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Journal articles on the topic 'Authoritarianism Civil society'
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1
Giersdorf, Stephan, and Aurel Croissant. "Civil Society and Competitive Authoritarianism in Malaysia." Journal of Civil Society 7, no. 1 (April 2011): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2011.553401.
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Qiaoan, Runya. "Civil Society under Authoritarianism. The China Model." Europe-Asia Studies 67, no. 8 (September 14, 2015): 1343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2015.1076119.
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Mah, Kate. "The Silent Gatekeeper: Authoritarianism and Civil Society in China." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 2 (February 15, 2017): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur40.
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This paper examines the emergence of civil society in China under the authoritarian system in the last thirty years. It seeks to explore the ways in which an initial, traditional notion of civil society has altered in the context of China, as well as the respective challenges faced by both the organizations and the government in carrying out their goals and governance. The rapid rise of market capitalism, globalization and Chinese economic success in the last forty years to present day has made room for the rise of non-governmental organizations as well as social mobilization and engagement from citizens. This paper suggests that China has been able to accept the emergence of civil society, however, despite these developments, the government has been able to sufficiently suppress civil society from carrying out any objectives of transparency, social justice and accountability. It surveys the history of civil society within the authoritarian state, analyzes the specific government-NGO relations between the Chinese Communist Party and civil society organizations, and reflects upon the implications of the current legal and political framework that Chinese civil society must operate under.
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Benjamins, Malte P. "Book review: Civil Society under Authoritarianism: The China Model." China Information 29, no. 1 (March 2015): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x15574652a.
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Teets, Jessica C. "Let Many Civil Societies Bloom: The Rise of Consultative Authoritarianism in China." China Quarterly 213 (January 23, 2013): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001269.
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AbstractIn this article, I analyse civil society development in China using examples from Beijing to demonstrate the causal role of local officials' ideas about these groups during the last 20 years. I argue that the decentralization of public welfare and the linkage of promotion to the delivery of these goods supported the idea of local government–civil society collaboration. This idea was undermined by international examples of civil society opposing authoritarianism and the strength of the state-led development model after the 2008 economic crisis. I find growing convergence on a new model of state–society relationship that I call “consultative authoritarianism,” which encourages the simultaneous expansion of a fairly autonomous civil society and the development of more indirect tools of state control. This model challenges the conventional wisdom that an operationally autonomous civil society cannot exist inside authoritarian regimes and that the presence of civil society is an indicator of democratization.
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Flere, Sergej, and Miran Lavric. "Predicting civil religion at a cross-cultural level." Psihologija 42, no. 2 (2009): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0902159f.
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The concept of civil religion has caught major attention among scholars studying the junction of religion and politics (J.-J. Rousseau, E. Durkheim, R. Bellah). The notion focuses on the phenomenon of cultural contents sacralizing and ritualizing the ruling political institutions of a society, extending support to the integration of the political and social system at a cultural level. The notion of civil religion has recently been operationalized crossculturally, but light has not been shed upon its predictors. In this paper authoritarianism is tested as a predictor of civil religion cross-culturally. Four student samples of Bosnian, Serbian, Slovenian and US students were analyzed. Very strong, significant associations between authoritarianism, as operationalized by a modified Lane scale, and civil religion were found in all cases. Moreover, upon introducing femininity, anxiety and gender into the analysis, a strong, dominant and significant impact on the part of authoritarianism was still found when civil religion was observed crossculturally. When the same predictors were applied to explaining general religiosity, authoritarianism fell short of being a significant predictor in most of the environments observed. Such results suggest an especially close link between civil religion and authoritarianism.
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Robertson, Graeme B. "Managing Society: Protest, Civil Society, and Regime in Putin's Russia." Slavic Review 68, no. 3 (2009): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900019719.
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Postcommunist Russia has become a paradigmatic case of contemporary authoritarianism in which elections coexist with autocratic rule. In this paper, Graeme B. Robertson argues that it is vital for the stability of such hybrid regimes for incumbents to maintain an image of political invincibility. This means intensively managing challenges both during elections and in the streets. To do this, Vladimir Putin's regime has built on the Soviet repertoire of channeling and inhibiting protest, creating a new system for licensing civil society and crafting ersatz social movements that rally support for the state. This contemporary style of repression has become a model for authoritarian regimes in the post-Soviet space and elsewhere.
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Perry, Elizabeth J. "Citizen Contention and Campus Calm: The Paradox of Chinese Civil Society." Current History 113, no. 764 (September 1, 2014): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.764.211.
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O'Brien, Thomas. "Civil society under authoritarianism: the China model, by Jessica Teets." Democratization 23, no. 3 (July 20, 2015): 570–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2015.1058362.
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Ding, Sheng. "Jessica C. Teets. Civil Society Under Authoritarianism: the China Model." Journal of Chinese Political Science 20, no. 3 (August 19, 2015): 351–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-015-9367-x.
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Alexander, Christopher. "Back from the Democratic Brink: Authoritarianism and Civil Society in Tunisia." Middle East Report, no. 205 (October 1997): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3013093.
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SOTIROPOULOS, Dimitrios A. "The remains of authoritarianism : bureaucracy and civil society in post_authoritarian Greece." CEMOTI, no. 20 (June 1, 1995): 239267. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cemoti.188.
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Ma, Shu-Yun. "The Chinese Discourse on Civil Society." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003410x.
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In recent years the concept of civil society has gained scholarly attention world-wide. It has found numerous advocates in the West, such as John Keane who suggested democratizing European socialism by defending the distinction between civil society and the state; Michael Walzer who proposed synthesizing socialist, capitalist and nationalist ideals under the rubric of civil society; and Daniel Bell, who called for a revival of civil society in the United States as a protection against the expanding state bureaucracies. In 1992 alone, at least three books on the subject appeared. In Eastern Europe, proponents of the civil society concept – like Vaclav Havel, George Konrad and Adam Michnik – have been credited with developing an extremely useful theoretical tool for overthrowing Stalinist authoritarianism. A volume consisting of case studies of seven former or present socialist countries found that the notion of civil society is generally applicable to the study of Communist systems, as long as the influence of different cultures and traditions of individual countries are fully acknowledged. The civil society paradigm, despite its basic European orientation, has also been recognized as applicable to the study of developing countries.
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Medani, Khalid Mustafa. "Teaching the “New Middle East”: Beyond Authoritarianism." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (March 28, 2013): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000176.
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In 2011 the protests in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) were not only unprecedented in terms of scale and political consequences for the region, they also highlighted a number of long-standing analytical and theoretical misconceptions about Arab politics. In particular, the conventional thesis privileging the idea of a “durable authoritarianism” in the Arab world was partially undermined by a cross-regional civil society that confronted the formidable security and military apparatus of the state. Although in some countries democratic transitions have continued, since they first occurred in Tunisia, other Arab states continue to witness a resilient authoritarianism and strong state repression of civil society activism. These historic events have also set the stage for a new teaching agenda in important ways. Specifically, an agenda for teaching the “new Middle East” must incorporate two important general components: first, a critical review of the influential scholarship on persistent authoritarianism with the objective of addressing past theoretical and methodological misconceptions, and second, the introduction of new conceptual and analytical frameworks relevant to contemporary political developments in the Arab world and the MENA region more generally.
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Jordan, Bill. "Authoritarianism and Social Policy." Social Policy and Society 19, no. 2 (December 3, 2019): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746419000411.
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Authoritarianism seems to be emerging as the default mode of global capitalism. In the absence of reliable economic growth, and with working-class incomes in long-term stagnation, both liberal and social democratic parties have lost support in many countries, and authoritarian regimes have come to power in several. But poor people in the USA, UK and Europe have long experienced coercion, being forced to accept low-paid, insecure work or face benefits sanctions. As a growing proportion of workers have come to rely on supplements such as tax credits, the working class has been divided, and opportunistic authoritarian politicians have mobilised the anxiety and resentment of those on the margins of poverty. This article argues that only an active civil society, with voluntary agencies uncompromised by involvement in coercive policies, along with universal, unconditional Basic Incomes for all citizens, can reverse these trends.
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Sotiropoulos, Dimitris A. "The remains of authoritarianism : bureaucracy and civil society in post-authoritarian Greece." CEMOTI 20, no. 1 (1995): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cemot.1995.1287.
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Johnson, Janet Elise, and Aino Saarinen. "Assessing civil society in Putin’s Russia: The plight of women’s crisis centers." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.01.002.
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The article assesses civil society in Putin’s Russia through the lens of the small social movement working against gender violence. Based on questionnaires distributed to movement organizations in 2008–2009, we find significant retrenchment among the NGO segment of the movement, adding evidence to the claim of Russia’s turn toward authoritarianism. However, this innovative, midlevel analysis–not the typical society-wide surveys nor the small number participant observation–also shows that the women’s crisis center movement has made some in-roads in transforming the state, revealing that some democratic opportunities remain at the local level.
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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.
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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
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Hrycak, Alexandra. "Orange Harvest?: Women's Activism and Civil Society in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia since 2004." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, no. 1-2 (2010): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023910x512840.
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AbstractRising authoritarianism throughout post-Soviet countries has met with responses ranging from small-scale revolts to “electoral revolutions.” This article analyzes women's activism to explore the impact of domestic political opportunity dynamics on the trajectory of civic organizing in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. The extent and form of state repression are shown to affect the development of women's activism by influencing the number, scope and capacity of women's nongovernmental organizations.
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Colton, Timothy J., Henry E. Hale, Luke March, and Graeme B. Robertson. "Responses: Political Science, Democracy, and Authoritarianism." Slavic Review 68, no. 3 (2009): 552–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900019732.
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Stephen Kotkin is surely right that Russia cannot be understood fully through the lens of its elections and that it is conceptually risky for political scientists to treat U.S. democracy as its analytical point of departure. He also makes a good point that governance, institutional quality, and actual state performance need to be studied along with civil society and political parties.Fortunately, today's field of political science offers a wide range of works that agree. Without producing a long bibliography, we might mention Kathryn Stoner-Weiss's and Daniel Treisman's recent books on center-periphery relations and governance; Maria Popova's and Peter H. Solomon's research into the Russian judiciary; Lucan Way's study of the institutional underpinnings of authoritarianism; and lively debates on the state's management of the economy and its ability to provide social services.
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Mitrakhovich, S. P. "TRANSFORMATION AND CONTRADICTIONS OF THE IDENTITY POLITICS IN MODERN WESTERN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE OF THE CIVIL SOCIETY." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-1-171-176.
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Identity politics has become a crucial feature of the transformation of modern social and political relations in many countries around the world. Representatives of “progressive” structures actively engaged in such a struggle, trying to undermine the foundations of the existing conservative social system and the established balance of institutions and relative powers of actors. Largely initiated by civil society organizations representing social minorities, this policy has become an instrument for the realization of the tasks of the state power. At the same time, identity politics, showing disparity approach to various social groups, while demanding the increasing powers of the State in its implementation, remains deeply contradictory and generates ideological hybrids such as “eco-authoritarianism” or “liberal authoritarianism”.
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Evseev, V. V. "AUTHORITARIANISM IN THE CENTRAL ASIA (AS EXEMPLIFIED BY KAZAKHSTAN)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(32) (October 28, 2013): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-5-32-101-107.
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In the article the problem of formation and transformation of an authoritarian style of governance in Central Asia has been considered. Its author claims that the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches of government are not really divided. The executive branch remains the force which determines the main development trends in society. Consequently, reforms in region have superficial nature. Among the main reasons of authoritarianism, established in Central Asia, the author emphasizes on the maintenance of tribal (clan) society structure, strengthening of conservatism and influence on the part of Islam, weak civil society institutions and the formation of local elite based on old party nomenclature. As it was established in the article, the political parties in Central Asia, as a rule, don`t have an ideological platform, and their formation is dominated by regional, clan and tribal interests. Their support from voters is determined by the attitude towards the party leader. As an example of Kazakhstan the author examines the major stages of its political system development for the last twenty years. It was suggested that an authoritarian setback took place amid the high politico-social tensions in 1993-1995. After, the process of authoritarian modernization began in the context of “large privatization”. As a result, polycentrism, when a clan became a prevailing form of elite grouping, was formed. In 1998-2004, the political system of Kazakhstan was built on basis of “managed democracy” model. An idea of improving system`s stability through strengthening of presidential power with simultaneous development of institutional elements of democracy forms its basis. A present stage of Kazakhstan’s political development is marked by that the authoritarian style of government amid the substantial economic progress and social stabilization has become to discourage the business and civic engagement activities. The situation demanded the liberalization of political life and the ruling elite had to make concessions.
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Nugroho, Yanuar, and Gindo Tampubolon. "Network Dynamics in the Transition to Democracy: Mapping Global Networks of Contemporary Indonesian Civil Society." Sociological Research Online 13, no. 5 (September 2008): 144–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136078040801300501.
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This paper seeks to make transparent the mutually reinforcing relationships between global civil society, democracy and network society, which are often implicit in extant theories. The concept of a ‘global civil society’ cannot be separated from the promotion of democracy. Global civil society itself is one of the most explicit instances of the emergence of network society in the modern age and democracy lies at the very heart of what constitutes a network society. However, very little has been said about how these apparent mutually reinforcing relationships arise. Focusing on the case of Indonesia during the fraught regime change from authoritarianism to democracy, we investigate the role of transnational and national civil society organisation during the periods of pre-reform, reform and post-reform. Using multi-methods, including social network analysis and interviews with civil society activists and networkers, we discover a less encouraging picture of these relationships and conclude that the forging of this virtuous circle has some obvious gaps. We attempt to account for these apparent gaps in this mutually reinforcing relationship in terms of different modes of political participation. We suggest that some forms of ‘chequebook activism’ characterised the global civil society role during an abrupt and bloody regime change.
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Newbold, R. F. "Authoritarianism, Autonomy and Ammianus Marcellinus." Ramus 19, no. 1 (1989): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002952.
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According to Ammianus, it was envy of the exploits of Gratian and anxiety to equal them that drove Valens to engage the Goths at Adrianople in 378 before Gratian could arrive. The quality of the intelligence Valens received about the numbers of the Gothic forces was poor but he was inclined to believe it because it suited his wish. At a meeting with senior officers he sided with those who argued against waiting for Gratian's army, encouraged, it is said, by courtiers who pandered to his desire to monopolise ttye glory of victory. Weakened by hunger, fatigue and heat, and incompetentfy led, the Roman soldiers mostly fought with courage and tenacity until overwhelmed and massacred by the barbarians. They were victims, apparently, of their leader's irrationality, vanity and insecurity.Norman Dixon has adduced authoritarianism as a major factor in military incompetence. Ammianus, product of an overwhelmingly authoritarian society, provides a detailed record of Roman history in the third quarter of the fourth century. Understanding of Rome's civil and military performance in that age and of the author could be enhanced by examination of the authoritarian syndrome.
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Kazemi, Farhad, and Augustus Richard Norton. "Authoritarianism, Civil Society and Democracy in the Middle East: Mass Media in the Persian Gulf." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 40, no. 2 (December 2006): 201–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400049865.
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The published literature on the topic of “Authoritarianism, Civil Society, and Democracy in the Middle East” is extensive and unwieldy. Partly due to space constraints, we propose to review the topic under six framing questions and then provide a selected and representative bibliography at the end.The ideas of political reform and democracy are often the mainstay of debates within Middle Eastern polities. In general, there is ample awareness of democracy deficit and poor governance in the region. Democracy refers most basically to the ability of citizens to hold their governments accountable, and to change their political leaders at regular intervals. Instead, accountability to the public is generally weak in the region, and rulers are more likely to change as a result of actuarial realities than a withdrawal of public confidence.
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Cavatorta, Francesco, and Emanuela Dalmasso. "Liberal outcomes through undemocratic means: the reform of the Code de statut personnel in Morocco." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 4 (November 12, 2009): 487–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09990164.
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ABSTRACTThe 2004 reform of the family code in Morocco has been held as one of the most significant liberal reforms undertaken in the country, and has led scholars and policy makers to argue that this demonstrates the democratic progress Morocco and the King are making. At the same time, the role of the women's movement in getting the reform approved has seemingly confirmed that associational life is crucial in promoting democratisation. This paper, building on theoretical work questioning the linkage between a strong civil society and democratic outcomes, argues that civil society activism does not necessarily lead to democratisation, and may reinforce authoritarian practices. Far from demonstrating the centrality of civil society, the process through which the new family code was passed highlights the crucial institutional role of the monarch, whose individual decision-making power has driven the whole process. Authoritarianism finds itself strengthened in Morocco despite the liberal nature and outcome of the reform.
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Way, Lucan A. "Weak States and Pluralism: The Case of Moldova." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 17, no. 3 (August 2003): 454–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403255309.
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This article argues that Moldova's weak state, tenuous elite networks, and polarized politics have provided key sources of democracy in the post-Soviet period. In the face of a weak civil society, severe economic decline, civil war, low income per capita, and an absence of a democratic history, Moldovan democracy in the 1990s was stronger than in any other non-Baltic, post-Soviet republic. The country is best understood not as a struggling or unconsolidated democracy but instead as a case of failed authoritarianism or “pluralism by default.” In cases of pluralism by default, democratic political competition endures not because civil society is strong or leaders democratic but because politicians are too polarized and the state too feeble to enforce authoritarian rule in a liberal international context. In such cases, the same factors that promote pluralism may also undermine governance and state viability.
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Sun, Taiyi. "Deliberate Differentiation by the Chinese State: Outsourcing Responsibility for Governance." China Quarterly 240 (May 30, 2019): 880–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019000420.
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AbstractDo authoritarian governments’ responses towards different civil society organizations (CSOs) reflect policy differentiations? Building on the existing literature of graduated control, diversification of civil society, and consultative authoritarianism, this paper utilizes an online field experiment,1 and interviews with government officials and CSO leaders to demonstrate that local governments have the tendencies to intentionally treat different CSOs with different policy responses, referred to as “deliberate differentiation” in this paper. However, contrary to what the existing literature would suggest, this study reveals that at the local level, such differentiation is driven more by the state's interest in extracting productivity and outsourcing responsibility for the provision of public goods and less by the state's need to acquire information from CSOs, including politically sensitive advocacy groups.
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Mirshak, Nadim. "Education as Resistance: Egyptian Civil Society and Rethinking Political Education Under Authoritarian Contexts." Critical Sociology 46, no. 6 (June 18, 2019): 915–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519856398.
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This article explores political education in civil society organisations (CSOs) in post-uprisings Egypt. By employing the work of Peter Mayo and Adam Morton, I develop a Gramscian framework that argues for the need to rethink political education where it can take direct and indirect forms. Direct political education explicitly teaches about politics and rights, and is more likely to be repressed by the Egyptian state. Indirect political education is more covert, taking the forms of games and simulations which can appear, in hindsight, to be apolitical but could have numerous contradictory political implications. Through analysing the different forms of political education provided in Egyptian civil society, I seek to understand how CSOs are able to adapt their educational methods to function, survive and educate under authoritarian contexts. This way, the article offers an insight into the interplay between authoritarianism and resistance through the medium of education.
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Rogozhina, Nataliya G. "Political situation in Thailand: authoritarianism versus democracy." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750016591-2.
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The article analyzes the features of the current stage of political development in Thailand, which are characterized by the collision of two trends - authoritarianism and democracy, which resulted in the establishment of a quasi-democratic regime. Despite the formal existence of democratic institutions of power - parliament, an independent court, and parties-none of them works for representative democracy, while maintaining their attachment to the interests of the traditional political establishment - the army, the bureaucracy, and big business. The article gives an assessment of the current political situation, which is characterized by the development of the democratic movement. The lack of opportunities for the opposition to transit to democracy within the framework of the parliamentary struggle explains the growth of street protests with the participation of young people. The student unrest that has engulfed the country over the past year and a half is a response of the democratic-minded segments of society to the strengthening of authoritarianism in the country's governance, with the accompanying infringement of civil rights and freedoms. The demands made by the anti-government forces ultimately amount to the reform of the political system. Their call for reform of the institution of the monarchy should also be viewed from this perspective. However, the lack of a broad democratic coalition limits the influence of student protests on the government. Assessing the prospects for the country's political development, the author comes to the conclusion that street protests alone will not change the status quo in politics. The potential influence of young people on the sphere of politics depends on mass support, which is possible only if the requirements put forward by them meet the social demand that forms the society.
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Mirshak, Nadim. "Rethinking resistance under authoritarianism: civil society and non-contentious forms of contestation in post-uprisings Egypt." Social Movement Studies 18, no. 6 (June 10, 2019): 702–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2019.1627865.
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Babones, Salvatore. "Saving the Sacred Sea: The Power of Civil Society in an Age of Authoritarianism and Globalization." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (September 3, 2019): 490–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.932.
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Turii, O. V. "State policy in the field of civil society cooperation, executive and local government: legal and managerial aspects." Public administration aspects 6, no. 6-7 (August 14, 2018): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151837.
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The article describes the main factors of the development of civil society in Ukraine. Civil society as an independent and self-governing institution can and must play a powerful transformative and protective role in periods threatening for the state. It is thanks to civil society institutions that the state has a chance to escape from the threat of authoritarianism and disintegration through the development of volunteer, charitable and voluntary movements and the example of the Ukrainian state in recent years is another confirmation of this. Interaction of civil society and state institutions should be based on partnership, mutual interest in achieving the goals related to the process of democratization of all spheres of public administration and public life, socio-economic and spiritual progress, and comprehensive protection of the rights and freedoms of man and citizen. It is the state of development of relations between local executive authorities, local self-government bodies and structural entities of political parties, civil society institutions that demonstrates the democratic and publicity of processes and the realism of the steps of the formation of civil society in the regions of the country. An important part of this process is the creation of effective mechanisms for coordinating the communicative efforts of public authorities, which will enable united efforts in solving common problems, avoid duplication of functions, and simplify organizational structure. However, the article analyzes the principles of interaction of civil society organizations with state authorities and their influence on the development of the rule of law, identifies a number of problematic issues regarding cooperation between the authorities and the public, as well as suggests ways of solving problems in the interaction of civil society institutions with state authorities.
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Barton, Greg, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Nicholas Morieson. "Authoritarianism, Democracy, Islamic Movements and Contestations of Islamic Religious Ideas in Indonesia." Religions 12, no. 8 (August 13, 2021): 641. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080641.
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Since independence, Islamic civil society groups and intellectuals have played a vital role in Indonesian politics. This paper seeks to chart the contestation of Islamic religious ideas in Indonesian politics and society throughout the 20th Century, from the declaration of independence in 1945 up until 2001. This paper discusses the social and political influence of, and relationships between, three major Indonesian Islamic intellectual streams: Modernists, Traditionalists, and neo-Modernists. It describes the intellectual roots of each of these Islamic movements, their relationships with the civil Islamic groups Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), their influence upon Indonesian politics, and their interactions with the state. The paper examines the ways in which mainstream Islamic politics in Indonesia, the world’s largest majority Muslim nation, has been shaped by disagreements between modernists and traditionalists, beginning in the early 1950s. Disagreements resulted in a schism within Masyumi, the dominant Islamic party, that saw the traditionalists affiliated with NU leave to establish a separate NU party. Not only did this prevent Masyumi from coming close to garnering a majority of the votes in the 1955 election, but it also contributed to Masyumi veering into Islamism. This conservative turn coincided with elite contestation to define Indonesia as an Islamic state and was a factor in the party antagonizing President Sukarno to the point that he moved to ban it. The banning of Masyumi came as Sukarno imposed ‘guided democracy’ as a soft-authoritarian alternative to democracy and set in train dynamics that facilitated the emergence of military-backed authoritarianism under Suharto. During the four decades in which democracy was suppressed in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama, and associated NGOs, activists, and intellectuals were the backbones of civil society. They provided critical support for the non-sectarian principles at the heart of the Indonesian constitution, known as Pancasila. This found the strongest and clearest articulation in the neo-Modernist movement that emerged in the 1980s and synthesized key elements of traditionalist Islamic scholarship and Modernist reformism. Neo-Modernism, which was articulated by leading Islamic intellectual Nurcholish Madjid and Nahdlatul Ulama Chairman Abdurrahman Wahid, presents an open, inclusive, progressive understanding of Islam that is affirming of social pluralism, comfortable with modernity, and stresses the need for tolerance and harmony in inter-communal relations. Its articulation by Wahid, who later became president of Indonesia, contributed to Indonesia’s transition from authoritarianism to democracy. The vital contribution of neo-Modernist Islam to democracy and reform in Indonesia serves to refute the notion that Islam is incompatible with democracy and pluralism.
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Maundeni, Zibani, Bontle Masilo, and Patience Petros. "Political Reforms for Prosperity and Political Resistance in Botswana." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 2, no. 4 (November 20, 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v2i4.268.
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A people thought to be passive, weak and docile surprised many when they revolted against encroaching authoritarianism in their country - Botswana. What started under Ian Khama as the most feared and potentially productive regime turned out to be the most opposed and most beleaguered. How did this reverse happen? Many authors (including Good, Taylor and others) mistakenly assumed that Botswana’s civil society was too weak and fearful, and that it would not stand up to any dictatorship. In contrast, Botswana towards the end of 2011 had reached a point at which civil society constantly challenged and clashed with government, resisting growing authoritarian tendencies. The political scenario of mid 2011 characterised by a long drawn public service strike was the clearest signal that the president was no longer feared. This paper focuses on Khama’s political reforms and the political resistance that accompanied them. It argues that Ian Khama introduced several reforms that met lots of resistance that threatened the stability and sustainability of the Botswana society. The paper concludes that political reforms have left the Botswana society deeply divided, but alert.
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Schulz, Michael. "ALongue DuréeApproach to the Role of Civil Society in the Uprisings against Authoritarianism in the Arab world." Journal of Civil Society 11, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 424–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2015.1110906.
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Mautner, Menachem. "The Occupied Territories, Gaza, and Israel’s Recent Slide to Authoritarianism." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 14, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2020-2015.
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AbstractIn recent years there have been numerous warnings in the press and in the social networks that Israel is about to convert its liberal democracy into a fascist regime. This Article argues that the occupation of the West Bank stands at the root of the most important processes that have been taking place in Israel in the past five decades. One of those processes is the erosion of Israel’s liberalism. I claim that the prolongation of the occupation is the central, lasting threat to Israel’s liberalism. In essence, the occupation breeds denunciations of and protests against the government and the Israel Defense Forces, and these, in turn, bring about measures on the part of the government and right-wing civil society organizations that undermine or threaten Israel’s liberalism. In addition, the full-scale wars between Israel and Gaza, and the continuation of violence between the parties in the periods between the wars, undermine or threaten Israel’s liberalism.
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Hemment, Julie. "Nashi, Youth Voluntarism, and Potemkin NGOs: Making Sense of Civil Society in Post-Soviet Russia." Slavic Review 71, no. 2 (2012): 234–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900013607.
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By interrogating Putin-era civil society projects, this article tracks the aftermath of international development aid in post-Soviet Russian socialist space. State-run organizations such as the pro-Kremlin youth organization Nashi (Ours) are commonly read as evidence of an antidemocratic backlash and as confirmation of Russia's resurgent authoritarianism. Contributing to recent scholarship in the anthropology of postsocialism, Julie Hemment seeks here to account for Nashi by locating it in the context of twenty years of international democracy promotion, global processes of neoliberal governance, and the disenchantments they gave rise to. Drawing on a collaborative ethnographic research project involving scholars and students in the provincial city Tver', Hemment reveals Nashi's curiously hybrid nature: At the same time as it advances a trenchant critique of 1990s-era interventions and the models and paradigms that guided democracy assistance, it also draws on them. Nashi respins these resources to articulate a robust national-interest alternative that is persuasive to many young people. Moreover, rather than a static, top-down political technology project, Nashi offers its participants a range of registers and voices in which they can articulate their own individualized agendas.
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Ku, Agnes S. "Negotiating the Space of Civil Autonomy in Hong Kong: Power, Discourses and Dramaturgical Representations." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 647–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000529.
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This article delineates the negotiated space of civil autonomy in post-handover Hong Kong through the contingent interplay of law, discourse, dramaturgy and politics. It takes the Public Order Ordinance dispute in 2000 as the first major test case of civil conflicts in the shadow of the right of abode struggle. As it unfolded, the event demonstrated both the power and limits of resistance by the people, and the government's increasing will, as well as the strategies it used, to rule within the “law and order” framework under continual challenges. In the event, civil autonomy had been a contested issue involving considerations of rule of law, rights, civic propriety, state legitimacy and the construction of particular identity (such as student-hood). Given the multiplicity of discourses and sub-discourses, citizenship practices and public criticisms opened up a contested space for resistance and negotiation. A campaign of civil disobedience was at first successfully mounted through an ensemble of political and symbolic mechanisms. A turning point was configured when, mediated by a meaning reconstruction process, the government made a series of political and performative acts to re-script the drama, which turned out to be an ironic success for itself that put state–society relations on an increasingly tenuous course. Ultimately ideological differences were at stake: respect for a rights-based discourse of rule of law versus the assertion of political and legal authoritarianism.
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Trantidis, Aris. "Is government contestability an integral part of the definition of democracy?" Politics 37, no. 1 (June 23, 2016): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395715619635.
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Is government contestability an integral part of the definition of democracy? The answer to this question affects the way we classify political systems in which, despite a formally open political structure, a dominant political group faces weak opposition from other political parties and civil society organizations – an indication of a low degree of government contestability. In Robert Dahl’s polyarchy, contestability is an essential dimension of democracy and, consequently, one-party dominance is classified as an ‘inclusive hegemony’ outside his conception of democracy. For procedural definitions of democracy, however, dominant party systems are legitimate outcomes of electoral competition provided that there have been no formal restrictions to the exercise of civil and political rights. The article examines the boundaries between democracy and authoritarianism, broadens the notion of authoritarian controls to include soft manipulative practices and explains why government contestability should be regarded as a constitutive property of democracy.
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Marta, Auradian, Utang Suwaryo, Affan Sulaeman, and Leo Agustino. "The Crisis of Democratic Governance in Contemporary Indonesia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v8i1.368.
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This article attempts to discuss the practice of democratic governance in contemporary Indonesia. This study is essential since Indonesia is one of the countries transitioning from authoritarianism towards democracy following the fall of Suharto’s regime. This study shall answer whether democratic governance in Indonesia experiences a crisis, with a focus of analysis on the four dimensions of democratic governance, namely: (1) rule of law, (2) human rights, (3) civil society, and (4) elections and political process. This study applies a qualitative method by collecting data from document studies and literary studies. The findings in this study indicate that democratic governance in Indonesia experiences a crisis as evidenced by the remaining-weak legal supremacy in Indonesia, and the existence of violations of the implementation of human rights, eventually led to horizontal conflicts. The inability of civil society organizations to carry out their functions in democratization as an intermediary between the community and the state as well as to influence government policies for the public interest. Another recent weakness is there are still strong issues related to primordialism in the occasion of General Elections. This crisis of democratic governance shall bring Indonesia to "the decline of democracy" instead of democratic consolidation.
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Fernée, Tadd Graham. "MODERNITY AND NATION-MAKING IN INDIA, TURKEY AND IRAN." International Journal of Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (January 2012): 71–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591411000192.
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This essay compares nation-making in India, Turkey and Iran through differing visions of modernity and Enlightenment as temporal horizons. The comparison is traced through the Islamic Triumvirate (Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal empires) focused upon the Mughal Emperor Akbar's multi-religious experiment in early modern empire consolidation. The essay then analyses the national independence movements which defined – through either violent or non-violent practice, direct seizure of state power or civil society transformation – the post-independence political formations of India, Turkey and Iran between democracy and authoritarianism. As ideal types, these experiences constitute two distinctive temporal horizons: the movement (involving the masses in nation-making as a multi-centred process) and the programme (nation-making from above employing a blueprint of rupture). The political tradition being highlighted is nation-making based upon an ethic of reconciliation over totality. This tradition links development and public freedom in creating a democratic society.
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Wahyuningroem, Sri Lestari. "Towards Post-Transitional Justice." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v3i1.11497.
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When democratization took place in 1998 after three decades of authoritarianism in Indonesia, transitional justice became one of the agendas for the country. With the nature of compromised political transition, transitional justice brought together the interest of the elements who wished to challenge the repressive regime, and those who wished to distant themselves from the old regime in order to return to politics. As the result, transitional justice measures were successfully adopted in the beginning of political transition but failed to achieve its goals to break with the old regime and bring justice to victims. Today, after twenty years since reformasi, elements of the politics are consolidated, including those coming from the old regime. Transitional justice is undergoing a period I refer as “post transitional justice”. The main character of this state is the extensive roles of civil society. I argue in this paper that civil society, in particular the human rights groups, have important roles since the beginning of the transition in setting the agenda for transitional justice until today when state-centered mechanisms failed and led to post-transitional justice situation. These groups shift strategies to work from below and from the margins, which give strong character for post-transitional justice in Indonesia.
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de la Torre, Carlos. "Populism Revived:Donald Trump and the Latin American Leftist Populists." Americas 75, no. 4 (October 2018): 733–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.39.
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The twenty-first century could well become known as the populist century. No longer confined to Latin America or to the margins of European politics, populism has spread to Africa, Asia, and, with Donald Trump's election, to the cradle of liberal democracy. Even though it is uncertain what impact Trump's populism will have on American democracy, it is worth learning from Latin America, where populists have been in power from the 1930s and 1940s to the present. Even as Latin American populists like Juan Perón and Hugo Chávez included the poor and the nonwhite in the political community, they moved toward authoritarianism by undermining democracy from within. Are the foundations of American democracy and the institutions of civil society strong enough to resist US president Donald Trump's right-wing populism?
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Wright, Teresa. "Civil Society under Authoritarianism: The China Model, by Jessica C. Teets. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. 252 pp. US$85.00 (cloth)." China Journal 77 (January 2017): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/689250.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. "Democracy Towards Authoritarianism Under Illiberal Populist Leaders in Hungary and Poland." Central and Eastern European Review 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/caeer-2020-0002.
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Abstract A quarter of a century ago, the Soviet Union dissolved and the Cold War ended. Now the current political era involves a broad challenge to liberal democracy in the European Union. Central European countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, the Republic of Poland, and the Slovak Republic (‘the Visegrád Group’) joined the EU in 2004 with the hope that the post-Cold War era would be one of peace and stability in Europe, including (most importantly) the expansion of Europe’s democracy. A turning point came in 2014, however, when the Syrian refugee crisis hit the EU and caused a political ‘about face’. The European refugee and migrant crisis have strengthened right-wing populism among the European countries, including the Visegrád group. Obviously there are certainly similarities between the populist rhetoric of Hungary’s ruling party, Fidesz, and the Law and Justice party (known as PiS) which is governing the Republic of Poland. The two countries appear to be following the same path of becoming ‘illiberal democratic’ states. The templates of authoritarianism which both countries have adopted involve the following: the restriction of civil society and the independence of the media, control of the judiciary and the court system, together with the transformation of the constitutional framework and electoral law in order to consolidate power. This paper analyses two examples of authoritarian populist leaders: first, Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary of the Fidesz Party and, second, Jarosław Kaczyński, a leader of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland. A brief description of each is provided as a background for the discussion which follows.
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Ruhanya, Pedzisai. "An opposition newspaper under an oppressive regime: A critical analysis of The Daily News." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00023_1.
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This study focuses on the unprecedented ways in which newspaper journalism helped the cause of democratisation at the height of the economic and political governance crisis, also known as the Zimbabwe Crisis, from 1997 to 2010. The research is designed as a qualitative case study of The Daily News, an independent private newspaper. It was based on semi-structured interviews with respondents, who were mainly journalists and politicians living in Zimbabwe. The analytical lens of alternative media facilitates a construction of how The Daily News and its journalists experienced, reported, confronted and navigated state authoritarianism in a historical moment of political turmoil. The study discusses the complex relationships between the independent and privately owned press, the political opposition and civil society organisations. The research provides an original analysis of the operations of The Daily News and its journalists in the context of a highly undemocratic political moment. Some journalists crossed the floor to join civic and opposition forces in order to confront the state. The state responded through arrests and physical attacks against the journalists; however, journalists continued to work with opposition forces while the government enacted repressive media and security law to curtail coverage of the crisis.
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Pesic, Jelena. "Persistence of traditionalist value orientations in Serbia." Sociologija 48, no. 4 (2006): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0604289p.
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Systematic failures in attempts to modernize Serbian society during the past two centuries have led to the survival of traditionalist value orientations. The long period of Ottoman rule allowed patriarchal, warrior-tribal cultural patterns to persist and shape the basis for national and overall cultural identity. Extreme poverty, autarkical agricultural production, the slow penetration of capitalism and a market economy, an undifferentiated social structure with majority of rural population, patriarchal organization of both the private and public sphere and the authoritarian character of authority, were characteristics of Serbian pre-modern society, which inhibited its development and contributed to the persistence of traditionalism. Although the socialist period was modernizing in many respects, homology between socialist and pre-modern collectivist, egalitarian and authoritarian orientation, made it easy for nationalism to penetrate and consequently led to decomposition of the state in civil wars. Delayed post-socialist transformation, characterized by civil war, economic collapse, extreme impoverishment, and international isolation, has only strengthened the orientation towards pre-modern patterns of identification. This paper examines the persistence of collectivism, authoritarianism and patriarchal orientation in the period of unhindered post-socialist transformation, based on the data obtained in the "South-East European Social Survey Project" (SEESSP), conducted from December 2003 to January 2004. These results are compared with those obtained in the research project "Changes in the Class Structure and Mobility in Serbia", conducted in 1989.
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Alexander, Jeffrey Ch, and Carlo Tognato. "Civil sphere and democracy in Latin America." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, stmm 2020 (1) (March 16, 2020): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.01.023.
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The purpose of the article is to demonstrate that the civil spheres of Latin America remain in force, even when under threat, and to expand the method of theorizing democracy, understanding it not only as a state form, but also as a way of life. Moreover, the task of the authors goes beyond the purely application of the theory of the civil sphere in order to emphasize the relevance not only in practice, but also in the theory of democratic culture and institutions of Latin America. This task requires decolonizing the arrogant attitude of North theorists towards democratic processes outside the United States and Europe. The peculiarities of civil spheres in Latin America are emphasized. It is argued that over the course of the nineteenth century the non-civil institutions and value spheres that surrounded civil spheres deeply compromised them. The problems of development that pockmarked Latin America — lagging economies, racial and ethnic and class stratification, religious strife — were invariably filtered through the cultural aspirations and institutional patterns of civil spheres. The appeal of the theory of the civil sphere to the experience of Latin America reveals the ambitious nature of civil society and democracy on new and stronger foundations. Civil spheres had extended significantly as citizens confronted uncomfortable facts, collectively searched for solutions, and envisioned new courses of collective action. However when populism and authoritarianism advance, civil understandings of legitimacy come under pressure from alternative, anti-democratic conceptions of motives, social relations, and political institutions. In these times, a fine-grained understanding of the competitive dynamics between civil, non-civil, and anti-civil becomes particularly critical. Such a vision is constructively applied not only to the realities of Latin America, but also in a wider global context. The authors argue that in order to understand the realities and the limits of populism and polarization, civil sphere scholars need to dive straight into the everyday life of civil communities, setting the civil sphere theory (CST) in a more ethnographic, “anthropological” mode.
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Vodenko, Konstantin V., Irina V. Belasheva, Anna A. Zalevskaya, Irina N. Polshakova, and Syuzanna A. Tleptserisheva. "The state management of development of the professional and qualification potential in Russian higher education." On the Horizon 27, no. 3/4 (October 11, 2019): 166–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oth-07-2019-0047.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the specifics of state management in the sphere of reproduction of the socio-professional structure of society. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on the provisions of neo-Marxism; structural and functional approach, ideas of the concept of constructing the cultural senses, neo-institutional approach, theory of institutional matrices. The paper uses the provisions of the theory of “path-dependence,” in which the effect of institutional inertia of society and its influence on the management institutes are studied. During the research of the specifics of the Russian model of state management of the process of formation and development of professional and qualification potential of the country, the provisions of the concept of power-property are taken into account. Findings The authors note that ineffectiveness of state management in the sphere of formation and development of professional and qualification potential of the Russian society is predetermined by historically established institutes of management and organization of life, which are peculiar for authoritarianism, bureaucracy, principles of redistributive economy, domination of the institutes of power-property and underdevelopment of the institutes of the civil society. This problem could be solved by modernizing the national model of state management based on well-balanced interaction of the basic and complementary socio-cultural institutes, which could increase the effectiveness of management of complex social processes. Originality/value It is substantiated the main principles of the modern state regulation of the sphere of training of professional and qualification personnel should be as follows: strategic approach to management, partnership approach to managing education, investments into human capital, supporting the development of institutes of the civil society, debureaucratization of the system of management and formation of favorable legal and economic environment for development of entrepreneurship.