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Journal articles on the topic 'Authoritarianism – Zimbabwe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Sithole, Masipula. "Fighting Authoritarianism in Zimbabwe." Journal of Democracy 12, no. 1 (2001): 160–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2001.0015.

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2

Nkomo, Lotti. "Understanding Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarianism." African Historical Review 49, no. 2 (July 3, 2017): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2017.1403123.

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3

Ndakaripa, Musiwaro. "Understanding Zimbabwe: From liberation to authoritarianism." African Affairs 117, no. 469 (September 14, 2018): 713–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady045.

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4

Mugodhi, Respect Farai, Lloyd Moyo, and Munyaradzi Muchacha. "In the post-Mugabe era: the role of social work in the democratisation of Zimbabwe." Critical and Radical Social Work 7, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986019x15491042559763.

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This commentary critically discusses the political space prior to, and in the aftermath of, former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's fall from power and the possibilities for a transition from authoritarianism to democracy in a new political dispensation. The article examines the role of social work in contributing to the democratisation of Zimbabwe and makes a great case for the involvement of social workers at the micro- and macro-level in the pursuit of democracy.

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5

Onslow, Sue. "Understanding Zimbabwe: from liberation to authoritarianism and beyond." International Affairs 93, no. 3 (May 2017): 749–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iix086.

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6

Seeberg, Merete Bech. "Electoral authoritarianism and economic control." International Political Science Review 39, no. 1 (May 15, 2017): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512117692802.

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While electoral revolutions in the Philippines and the post-Communist world have ousted dictators, autocrats from Mexico to Zimbabwe have cemented their rule through regular multi-party elections. Why do elections sometimes undermine authoritarian regimes while at other times they help sustain them? I argue that a dictator’s control over the economy conditions the effect of authoritarian elections. Where rulers command the heights of the economy, elections are more easily manipulated to sustain their rule. But where such control is lacking, elections may spur regime change. In a cross-national study of autocracies from 1970 to 2006, I find that as incumbent control over the economy increases, elections are less likely to lead to regime breakdown. Where economic control is at its lowest, elections increase the risk of regime collapse. Thus, research on authoritarianism needs to supplement the study of authoritarian regime types and institutional characteristics with a focus on the rulers’ control over the state and the economy.

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7

Southall, Roger. "Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe." Africa 90, no. 3 (May 2020): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000078.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the impact of the policies of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government on Zimbabwe's black middle class. It does so by exploring three propositions emerging from the academic literature. The first is that during the early years of independence, the middle class transformed into a party-aligned bourgeoisie. The second is that, to the extent that the middle class has not left the country as a result of the economic plunge from the 1990s, it played a formative role in opposition to ZANU-PF and the political elite. The third is that, in the face of ZANU-PF's authoritarianism and economic hardship, the middle class has largely withdrawn from the political arena.

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8

Maxwell, David. "‘Catch the Cockerel Before Dawn’: Pentecostalism and Politics in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe." Africa 70, no. 2 (May 2000): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.2.249.

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AbstractThe article examines relations between pentecostalism and politics in post-colonial Zimbabwe through a case study of one of Africa’s largest pentecostal movements, Zimbabwe Assemblies of God, Africa (ZAOGA). The Church’s relations with the state change considerably from the colonial to the post-colonial era. The movement began as a sectarian township-based organisation which eschewed politics but used white Rhodesian and American contacts to gain resources and modernise. In the first decade of independence the leadership embraced the dominant discourses of cultural nationalism and development but fell foul of the ruling party, ZANU/PF, because of its ‘seeming’ connections with the rebel politician Ndabiningi Sithole and the American religious right. By the 1990s ZAOGA and ZANU/PF had embraced, each drawing legitimacy from the other. However, this reciprocal assimilation of elites and the authoritarianism of ZAOGA’s leadership are in tension with the democratic egalitarian culture found in local assemblies, where the excesses of leaders are challenged. These alternative pentecostal practices are in symbiosis with radical township politics and progressive sources in civil society. Thus, while pentecostalism may renew the process of politics in Zimbabwe, it may itself be renewed by the outside forces of wider Zimbabwean society.

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9

Southall, Roger. "From party dominance to competitive authoritarianism? South Africa versus Zimbabwe." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 10, S1 (October 13, 2015): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-015-0263-8.

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10

LeBas, Adrienne, and Ngonidzashe Munemo. "Elite Conflict, Compromise, and Enduring Authoritarianism: Polarization in Zimbabwe, 1980–2008." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218813897.

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How do elites play a role in crafting polarization? And what effects do elite-led conflicts have on democracy and mass politics? To examine these questions, we compare two separate episodes of party-based polarization in Zimbabwe, from 1980 to 1987 and from 2000 to 2008. Each of these moments of polarization ended in an elite power-sharing settlement, but a comparison of the two moments yields insights about both the causes of polarization and its effects. We find that the episodes of polarization were rooted in elite instrumentalization of conflict. They differed, however, in the extent to which they activated foundational myths and built larger master cleavages. We suggest that the latter episode conforms more closely to McCoy, Rahman, and Somer’s pernicious polarization, which we argue is marked by deeper societal penetration and segregation than other forms of political polarization and is also less amenable to resolution.

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11

Matema, Steven, and Jens A. Andersson. "Why are lions killing us? Human–wildlife conflict and social discontent in Mbire District, northern Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 1 (February 12, 2015): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x14000664.

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AbstractAn emerging perspective on Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) in Zimbabwe is that increased authoritarianism in governance has enabled elite capture of wildlife resources and silenced local people's voices. This paper qualifies this perspective, showing how ordinary people continue to raise their concerns about local governance. In the Mbire district, people's interpretations of an upsurge in lion attacks on livestock and people in early 2010 took on a dimension of social commentary on the evolving governance arrangements in the district and beyond. Beneath an apparent human–wildlife conflict lie complex human–human conflicts about access to, and governance of, wildlife resources. Interpretations of the lion attacks built on two distinct epistemologies – a local religious discourse on spirit lions and an ecological one – but invariably construed outsiders as the ones accountable for local problems. This construction of outsiders is also a salient feature of Zimbabwean political discourse. Local voices thus constitute a widely understood discourse of protest.

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12

Dube, Bekithemba. "‘To Hell with Bishops’: Rethinking the Nexus of State, Law and Religion in Times of Crisis in Zimbabwe." Religions 12, no. 5 (April 26, 2021): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050304.

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The article addresses the responses of the government of Zimbabwe and its proxies to a letter issued by Catholic bishops on 14 August 2020, entitled ‘The march is not ended’. The response to the letter presents an ambivalent view of the nexus of the state, law and religion in Zimbabwe, which needs to be teased out and challenged in order to reinvent a democratic nation. This theoretical article taps into decoloniality theory to problematise state responses to the letter. The articles discuss responses by government actors, such as Monica Mutswanga and Nick Magwana, and regime enablers, such as Mutendi and Wutawunashe. The responses indicate the weaponization of religion and law to silence dissenting voices, and to enact a skewed nationalism. The article argues that, in the context of crisis, authoritarianism, and abuse of human rights, politicians and religious leaders should position their narratives to enact social justice, ontological density, peace and accountability, as a healing process to usher in sustainable development.

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13

Ruhanya, Pedzisai. "An opposition newspaper under an oppressive regime: A critical analysis of The Daily News." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00023_1.

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This study focuses on the unprecedented ways in which newspaper journalism helped the cause of democratisation at the height of the economic and political governance crisis, also known as the Zimbabwe Crisis, from 1997 to 2010. The research is designed as a qualitative case study of The Daily News, an independent private newspaper. It was based on semi-structured interviews with respondents, who were mainly journalists and politicians living in Zimbabwe. The analytical lens of alternative media facilitates a construction of how The Daily News and its journalists experienced, reported, confronted and navigated state authoritarianism in a historical moment of political turmoil. The study discusses the complex relationships between the independent and privately owned press, the political opposition and civil society organisations. The research provides an original analysis of the operations of The Daily News and its journalists in the context of a highly undemocratic political moment. Some journalists crossed the floor to join civic and opposition forces in order to confront the state. The state responded through arrests and physical attacks against the journalists; however, journalists continued to work with opposition forces while the government enacted repressive media and security law to curtail coverage of the crisis.

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14

Levitsky, Steven R., and Lucan A. Way. "Beyond Patronage: Violent Struggle, Ruling Party Cohesion, and Authoritarian Durability." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (December 2012): 869–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002861.

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We explore the sources of durability of party-based authoritarian regimes in the face of crisis. Recent scholarship on authoritarianism suggests that ruling parties enhance elite cohesion—and consequently, regime durability—by providing institutionalized access the spoils of power. We argue, by contrast, that while elite access to power and spoils may ensure elite cooperation during normal times, it often fails to do so during crises. Instead, the identities, norms, and organizational structures forged during periods of sustained, violent, and ideologically-driven conflict are a critical source of cohesion—and durability—in party-based authoritarian regimes. Origins in violent conflict raise the cost of defection and provide leaders with additional (non-material) resources that can be critical to maintaining unity and discipline, even when a crisis threatens the party's hold on power. Hence, where ruling parties combine mechanisms of patronage distribution with the strong identities, solidarity ties, and discipline generated by violent origins, regimes should be most durable.We apply this argument to four party-based competitive authoritarian regimes in post-Cold War Africa: Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. In each of these cases, an established single- or dominant-party regime faced heightened international pressure, economic crisis, and a strong opposition challenge after 1990. Yet whereas ruling parties in Kenya and Zambia were organized almost exclusively around patronage, those in Mozambique and Zimbabwe were liberation parties that came to power via violent struggle. This difference is critical to explaining diverging post-Cold War regime outcomes: whereas ruling parties in Zambia and Kenya imploded and eventually lost power in these face of crises, those in Mozambique and Zimbabwe remained intact and regimes survived.

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15

KRIGER, NORMA. "POWER AND POLITICS IN ZIMBABWE - Understanding Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarianism. By Sara Rich Dorman. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 256. $27.95, paperback (ISBN 9780190634889)." Journal of African History 59, no. 2 (July 2018): 320–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853718000567.

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16

STONEMAN, COLIN. "RECENT HISTORY OF ZIMBABWE Twenty Years of Independence in Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarianism. Edited by STAFFAN DARNOLF and LIISA LAAKSO. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Pp. xviii+245. £55 (ISBN 0-333-80453-8)." Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (November 2004): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704429934.

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17

Sithole, Masipula. "Zimbabwe's Eroding Authoritarianism." Journal of Democracy 8, no. 1 (1997): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1997.0013.

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18

Munochiveyi, Munyaradzi B. "Sara Rich Dorman. Understanding Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarianism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. viii + 348 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $27.95. Paper. ISBN: 978-0-19-063488-9." African Studies Review 60, no. 1 (March 13, 2017): 214–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.24.

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19

Dendere, Chipo. "Sara Rich Dorman, Understanding Zimbabwe: from liberation to authoritarianism. London: Hurst Publishers (hb £65 – 978 1 84904 582 7; pb £17.99 – 978 1 84904 583 4). 2016, vii + 347 pp." Africa 88, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 620–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000256.

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20

"Understanding Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarianism." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 4 (February 2018): 580–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01222.

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21

Prokopenko, Liubov. "Ex-President of Botswana Ian Khama: Ascents and Reversals in the Political Career of a Former Pilot." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, March 30, 2021, 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-54-1-71-87.

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The article shows the development of the political career of the ex-president of Botswana Ian Khama, a son of the country’s first president Seretse Khama. The article analyzes domestic and foreign policy of the government of the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) headed by Mr. Ian Khama, whose first term in office coincided with difficulties of the global economic crisis that began in 2008. It is noted that during Mr. Khama’s presidency the West-oriented foreign policy of Botswana was well-balanced, pragmatic and aimed at attracting investments. It was rather bold and independent, which was largely due to the independence of Botswana, a major exporter of diamonds to the world market, as regards donors’ assistance. At the African level Mr. Khama’s image has been that of a consistent critic of authoritarian and despotic regimes, he also adhered to a consistent firm position regarding the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe, calling on Robert Mugabe to transfer power. Mr. Khama is an extraordinary political leader. The style and methods of his leadership (harsh bureaucratic methods, frequent decision-making without coordination with the government, disdain of opposition’s criticism and of public opinion) led to accusations of authoritarianism. The author makes an attempt to define its nature which was somewhat different from the authoritarianism of other African leaders. The issue of corruption and nepotism in Botswana is also discussed. During the ten-year period of Mr. Khama’s rule (2008–2018), the problem of nepotism was especially often the focus of the criticism by the local opposition and media. This had a negative effect for the president’s political image and for that of the authorities in general. At the same time, Mr. Khama’s government managed to maintain stability of the economics and of the internal political situation. The properties of the situation in the Botswana Democratic Party, which has ruled the country for almost 55 years and still holds a central position in the country’s political landscape, are shown. Despite a number of mistakes in governing the country, President Ian Khama managed to preserve and strengthen the authority of Botswana in the eyes of the international community for its commitment to the international law, its respect for human rights, good governance and active foreign policy. It is pointed out that Mr. Khama, respecting the Constitution, peacefully transferred power to the country’s vice-president Mokgweetsi Masisi whom he chose as his successor. However, a conflict arose between them very soon, and their confrontation led the ex-president to supporting the opposition at the general elections in October 2019. The events of recent years in Botswana serve an important evidence of the problematic issue – insecurity of democracy in the context of a long dominance of one political party. The unexpected emergence of Khama-Masisi confrontation questioned to a certain extent the tradition of early power transfer from the head of state to the vice-president which established in the country in recent decades. However, this confrontation did not go beyond the framework of the electoral struggle and did not lead to serious tension in the internal political situation.

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