. 4 (2010): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2010.0005.

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29

Walker, Christopher. "The Authoritarian Resurgence." Journal of Democracy 26, no. 2 (2015): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2015.0025.

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Loxton, James. "Authoritarian Successor Parties." Journal of Democracy 26, no. 3 (2015): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2015.0052.

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31

Libman, Alexander, and Anastassia V. Obydenkova. "Understanding Authoritarian Regionalism." Journal of Democracy 29, no. 4 (2018): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0070.

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32

Heryanto, Ariel, and Vedi R. Hadiz. "Post-authoritarian Indonesia." Critical Asian Studies 37, no. 2 (January 2005): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672710500106341.

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Rae, Gavin. "Authoritarian and Anthropocentric." Critical Horizons 16, no. 1 (February 2015): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1440991714z.00000000039.

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34

Hausknecht, Murray. "The Authoritarian Reflex." Dissent 54, no. 1 (2007): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2007.0008.

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35

He, Baogang, and Hendrik Wagenaar. "Authoritarian deliberation revisited." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 2018): 622–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000257.

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AbstractThis introductory paper reviews the origin and development of the concept of authoritarian deliberation, and highlights the importance of culture and cultural tradition associated with public consultation. This paper summarizes and illustrates six key features of authoritarian deliberation in China. First, deliberation in China is a precarious balance between legal rule and state intervention. Second, the Party appeals to public reason to address and manage social conflict, and develop the soft coercion that accompanies much authoritarian deliberation. Third, this highly controlled deliberative process does, however, allow the freedom of local participants to find spaces for democratic expression, and local experiments to develop elements of deliberative democracy. Fourth, authoritarian deliberation is characterized by mutual instrumentalism. Fifth, there is an importance of an administrative and policy perspective in authoritarian deliberation. Six, the concept of authoritarian deliberation is not limited to China. There is the convergence in real-world deliberative process and outcome between authoritarian and liberal democratic systems.

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36

Lubbers, Marcel. "The Authoritarian Dynamic." Acta Politica 43, no. 1 (March 24, 2008): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500212.

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37

Schofield, Norman, and Micah Levinson. "Modeling authoritarian regimes." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 7, no. 3 (August 2008): 243–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x08092103.

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38

Carson, John. "Authoritarian tightrope walk." Nature Human Behaviour 2, no. 3 (March 2018): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41562-018-0325-4.

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39

Brandt, Jessica, and Torrey Taussig. "Europe’s Authoritarian Challenge." Washington Quarterly 42, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2019.1693099.

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40

Lewis, Thomas H. "The Authoritarian Specter." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 277, no. 16 (April 23, 1997): 1326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1997.03540400078041.

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41

Huber, Andreas. "The Authoritarian Institution." Serendipities. Journal for the Sociology and History of the Social Sciences 7, no. 1-2 (January 10, 2023): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/serendipities.v7i1-2.129575.

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Else Frenkel was associated with the University of Vienna for more than five years in total. She was studying eight semesters, from 1926 to 1930 at Austria’s biggest university, reached the position of a research assistant in the study year 1931/32 and worked a second time as temporary employee in 1936. The political climate in these years was characterized by racist Antisemitism and attacks against the parliamentarian democracy, by violence against “Jewish” and left-wing students and discrimination against scientists who did not fit into the “Aryan” and German national template. Fascism and National Socialism had a huge backing especially in the student body, many years before Austria became a part of Nazi Germany. This article wants to draw an atmospheric picture of the University of Vienna in these years, especially from 1926 to 1932, when Frenkel was almost continuously connected with the institution.

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42

Weiner, Allen S. "Authoritarian International Law, the Use of Force, and Intervention." AJIL Unbound 114 (2020): 220–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2020.46.

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Tom Ginsburg's thought-provoking Authoritarian International Law? invites us to reflect on the potential changes to the international legal order that might flow from the global decline of liberal democracy and the corresponding rise of illiberal authoritarian regimes. Given that Ginsburg's cautionary tale is predicated on the central interest of authoritarians in the survival of their regimes and their concerns about internal security, it is not surprising that many of the implications he identifies— which involve the expansion of norms that facilitate internal repression, enable repressive regulation of online expression, and dilute international democracy promotion—concern international law's regulation of states’ internal affairs. If Ginsburg's predictions about expanding authoritarianism are correct, however, we should also consider the implications for the evolution of international law in the external security realm, and in particular, for the legal regime governing the use of force and intervention in the affairs of other states. In this essay, I suggest that the expansion of authoritarianism is likely to diminish legal accountability of outside states that support repression by such regimes; to entrench the legal status of existing authoritarian regimes confronting domestic political violence; and to weaken the legal basis for Security Council interventions rooted in the “responsibility to protect” principle. When authoritarian states do wage wars, particularly when they intervene in civil wars, we should expect that their compliance with international humanitarian law (IHL) will be weak.

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Loxton, James, and Timothy Power. "Introducing authoritarian diasporas: causes and consequences of authoritarian elite dispersion." Democratization 28, no. 3 (January 18, 2021): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2020.1866553.

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44

Chiang, Jack Ting-Ju. "Being Authoritarian down the Road: Authoritarian Decision-Making and Implementation." Academy of Management Proceedings 2013, no. 1 (January 2013): 14824. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2013.14824abstract.

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45

Hernández Company, José Antonio. "Parallel authoritarian powers: an explanation of Mexico’s authoritarian regime breakdown." Democratization 26, no. 3 (November 20, 2018): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2018.1549545.

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46

Knafo, Ariel. "Authoritarians, the Next Generation: Values and Bullying Among Adolescent Children of Authoritarian Fathers." Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 3, no. 1 (December 2003): 199–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1530-2415.2003.00026.x.

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47

Joerges, Christian. "Authoritarian Liberalism, authoritarian managerialism and the search for alternatives: Comments on Michael A. Wilkinson’s Authoritarian Liberalism." European Law Open 1, no. 1 (March 2022): 178–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/elo.2022.8.

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AbstractMichael Wilkinson’s Authoritarian Liberalism is an important, and, in many respects, praiseworthy contribution to the debates on the present state of the European Union (EU) and its highly problematical future. Its recourse to political economy in the re-construction of the integration project contrasts innovatively and instructively with the usual, if subtle, stories told about the history of Europe’s “integration through law” and its promotion of an “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe”. The spectre of “authoritarian liberalism” is a counter-narrative which exhibits the socio-economic dimensions and forces us to consider the political quality of European rule, in which Europe’s “material constitution” is a key concept of these analyses. “Authoritarian liberalism” is more than just a catchy characterisation of Europe’s constitutional constellation. The resort to this notion ties in with a conceptual history that definitely deserves to be remembered and continued.

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48

Meloen, Jos. "Anti-Authoritarianism and Political Activism." South African Journal of Psychology 21, no. 4 (December 1991): 261–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639102100410.

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A relationship between anti-authoritarianism and self-reported overt actions expressing resistance against authorities (demonstrations, boycotts etc.) has been proposed. In a 1985 survey of a national random sample of the Dutch population using a shortened F scale, the relationship did not appear to be particularly strong (0,34), but was nevertheless highly significant and consistent. For some subsamples such as anti-authoritarians, students and the highly educated the relationship was much stronger. Authoritarianism contributed independently to an explanation of resistance behaviour, next to education and political preference. Some 25% of the sample reported having participated in one or more acts of resistance over the previous five years. Some 63% behaved in consistency with their anti-authoritarian or authoritarian predisposition. The results are interpreted as supporting the theory of Adorno et al.

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Heydemann, Steven, and Reinoud Leenders. "Authoritarian Learning and Authoritarian Resilience: Regime Responses to the ‘Arab Awakening’." Globalizations 8, no. 5 (October 2011): 647–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2011.621274.

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Luchterhandt, Otto. "Operation autoritäre Diktatur." osteuropa 71, no. 3 (2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/oe-2021-0015.

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