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Journal articles on the topic 'Authoritarianism – Latin America'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Stansifer, Charles L., and Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America since Independence." Political Science Quarterly 112, no. 2 (1997): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657973.

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Gomez, Rafael, and Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America since Independence." Hispania 80, no. 3 (1997): 504. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/345839.

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3

Alexander, Robert J., and Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America Since Independence." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 3 (1997): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516760.

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4

Alexander, Robert J. "Authoritarianism in Latin America Since Independence." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 3 (1997): 542–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.3.542.

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Mainwaring, Scott. "From Representative Democracy to Participatory Competitive Authoritarianism: Hugo Chávez and Venezuelan Politics." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (2012): 955–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002629.

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The study of Latin American politics has always generated great new research questions, and within Latin America, no country's experience has generated more interesting questions than Venezuela since the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998. Contemporary Venezuela raises fascinating questions about the collapse of a highly institutionalized party system and the erosion or breakdown of what had been the third-oldest democracy outside of the advanced industrial democracies. What accounts for these stunning developments? What can we learn from them? These issues go to the core of important development

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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.

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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay'

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7

Dabagyan, E. "Latin America: Imperatives of Democracy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2010): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-11-82-90.

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One of the important aspects of Latin American countries political development – the issue of a president's tenure – is analyzed in the article. The author presumes that in a number of Latin American states, along with doubtless achievements in democracy consolidation, a trend to administration prolongation has emerged. This, as accentuated in the article, may signify backsliding into authoritarianism, and, therefore, poses a threat to democracy.

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Meléndez-Sánchez, Manuel. "Latin America Erupts: Millennial Authoritarianism in El Salvador." Journal of Democracy 32, no. 3 (2021): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2021.0031.

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9

Adelman, Jeremy. "State and Labour in Argentina: The Portworkers of Buenos Aires, 1910–21." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 1 (1993): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00000377.

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Latin America's workers perplex historians. Despite chronic political turmoil, revolt and undiluted class conflict, Latin America's mobilised workers have not been the vanguards of social revolution. Rather, variations of authoritarianism, populism and clientilism are said to characterise labour politics more accurately. The absence of independent working-class politics has prompted the search for aetiologies of class-formation in Latin America – the search for the missing ingredient to revolutionary working-class action.

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Martz, John D. "Electoral Campaigning and Latin American Democratization: The Grancolombian Experience." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 1 (1990): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166128.

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Does electoral campaigning in Latin America make a difference, and does it merit the attention of scholars? This was at the core of an extensive bibliographic analysis, published nearly two decades ago, which noted the paucity of literature on the subject, extending throughout the Third World and even including Western Europe (Martz, 1971). However, the rising tide of military authoritarianism dramatically reduced the relevance of the question in the region, and students of Latin American politics turned away, understandably, from concerted attention to campaigns, elections, and parties. Only

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11

Buitrago Valero, Carlos Julio. "La formación del Estado latinoamericano: entre la dependencia externa y el colonialismo interno. (El modelo explicativo y analítico de Marcos Kaplan)." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 11, no. 1 (2014): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.509.

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ResumenSi bien modelos explicativos vinculados a la denominada Teoría de la Dependencia, como el de Marcos Kaplan, son lo suficientemente globales y genéricos como para posibilitar interpretaciones generales en torno al funcionamiento de la estructura mundial, permiten igualmente resaltar la especificidad de los procesos de la región latinoamericana y, en el caso que nos ocupa, de la formación del Estado. En consecuencia, y no obstante sus limitaciones, es posible afirmar que estos modelos pueden abrir perspectivas y preguntas esclarecedoras tanto a la ciencia política como al pensamiento, lat

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Carvalho, Rayann Kettuly Massahud de. "ANÍBAL QUIJANO, RETROCESSO SOCIAL E CRISE: a condição periférica e as mazelas do tempo presente." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 2 (2020): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n2p570-584.

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Este artigo pretende realizar uma análise sobre a relação entre a condição periférica latino-americana e o presente momento de retrocesso social vivenciado na região. Isto é, busca compreender o que há de específico na América Latina, enquanto periferia do sistema-mundo, que possibilita o avanço do autoritarismo e a redução de direitos. Para isso, utiliza a obra do teórico descolonial Aníbal Quijano para investigar as especificidades da democracia e dos Estados modernos latinoamericanos. É possível concluir, então, que referidas mazelas presentes na região estão correlacionadas tanto com a loc

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13

de la Torre, Carlos. "Populism Revived:Donald Trump and the Latin American Leftist Populists." Americas 75, no. 4 (2018): 733–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.39.

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The twenty-first century could well become known as the populist century. No longer confined to Latin America or to the margins of European politics, populism has spread to Africa, Asia, and, with Donald Trump's election, to the cradle of liberal democracy. Even though it is uncertain what impact Trump's populism will have on American democracy, it is worth learning from Latin America, where populists have been in power from the 1930s and 1940s to the present. Even as Latin American populists like Juan Perón and Hugo Chávez included the poor and the nonwhite in the political community, they mo

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Velasco Guachalla, V. Ximena, Calla Hummel, Sam Handlin, and Amy Erica Smith. "Latin America Erupts: When Does Competitive Authoritarianism Take Root?" Journal of Democracy 32, no. 3 (2021): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2021.0034.

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Guerra, Maria Pia. "Corporativismo e autoritarismo em perspectiva transnacional: caminhos para a história do direito (Resenha de Authoritarianism and corporatism in Europe and Latin America: crossing borders [New York, Routeledge, 2019], de A. C. Pinto e F. Finchelstein)." História do Direito 1, no. 1 (2020): 404. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/hd.v1i1.78737.

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PANIZZA, FRANCISCO. "Beyond ‘Delegative Democracy’: ‘Old Politics’ and ‘New Economics’ in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 3 (2000): 737–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00005927.

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For around 15 years Latin America has been undergoing an unprecedented conjunction of political and economic change, from authoritarianism to democracy and from a state-centred matrix of economic development towards free-market economies. This article takes up the theme of the links between politics and economic change in contemporary Latin America. More specifically, it examines the relation between ‘old politics’ and ‘new economics’. It has two main purposes: The first is to re-examine some of modernisation theory's assumptions about the relations between political and economic modernisation

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Gasiorowski, Mark J. "Dependency and Cliency in Latin America." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 3 (1986): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165707.

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Dependency Theory has become a major paradigm for understanding Latin American politics. Based on the premises that the study of politics must begin with analysis of underlying socio-economic structures, and that these structures cannot be understood without considering a country's role in the world economy, dependency theory provides a cogent analytical framework that has been upheld in numerous empirical studies. The model of politics presented by dependency theorists is a bleak one: because economic dependence polarizes society between a small class of wealthy elites and a large mass of imp

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18

Azpuru, Dinorah, and Mary Fran T. Malone. "Parenting Attitudes and Public Support for Political Authoritarianism in Latin America." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 31, no. 3 (2018): 570–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edy017.

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Abstract Despite nearly three decades of democratic rule throughout the Latin American region, public support for authoritarian norms has persisted. These “pockets of authoritarianism” can bolster support for policies and practices that weaken democratic governance, such as allowing authorities to abuse power. We examine why some Latin Americans endorse nondemocratic governance options by testing the predictive power of a psychological measure of authoritarianism, operationalized as support for particular child-rearing practices. We find that this psychological variable explains support for se

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Krause, Krystin. "Authoritarianism, Social Dominance, and Contesting Human Rights in Latin America." Latin American Research Review 55, no. 2 (2020): 254–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.113.

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20

Eaton, Kent. "Decentralization's Nondemocratic Roots: Authoritarianism and Subnational Reform in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 1 (2006): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00336.x.

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AbstractThis study challenges the common view of authoritarianism as an unambiguously centralizing experience by investigating the subnational reforms that military governments actually introduced in Latin America. It argues that the decision by military authorities to dismiss democratically elected mayors and governors opened a critical juncture for the subsequent development of subnational institutions. Once they centralized political authority, the generals could contemplate changes that expanded the institutional, administrative, and governing capacity of subnational governments. This arti

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Mainwaring, Scott. "Revolution and reaction: the diffusion of authoritarianism in Latin America." Democratization 27, no. 4 (2019): 690–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1655546.

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Eaton, Kent. "Decentralization's Nondemocratic Roots: Authoritarianism and Subnational Reform in Latin America." Latin American Politics & Society 48, no. 1 (2006): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lap.2006.0006.

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23

Mota Neto, João Colares da. "Por uma pedagogia decolonial na América Latina: Convergências entre a educação popular e a investigação-ação participativa." education policy analysis archives 26 (July 23, 2018): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.26.3424.

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The article analyzes possibilities of convergence between popular education and participatory action research, taking as a reference the thought of the Brazilian pedagogue Paulo Freire and the Colombian social scientist Orlando Fals Borda. In particular, it examines these convergences in order to identify elements for the constitution of a decolonial pedagogy in Latin America. It is a research inserted in the field of the comparative history of Latin American social thought, using as primary sources several works of Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda. The article defends the argument that the

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24

Iturralde, Manuel. "Democracies without Citizenship: Crime and Punishment in Latin America." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 2 (2010): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.2.309.

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The aim of this article is to show how, despite the political and economic reforms of the last three decades, which have embraced the ideals of free markets and democracy, social and economic exclusion, as well as authoritarianism, are still the main features of most of Latin American societies. For this reason, they may be considered democracies without citizenship. The article focuses on the impact that these features have had on the configuration of Latin American crime control fields, which in most cases are highly punitive. It also discusses how Latin American crime control fields have co

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RICHARDS, GORDON. "Stabilization Crises and the Breakdown of Military Authoritarianism in Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 18, no. 4 (1986): 449–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414086018004003.

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26

Varentsova, O. V. "Three Waves of Populism in Latin America." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-153-160.

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Contemporary political regimes in Venezuela and Bolivia led by late Hugo Châvez (now by his successor Nicolas Maduro) and Evo Morales are considered by foreign and Russian scholars as part of the third wave of populism. In the 20th century Latin America already witnessed two waves of populism which coincided with significant political transitions, namely a transition from oligarchy to mass politics accompanied by implementation of import substitution industrialization policies, and a transition from authoritarian rule to democracy during the third wave of democratization which triggered neolib

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Liebertz, Scott. "Political Elites, Crime, and Trust in the Police in Latin America." International Criminal Justice Review 30, no. 2 (2017): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567717747012.

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This article examines the effect of crime on support for criminal justice systems in Latin America. Scholars empirically demonstrate a strong negative effect of crime on support for institutions and satisfaction with democracy. Others provide thick descriptions of the prevalence of creeping authoritarianism in response to crime—the infamous “mano dura” or “iron fist.” I test the effectiveness of elite political messaging across different countries. In other words, do politicians that promote “iron-fist” policies reassure their intended audience and shore up support for the police and the crimi

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Crisp, Brian F., and Daniel H. Levine. "Democratizing the Democracy? Crisis and Reform in Venezuela." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 27–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166373.

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Venezuelan politics presents a puzzle to students of Latin America, and to anyone concerned with the comparative analysis of democratization and democracy. As the major countries of Latin America (and the majority of scholars) worked their way from authoritarianism through “transitions”to democracy and hopefully toward democracy’s consolidation, Venezuela moved in the opposite direction. After decades of political stability and social peace, beginning in 1987 Venezuela’s democratic order was shaken by widespread unrest and citizen disaffection, the decay of key parties and state institutions,

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Nunn, Frederick M. "The South American Military and (Re)Democratization: Professional Thought and Self-Perception." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 37, no. 2 (1995): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166270.

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If a medal were to be struck in commemoration of Latin America's successful survival of the 20th century, la cava might bear a representation of democracy and el sello that of authoritarianism. These alternatives have characterized all attempts to arrive at political consensus for the past hundred years and more.The current version of the region's perpetual dichotomous nature has been called (re)democratization. In South America it has replaced professional militarism, the most recent representation of authoritarianism, and threatens to affect traditional democratic practices in countries spar

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Zylberberg, Jacques. "Des acteurs étatiques : Léviathan en Amérique." Études internationales 17, no. 2 (2005): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702004ar.

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This paper deals with the internal dynamics of the Latin American States. Having identified the demographic changes - urbanization, rejuvenating process, widespread education — the author introduces the social changes which have caused the spreading to the masses, to social segmentation and individualization. This is followed by a study of the ideologies which relate the social orientations of the individuals or segmented groups with the overall representations which value authoritarianism, populism, nationalism and state socialism. The analysis of authoritarian ideologies, of social individua

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Munck, Gerardo L. "Democratic Stability and Its Limits: An Analysis of Chile's 1993 Elections." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 36, no. 2 (1994): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166172.

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Once again, Chile stands out within the Latin American region. In the early 1970s, Salvador Allende's brand of socialism attracted worldwide attention and captured the imagination of the international Left. In the years thereafter, Pinochet's authoritarianism set the pace for a global resurgence of the new Right. Finally, in just the last few years, Chile has become a symbol of a new sort, rapidly establishing itself as a democratic success story. Chile's democratic progress becomes especially evident when viewed alongside the large set of Latin American countries that have democratized since

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de la Torre, Carlos, and Enrique Peruzzotti. "Populism in Power: Between Inclusion and Autocracy." Populism 1, no. 1 (2018): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-01011002.

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Abstract The Latin American historical experience with populist regimes as well as the theoretical reflections produced by Latin Americanists are particularly relevant not just for determining the nature of a very contested political concept but also for understanding the logic of populism in government and the threats it poses to liberal democratic regimes. Populism in government or the attempt at stabilizing a populist regime is no novelty for Latin America, a continent where populism has been a constant presence in politics since the 1930s. Along with their inclusionary impulse, those exper

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Huggins, Martha. "Uncivil Movements: The Armed Right Wing and Democracy in Latin America By Leigh A. Payne. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000. 328p. $42.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402414335.

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Leigh Payne greatly enriches our knowledge of Latin American transitions from authoritarianism to democracy. The Armed Right Wing focuses on the role of violent right-wing groups and government responses to them in three Latin American countries, with application elsewhere. Explaining that uncivil social movements “use political violence … to promote exclusionary objectives … as a deliberate strategy to eliminate, intimidate, and silence political adversaries” (p. 1), Payne contrasts these movements with “civil” social movements. They employ rule-breaking (and violence) to “expand [rather than

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Alexander, Jeffrey Ch, and Carlo Tognato. "Civil sphere and democracy in Latin America." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, stmm 2020 (1) (March 16, 2020): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.01.023.

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The purpose of the article is to demonstrate that the civil spheres of Latin America remain in force, even when under threat, and to expand the method of theorizing democracy, understanding it not only as a state form, but also as a way of life. Moreover, the task of the authors goes beyond the purely application of the theory of the civil sphere in order to emphasize the relevance not only in practice, but also in the theory of democratic culture and institutions of Latin America. This task requires decolonizing the arrogant attitude of North theorists towards democratic processes outside the

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Gibson, Edward L. "Politics of the Periphery: An Introduction to Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 2, no. 2 (2010): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1000200201.

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Sampson, Elizabeth Abigail. "La dictadora en La dama de cristal, de Zelmar Acevedo Díaz." LETRAS, no. 55 (April 10, 2014): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rl.1-55.4.

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El estudio aborda el tema de la dictadora en La dama de cristal (1999), de Zelmar Acevedo Díaz (Argentina, 1951). Se comparan con otras novelas sobre el mismo tema y se examinan coincidencias o disparidades entre la representación literaria femenina y masculina del autoritarismo. La dictadura latinoamericana como fenómeno político ha persistido en América Latina con diferentes matices ideológicos. Gabriel García Márquez en El otoño del patriarca, Mario Vargas Llosa en La fiesta del Chivo o Luis Spota en El tiempo de la ira tratan este hecho para perfilar sus rasgos distintivos. Existe un caso

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Richards, Gordon. "The Rise and Decline of Military Authoritarianism in Latin America: The Role of Stabilization Policy." SAIS Review 5, no. 2 (1985): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1985.0074.

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Weyland, Kurt. "Limits of US Influence: The Promotion of Regime Change in Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no. 3 (2018): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000305.

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Scholars often assume that as a global superpower, the United States has had great influence and impact on political regime developments in the world. This article critically examines these claims, focusing on Latin America; by investigating the region most directly dominated by the US, it employs a most-likely-case design. The experiences of countries such as Brazil, Chile, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela show that US influence has been fairly limited for many years and has diminished over time. The Northern superpower has been less involved and has had less impact on regime developments than

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Moniruzzaman, M. "Regime Types or Party Systems: What Matters More For Political Instability In The Developing World?" Issues in Social Science 3, no. 2 (2015): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/iss.v3i2.7743.

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<p>Political stability is desired by every state. But is it contingent upon regime types or party systems? Existing studies on political stability suggest that regimes such as authoritarianism, democracy, and dictatorship and their variants have variously influenced political stability. Some have proved to be friendly with political stability in certain countries, while counterproductive for some other. However, the existing literature has exclusively focused on regime types alone neglecting the factor of party systems. This article argues that not only regime types but party systems als

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Baklanoff, Eric N. "Spain's Economic Strategy toward the “Nations of Its Historical Community:” The “Reconquest” of Latin America?" Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38, no. 1 (1996): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166397.

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From one of the poorest countries in Europe in the late 1950s, Spain emerged as a middle industrial power by the time of the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975. Subsequently, under the leadership of King Juan Carlos I, Franco's successor as chief of state, Spain negotiated a smooth transition from authoritarianism to a parliamentary-monarchy. On the first of January 1986, the Iberian nation acceded to full membership in the European Community (EC). However, prior to this date and independently of the EC (now the European Union), the Spanish state had already set in motion, in 1981, two

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Hagopian, Frances. "After Regime Change: Authoritarian Legacies, Political Representation, and the Democratic Future of South America." World Politics 45, no. 3 (1993): 464–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950726.

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This article focuses on the legacies of the authoritarian regimes of South America for the contemporary consolidation of democracy. In particular, it considers their lasting effects on the region's informal networks and formal institutions of political representation. It questions several assumptions made by the literature on regime transition and democratic consolidation in South America about political culture, institutional reform, and electoral realignment: taken together, these assumptions are misleading about how much and what kind of political change has occurred in Latin America as a r

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Ottaway, Marina. "Liberation Movements and Transition to Democracy: the Case of the A.N.C." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 1 (1991): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020747.

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South African scholars writing about the end of apartheid have been unanimous in the contention that it is useless to seek parallels and learn lessons from what has happened elsewhere in the continent in the process of decolonisation. South Africa was not a colony but an independent country, they argued. No metropolitan power had the ultimate say concerning its future, let alone the ability to impose a settlement on the white minority that meant handing over power to a new black government. Rather than decolonisation, the end of apartheid meant a transition from authoritarianism to democracy l

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Kazemi, Farhad. "The Inclusion Imperative (1996 MESA Presidential Address)." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 30, no. 2 (1996): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400033939.

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A puzzling issue for those of us who study the modern Middle East is the slow—and in some instances nonexistent—progress toward more open and inclusive political systems. Why does authoritarianism persist in the Middle East? Why have regimes in many parts of the world, from East Europe to Latin America and elsewhere, made successful transitions from authoritarianism while the Middle East has lagged behind? Is the Middle Eastern exceptionalism likely to endure?What makes these questions more paradoxical is the presence of a number of democrats and reformers in the Middle East, as well as human

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Hershberg, Eric. "Demokratischer Übergang und Sozialdemokratie in Spanien." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 26, no. 105 (1996): 595–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v26i105.902.

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The author argues that the Spanish transition from authoritarianism to liberal democracy as well as the so called social democratic approach to modemization have been stylized into ideal types in the Weberian sense of the term. The Spanish model has gamered widespread attention. lts influence transcends the academic sphere, as Spain has provided political elites across the world with a model of regime change, especially in Latin America and Eastem Europe, where observers are intrigued both by the facility with which transition took place and by Spain's reencounter with the prosperous zones of

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Walter, Knut, and Philip J. Williams. "The Military and Democratization in El Salvador." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 35, no. 1 (1993): 39–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166102.

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The recent coups and attempted coups in Haiti, Venezuela, and Peru serve as a sobering reminder of the military's central role in the political life of Latin America. Earlier assessments of the prospects for democratic consolidation now seem overly optimistic in light of these events. At a minimum, they point up the need to focus on the role of the military during transitions from authoritarianism and the consolidation of democratic regimes. As Stepan has suggested, prolonged military rule can leave important legacies which serve as powerful obstacles to democratic consolidation (Stepan, 1988:

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Draper, Susana. "Making the Past Perceptible." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 4, no. 2 (2012): 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2012.040206.

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The "museums of memory" (museos de la memoria) have become ambiguous and con ictive sites that articulate the demand for remembrance and oblivion as regards the recent past of state authoritarianism and dictatorships in Latin America. This article seeks to disentangle ways of reading one of these spaces of memory, the Museo de la Memoria in Montevideo, Uruguay, paying special attention to a particular exhibition wing entitled The Prisons and to a temporary art installation by Daniel Jorysz, entitled Ver … dad, exhibited in an open space adjacent to the museum from September to November 2010. A

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Boos, Tobias. "Ein Hut, zu viele Köpfe." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 48, no. 190 (2018): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v48i190.29.

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In recent times, populism not only is on everyone’s lips, but it has also been contested as scientific term. While some consider recent political developments as a repolitization and response to postdemocracy, others interpret populism as authoritarian and antipluralistic form of politics. However, a closer look reveals that the common term is very often rather obscuring. Scrutinizing the three mayor historic references of the debates on Populism – the Russian Narodniki, the US People´s Party, and the national-popular governments in the 1930-50s in Latin America –, the article reveals that qui

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Hellinger, Daniel C. "Democratic Institutional Design: The Powers and Incentives of Venezuelan Politicians and Interest Groups. By Brian F. Crisp. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000. 294p. $100.00 cloth, $34.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (2001): 496–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401582027.

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Venezuelan politics attracted little attention from political scientists for thirty years after the defeat of the fidelista guerrillas in the 1960s, but there has been a surge of interest in recent years. The country retained civilian, elected govern- ment through a dark period of authoritarianism in Latin America, which seemed to make it a good candidate for deriving lessons about transitions to democracy. In the 1990s, however, the democratic system entered into crisis. Venezu- ela experienced urban riots, two unsuccessful coups, removal of a president from office before completion of his te

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BATESON, REGINA. "Crime Victimization and Political Participation." American Political Science Review 106, no. 3 (2012): 570–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000299.

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Crime victimization is an important cause of political participation. Analysis of survey data from five continents shows that individuals who report recent crime victimization participate in politics more than comparable nonvictims. Rather than becoming withdrawn or disempowered, crime victims tend to become more engaged in civic and political life. The effect of crime victimization is roughly equivalent to an additional five to ten years of education, meaning that crime victimization ranks among the most influential predictors of political participation. Prior research has shown that exposure

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Bunce, Valerie. "A Discussion of Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt’sHow Democracies Die." Perspectives on Politics 16, no. 4 (2018): 1103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718002839.

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Among the many scholarly attempts to reckon with the causes and consequences of Donald Trump’s rise, few have attracted popular attention on the scale of Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt’sHow Democracies Die.Seldom do books by political scientists make it onto theNew York Timesbest sellers list, but this one has, a testament to its broad influence. Levitsky and Ziblatt situate Trumpism within a broader comparative and historical context in order to assess its similarities to and differences from democratic breakdowns elsewhere, particularly in Europe and Latin America. Their broad argument i

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