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Journal articles on the topic 'Authority ; Rome'
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1
McAleer, Graham. "Giles of Rome on Political Authority." Journal of the History of Ideas 60, no. 1 (1999): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.1999.0007.
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Kee, Alistair. "Authority and Liberation: Conflict between Rome and Latin America." Modern Churchman 28, no. 1 (January 1985): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mc.28.1.27.
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Glinatsis, Robin. "Michèle Lowrie: Writing, Performance, and Authority in Augustan Rome." Gnomon 84, no. 4 (2012): 315–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2012_4_315.
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Bracken, Damian. "Authority and duty: Columbanus and the primacy of Rome." Peritia 16 (January 2002): 168–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.486.
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Stacey, Peter. "Rome Scholarships: The legitimation of political authority in Renaissance Naples." Papers of the British School at Rome 67 (November 1999): 410–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200004670.
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Prosperi Porta, Romana, Maria Antonietta D’Errico, Elise M. Chapin, Isabella Sciarretta, and Paolo Delaini. "Investigation Into the Pharmacist’s Role in Breastfeeding Support in the “Roma B” Local Health Authority in Rome." Journal of Pharmacy Technology 35, no. 3 (January 18, 2019): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/8755122518823022.
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Background: Breastfeeding is the biological norm for feeding infants and a public health strategy with such a significant impact on the health of the population in the short, medium, and long terms that it should be considered a priority. A pharmacy can be a place for breastfeeding support, since it is open 24 hours a day and is easily accessible. Objective: The main objective of our fact-finding investigation into the breastfeeding support role of pharmacists in the “Roma B” Local Health Authority was to understand how often pharmacists came into contact with nursing mothers, and if pharmacists felt the need to have a greater knowledge of issues regarding breastfeeding. Methods: This survey was done by administering 144 questionnaires (to 1 pharmacist per pharmacy) with items about the support and the protection of breastfeeding and lactation, the perceived need for specific training courses, and openness to establishing virtuous network mechanisms with stakeholders who work in breastfeeding in that geographical area. Results: Our survey shows that mothers come to pharmacies for advice about various health problems. Although pharmacists had little knowledge about breastfeeding, they were interested in participating in a training course. Ninety percent of them declared their interest in collaborating with local breastfeeding stakeholders. Conclusions: The role of the pharmacist in the protection, promotion, and support of breastfeeding has become increasingly important, along with the awareness of being competent and ethical on issues about breastfeeding.
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McKitterick, Rosamond. "The Church and the Law in the Early Middle Ages." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.2.
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Two case studies from eighth-century Rome, recorded in the early medieval history of the popes known as the Liber pontificalis, serve to introduce both the problems of the relations between secular or public and ecclesiastical or canon law in early medieval Rome and the development of early medieval canon law more generally. The Synod of Rome in 769 was convened by Pope Stephen III some months after his election in order to justify the deposition of his immediate predecessor, Pope Constantine II (767–8). Stephen's successor, Pope Hadrian, subsequently presided over a murder investigation involving Stephen's supporters. The murders and the legal process they precipitated form the bulk of the discussion. The article explores the immediate implications of both the murders and the convening of the Synod of Rome, together with the references to law-making and decree-giving by the pope embedded in the historical narrative of the Liber pontificalis, as well as the possible role of the Liber pontificalis itself in bolstering the imaginative and historical understanding of papal and synodal authority. The wider legal or procedural knowledge invoked and the development of both canon law and papal authority in the early Middle Ages are addressed. The general categories within which most scholars have been working hitherto mask the questions about the complicated and still insufficiently understood status and function of early medieval manuscript compilations of secular and canon law, and about the authority and applicability of the texts they contain.
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Xinyue, Bobby. "COMMEMORATING THE SACK OF ROME (1527): ANTIQUITY AND AUTHORITY IN RENAISSANCE POETIC CALENDARS." Papers of the British School at Rome 88 (May 27, 2020): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246220000045.
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This paper aims to advance scholarly understanding of the intellectual significance of Ovid's Fasti during the European Renaissance by examining a number of early modern poetic calendars modelled on the Ovidian poem. Recent studies of Ovid's Fasti have noted that the poem's propensity to contest the meaning of a particular occasion facilitates a sustained examination of the relationship between the past and present of Rome, through which the poet disrupts the reorganization of the Roman calendar by Augustus. This paper suggests that a similarly politically charged operation underpins a number of Renaissance fasti poems. Using these poems’ remembrance of the Sack of Rome (1527) as a case study, this article argues, firstly, that the genre's commemorative function is mobilized competitively by its early modern authors to reflect on the history and status of Rome, particularly the city's role as the caput mundi since antiquity. Secondly, it will be shown that in the second half of the sixteenth century the genre of calendrical poetry — and Ovid's Fasti in particular — became an important medium through which Renaissance humanists critiqued the nature of power at a time when political and ecclesiastical schisms hardened across Europe.
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Babić, Davor. "Rome I Regulation: binding authority for arbitral tribunals in the European Union?" Journal of Private International Law 13, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17441048.2017.1288471.
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Armstrong, Gail. "Sacrificial Iconography: Creating History, Making Myth, and Negotiating Ideology on the Ara Pacis Augustae." Religion and Theology 15, no. 3-4 (2008): 340–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430108x376573.
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AbstractAugustus, first emperor of Rome, invented a new genealogy, myth of origins, and history for himself and for Rome as he negotiated for authority with the Roman senate. As part of these negotiations the senate dedicated the Ara Pacis Augustae on the Campus Martius in 9 B.C.E. The function, location, and iconography of the monument participated in Augustus's attempts to link his present with the prehistory of Rome. In order for power and authority to be negotiated and legitimized, and for a history and myth to be invented, audience participation is required. This essay argues that the Ara Pacis Augustae was a symbol of the senate's participation and acceptance of Augustus's status, as well as a statement of its own power vis-à-vis that of the emperor.
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Stoops, Robert F. "If I Suffer … Epistolary Authority in Ignatius of Antioch." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 2 (April 1987): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023580.
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Sometime during the second decade of the second century CE, Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, was conveyed under guard to Rome where he expected to leave this world through the mouths of the beasts in the arena. Along his journey he stopped at Philadelphia and Smyrna. At each stop he received visitors from a number of churches in the area. He, in turn, wrote letters to those churches and to the church at Rome. The letters of Ignatius have been the subject of scholarly investigation for over a century. The authenticity of the middle recension of those letters is almost universally acknowledged. These letters have been studied for the light they can shed on church structure in Asia Minor at the beginning of the second century, the theology of Ignatius within its historical context, and the distinctive personality of Ignatius. One aspect of these documents which has implications for all other interests has not been satisfactorily explained, namely, how Ignatius understood his own letter writing activity. What gave Ignatius the audacity to interfere in the life of churches outside of Syria, and what kind of authority did he expect the admonitions contained in his letters to carry?
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Winstanley, Adam. "“Problems with Authority”: The Second International Flann O’Brien Conference, University of Rome III, Rome, Italy, 19–21 June 2013." James Joyce Quarterly 49, no. 3-4 (2012): 423–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjq.2012.0041.
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Sommer, M. "Empire of glory: Weberian paradigms and the complexities of authority in imperial Rome." Max Weber Studies 11, no. 2 (2011): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.15543/mws/2011/2/2.
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Meng, Michael. "On Authoritarianism. A Review Essay." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 4 (September 29, 2017): 1008–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000354.
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A product of the nineteenth-century age of “isms,” authoritarianism describes a worldview that promotes the establishment of a hierarchical relation whereby one person or group dominates and governs another without recourse to either physical force or persuasion. Authoritarianism is the advocacy of authority as a source or origin that compels voluntary obedience without question. A person has authority if he or she can command someone to do something without having to do anything other than issue a command; which is to say that the person who obeys recognizes the authority of the person who commands as legitimate or correct. The word authority comes from the Latin, auctoritas, which Cicero employs to characterize the distinctive influence of the Senate in ancient Rome: “Power is with the people, authority with the Senate.” Whereas power (potestas) is political and relies on force or persuasion to command obedience, authority enjoys unequivocal obedience as a source beyond the contested realm of politics.
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Bond, H. Lawrence, Geerald Christianson, and Thomas M. Izbicki. "Nicholas of Cusa: ‘On Presidential Authority in a General Council’." Church History 59, no. 1 (March 1990): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169083.
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In late 1433, after two years of intrigue and negotiations, Pope Eugenius IV agreed to acknowledge the legitimate existence of the Council of Basel. The recently crowned Emperor Sigismund had gone to Basel, and numberous clerics, including many cardinals, had abandoned the curia for the council. An obstreperous duke of Milan threatened the papal states “in the name of the holy synod,” and in May 1434 the populace of Rome rebelled, foreing the pope to flee down the Tiber.
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Armstrong, Jeremy. "The Consulship of 367bcand the Evolution of Roman Military Authority." Antichthon 51 (2017): 124–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2017.9.
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AbstractA tension exists within the literary sources for early Rome, between the supposedly static nature of military authority, embodied by the grant ofimperiumwhich was allegedly shared both by archaicregesand republican magistrates, and the evidence for change within Rome’s military hierarchy, with the early republican army being commanded by a succession of different magistrates including the archaicpraetores, the so-called ‘consular tribunes,’ and the finally the consuls and praetors of the mid-fourth centuryBC. The differences between the magistracies and the motivations driving the evolution of the system have caused confusion for both ancient and modern writers alike, with the usual debate being focused on the number of officials involved under each system and Rome’s expanding military and bureaucratic needs. The present study will argue that, far more than just varying in number, when viewed against the wider backdrop of Roman society during the period, the sources hint that the archaicpraetoresand consular tribunes might have exercised slightly different types of military authority – possibly distinguished by the designationsimperiumandpotestas– which were unified under the office of the consulship of 367BC.1The changes in Rome’s military hierarchy during the fifth and fourth centuriesBCmay therefore not only indicate an expansion of Rome’s military command, as is usually argued, but also an evolution of military authority within Rome associated with the movement of power from thecomitia curiatato thecomitia centuriata.
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Santangelo, Federico. "PRIESTLYAUCTORITASIN THE ROMAN REPUBLIC." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 2 (November 8, 2013): 743–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000220.
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Some of the best recent work on Roman priesthoods under the Republic has engaged with the issue of priestly authority and its role in defining the place of priesthoods vis-à-vis other centres of power, influence and knowledge. The aim of this paper is to make a contribution to this line of enquiry by focussing on the concept of priestlyauctoritas, which has seldom received close attention. The working hypothesis is that the study of priestlyauctoritasmay contribute to a broader understanding of the place of priesthood in Republican Rome, and especially in the Late Republican period, from which most of the evidence derives. The link between religious authority and religious expertise requires special attention.
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Luciani, Franco. "PUBLIC SLAVES IN ROME: ‘PRIVILEGED’ OR NOT?" Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 368–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000506.
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In the Roman world, slavery played a crucial role. Besides private slaves, owned by individual masters, and—from the beginning of the Principate—imperial slaves, who were the property of the emperors, there were also the so-called public slaves: non-free individuals who were owned by a community, such as the Roman people as a whole in Rome (serui publici populi Romani), or the citizen body of a colony or a municipium in Italy or in the provinces (serui ciuitatum). Public slaves in Rome were employed for numerous public services and acted under the authority of the Senate as assistants to public magistrates, officers or priests. Similarly, in Italian and in provincial cities, they juridically depended on the decisions of local councils and performed various activities within the civic administration, beholden to the magistrates.
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Osborne, John. "The Cult of Maria Regina in Early Medieval Rome." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 21 (September 21, 2017): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.5532.
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The iconography of Mary bearing the crown and vestments of a Byzantine empress has long been associated with the arts of the city of Rome, where the overwhelming majority of early examples survive. From the eighth century onwards, this theme was exploited by the popes to reinforce their claims to independence from secular authority. But did they invent it? This paper supports the view that the iconography was initially developed at the imperial court in Constantinople in the first half of the sixth century, and that it first appeared in Rome in an “imperial” as opposed to “papal” context.
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Salzman, Michele Renee. "Leo's Liturgical Topography: Contestations for Space in Fifth-Century Rome." Journal of Roman Studies 103 (April 11, 2013): 208–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435813000026.
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AbstractThis paper examines theSermonsof Leo the Great (a.d.440–461) for their liturgical topography. Leo developed an annual cycle of set places on set days — the very definition of stational liturgy — in Rome as one means to assert papal authority over the city's Christian communities and especially over the resident Roman senatorial aristocracy. Leo'sSermonsindicate that the bishop found new ways to centralize the liturgy at St Peter's in the Vatican, making St Peter's — not St John the Lateran — the religious centre and the symbol of the papacy.
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Eijsbouts, W. T. "The Barroso Drama: Campidoglio, Rome – 29 October 2004: How the Form Was Brought to Matter." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 2 (May 19, 2005): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605001550.
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Meeting of constitutional form and matter. Matter in the sense of Machiavelli's ‘political life’, clashes between the establisment and the people. EU investiture struggle and its outcomes. Structural elements of the EU Constitution: authority, representation, political federalism.
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Dunn, Geoffrey D. "The ecclesiastical reorganisation of space and authority in late antique gaul: Zosimus' letter Multa contra (JK 334 = J3 740)." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 12 (2016): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2016.1.1.
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On 29 September 417 'Zosimus', bishop of Rome, wrote 'Epistula' 5 ('Multa contra' - JK 334 = J3 740) to the bishops of the Gallic provinces of Viennensis and Narbonensis Secunda. It followed a synod that had been held in Rome on 22 September to consider alleged violations by Proculus of Marseille of the hierarchical relationship between the churches of southern Gaul and the authority of metropolitan bishops over the other churches of their provinces. Episcopal authority was geographically defined and circumscribed by Roman provincial boundaries, with the bishop of a provincial capital having some authority over the other bishops of the province. What was to happen, though, when those boundaries changed or a new city within a province became capital? In a series of four letters (the others being 'Epistulae' 4 ['Cum aduersus' - JK 331 = J3 737], 6 ['Mirati admodum' - JK 332 = J3 738], and 7 [Quid de 'Proculi' - JK 333 = J3 739) written immediately after the synod, of which this letter is the last, Zosimus supported the claims of Patroclus, bishop of Arles, to be not only the metropolitan of Viennensis but, surprisingly, the sole metropolitan over several Roman provinces. This paper examines how authority within the late antique church was dependent upon spatial organisational arrangements and how temporal arguments could be advanced when such spatial arrangements did not suit the personal plans of some ambitious bishops. It further considers the religious conflict that arose over disputed areas of authority and the mechanism by which attempts were made at its resolution and how Zosimus' action contributed ultimately to a developing concept of papal primacy.
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Pocar, Fausto. "Transformation of Customary Law Through ICC Practice." AJIL Unbound 112 (2018): 182–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2018.55.
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Article 21 of the Rome Statute, in defining the applicable sources of law for the International Criminal Court (ICC), breaks with the practice of the ad hoc tribunals by treating customary international law as only a secondary authority. Nonetheless, customary international law still has an acknowledged role in ICC jurisprudence in filling lacunae in the Rome Statute and aiding in its interpretation. One can also predict other instances in which the application of customary international law will be required. It remains to be seen, however, whether the ICC's use of customary law will lead to that law's further fragmentation or whether that use will instead modify customary law to reflect the ICC Statute.
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CLARKE, PETER D. "Canterbury as the New Rome: Dispensations and Henry VIII's Reformation." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no. 1 (January 2013): 20–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046912000759.
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An important way in which the late medieval papacy exercised its authority over the English Church was by granting dispensations, special graces that allowed exceptions to canon law in certain instances, notably permitting marriages between close kin. In 1533 the Dispensations Act forbade Henry VIII's subjects to petition the papacy for favours. But dispensations did not disappear after the break with Rome. The archbishop of Canterbury's Faculty Office continued to issue almost all those previously available from Rome. This article explores the transition to this new office, noting how Cardinal Wolsey's legatine activity in the 1520s prepared the way.
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Halili, Halili. "Politik penegakan hak asasi manusia pada masa transisi d Indonesia." Jurnal Civics: Media Kajian Kewarganegaraan 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/civics.v13i2.12744.
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This article was aimed at (1) discovering and constructing the political dynamics in formulating the Law of the Court of Human Rights; (2) analyzing its implication on the future of politic of Human Rights in Indonesia. This essay was a result of content analysis research with qualitative-comparative approach. The finding showed that (1) substantively, the formulation of Law No. 26 Year 2000 on Human Rights Court has fundamental weaknesses such as a partial adaptation of The Roma Statute, the course of human rights court was constructed weak by stating its authority only on investigation, whereas attorney General's Office authority on investigation lacks of detail prescription, deleting the responsibility of command such as those on the Rome Statute, etc. A lot of lacks indicate that the law was only an instrument of transitional authority. The ‘toothless’ law indicates the victory of the old regime in political battlement and tension with the new regime in reformation era. The politicization of handling of human rights violation before the release of the law of Court on which the Representative People Council has authority to propose but the decision maker is the President by Presidential Decree. 2) the political dynamic has an implication on two long term situations, hoarding impunity and the crises of human rights values.
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Balch, David L. "Luke-Acts:Political Biography/Historyunder Rome. On Gender and Ethnicity." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 111, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 65–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2020-0003.
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AbstractIn the Hellenistic-Roman world, both philosophical schools (Platonists) and ethnic groups (Romans, Athenians, Judeans) were committed to the authority of founder figures. Dionysius, Josephus, and Luke included biographies of their founders (Romulus, Moses, Jesus) within their historical works. Luke-Acts also acculturated Roman politics: 1) Luke narrated the official leadership of early Pauline assemblies exclusively by males, not narrating earlier leadership by women (Junia, Euodia, Syntyche). 2) Luke gave Jesus an inaugural address “to declare God’s age open and welcome to all [nations]” (Luke 4:19 quoting Isa 61:2), urging Luke’s auditors to become multiethnic. Peter instituted this crossing of ethnic boundaries in Judea (Acts 10) and Paul “accepted all” in Rome (Acts 28:30), the concluding sentence of the two volumes.
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Kaufman, Peter Iver. "Augustine, Martyrs, and Misery." Church History 63, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167829.
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Augustine said that Rome fell frequently, all too often into “utter moral depravity,” occasionally into the hands of the city's enemies. Maybe Aeneas was to blame. He had shown poor judgment, hauling to Italy the gods that failed to save Troy. Subsequently, when the Gauls came to Rome's gates, those divine and purportedly vigilant protectors did remarkably little protecting. They later offered no resistance when Nero reduced Rome to rubble. Augustine held Aeneas's humiliations all the more demoralizing; Virgil misled citizens, suggesting that Rome would stand forever. Christians should have known better. They had it on higher authority that heaven and earth would pass away.
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Boicu, Dragoș. "Marian Devotion as a Form of Legitimization of the Imperial Authority." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2014-0106.
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Abstract The present research addresses matters concerning the relationship between Church and state during the reign of Theodosius II of Rome, analyzing especially the case of legitimization of the imperial authority found in the first half of the fifth century when the Empress Pulcheria tried to identify herself with the Virgin Mary before her subjects in order to further maintain control of the state alongside her brother, Theodosius II. This paper also attempts to connect the problem of the political experiment with the development of a Marian devotion in Constantinople as a solution for pagan cults’ inculturation, reassessing Nestorius’ reaction in parallel with the position of Epiphanius of Salamina.
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Miles, Margaret R. "Santa Maria Maggiore's Fifth-Century Mosaics: Triumphal Christianity and the Jews." Harvard Theological Review 86, no. 2 (April 1993): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600003114x.
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The fifth-century mosaics of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome represent the oldest surviving program of mosaic decoration in a Christian church. Its political context includes the steady drain of political authority and power to the Eastern empire from the early fourth century forward, the proscription of paganism at the end of the fourth century, and the massively disruptive Sack of Rome by Alaric in 410 CE. In the vacuum of political power in the West, the papacy under Sixtus III made a strong claim for a new basis of Roman power—the religious primacy of the city of Peter and Paul under papal leadership. The building and decoration of Santa Maria Maggiore played an important role in the consolidation and public announcement of papal power.
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Angelova, Diliana. "The Ivories of Ariadne and Ideas about Female Imperial Authority in Rome and Early Byzantium." Gesta 43, no. 1 (January 2004): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25067088.
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Harding, Catherine. "Images of Authority, Identity, Power: Facade Mosaic Decoration in Rome during the Later Middle Ages." RACAR : Revue d'art canadienne 24, no. 1 (1997): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1071702ar.
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Davidson, N. S. "Rome and the Venetian Inquisition in the Sixteenth Century." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 39, no. 1 (January 1988): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900039051.
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In Rome the Inquisition was not above that of other places, but applied it self only to that City, as others did in their Cities. The Pope indeed was superintendent and overseer of them all, maintaining nevertheless the agreements, immunities, and lawful Customs of every one, and so it continued until Paul the third, who did institute a Congregation of Cardinals in Rome, giving them the Title of Inquisitors General, who nevertheless do not command the Inquisition of Spain, which by agreement was first instituted: So likewise they ought not to take away the authority of this States Inquisition, also instituted by agreement some hundred years since. Which thing I have considered for to conclude, that it is not reasonable that Inquisition should take that which belongeth unto this.
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Latham, Jacob A. "Inventing Gregory “the Great”: Memory, Authority, and the Afterlives of the Letania Septiformis." Church History 84, no. 1 (March 2015): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714001693.
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In modern scholarship, Pope Gregory I “the Great” (590–604) is often simultaneously considered the final scion of classical Rome and the first medieval pope. The letania septiformis, a procession organized into seven groups that Gregory instituted in 590 in the face of plague and disease (and performed only once thereafter in 603), has similarly been construed as the very moment when Antiquity died and the Middle Ages were born. However, his Roman contemporaries in the papal curia largely ignored Gregory and his purportedly epochal procession. In fact, memory of the procession languished in Italy until the late-eighth century when Paul the Deacon made it the center of his Life of Gregory. At Rome, remembrance of the procession lay dormant in the papal archives until John the Deacon dug it out in the late-ninth century. How then did the letania septiformis come to be judged so pivotal? Over the course of centuries, the letania septiformis was inventively re-elaborated in literature, liturgy, and legend as part of the re-fashioning of the memory of Gregory. Shorn of its context, the letania septiformis gained greater imaginative power, becoming the emblem of Gregory's pontificate, if not also of an historical era.
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DUNN, GEOFFREY D. "The Church of Rome as a Court of Appeal in the Early Fifth Century: The Evidence of Innocent I and the Illyrian Churches." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no. 4 (September 9, 2013): 679–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913001528.
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In the early years of the fifth century a significant step in the development of the Roman Church's claim to a universal jurisdiction was taken as it clarified its relationship with the Churches of Eastern Illyricum. Among the letters of Innocenti, bishop of Rome from 402 to 417, there are a half dozen addressed to the churches within that prefecture, politically now in the East but ecclesiastically still looking to Rome. Yet the authority exercised by the Roman bishop was not all-encompassing, being restricted primarily to judicial matters. This article considers Innocent'sepistulaxviii, written to a group of Macedonian bishops, headed by Rufus, bishop of Thessaloniki, Innocent's vicar, in which Rome acts as a court of appeal in the matter of Bubalius and Taurian. What is fascinating is the role that forgery played in the appeal process. It is argued that the evidence should be considered in its own historical context and not in the light of later ecclesiological understandings.
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Oakes, Peter. "Christian Attitudes to Rome at the Time of Paul's Letter." Review & Expositor 100, no. 1 (February 2003): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730310000107.
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In the late fifties, Christianity was a provincial religious movement rooted in Jewish beliefs, practice, and history. This gives to a model of Christian attitudes to Rome three natural dimensions: provincial, Jewish, and distinctively Christian. A provisional list of attitudes is constructed by considering issues that were significant for each group. The resulting list has six elements: awe at Rome's prestige, power and wealth; appreciation of Roman peace, economic prosperity, partial protection of Diaspora communities, and laws permitting Jewish practice; resentment at taxation, occupation of Israel, and poor governing of Judaea; contempt for Roman religious beliefs and certain aspects of morality; denial of ultimate authority; and expectation of overthrow. This combination could be used as a grid for interpreting the Roman dimension of Paul's letter.
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Whitman, James Q. "The Lawyers Discover the Fall of Rome." Law and History Review 9, no. 2 (1991): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743648.
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Petrach detested lawyers. The story of his experience of law is familiar. In 1316 Petrarch, then twelve years old, was sent by his father to study law, first in Montpellier, then in Bologna, the oldest center of Roman law studies in Europe. Bologna entranced him in some ways; there were great law teachers there, he latter wrote, who were like the ancients themselves returned to life. Nevertheless, if he looked up to some of his teachers, his studies in Bologna taught Petrarch to despise the general soullessness and avarice of fourteenth-century lawyers. Lawyers, he later wrote, cared nothing for antiquity and everything for money: to them “everything is for sale.” It was not, he assured readers of his Epistle to Posterity, that he found the subject too difficult. On the contrary, “many asserted that I would have done very well if I had persisted in my course. Neverthesless I dropped that study entirely as soon as my parents' supervision was removed. Not because I disliked the power and authority of Roman law, which are undoubtedly very great, or its saturation with Roman antiquity, which I love; but because men, in their wickedness, pervert Roman law when they employ it.” Appalled by what he had seen, he gave up law for more honorable pursuits.
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Curran, John. "Jerome and the Sham Christians of Rome." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 2 (April 1997): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900019394.
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This rhetorical question was poseu by Jerome in AD 411 to challenge a young man of good family from Toulouse who was contemplating the responsibilities of monastic life. The old man of Bethlehem wrote on city life with some authority; he had achieved fame and notoriety simultaneously at the court of Pope Damasus in Rome in the 380s.2 And yet, as both men knew well, the moral and physical dangers of the city, the latter resoundingly demonstrated by the Gothic capture of Rome in the previous year, had not prompted the rejection of urban life by western Christians, save by a small and eccentric group of extreme ascetics. Jerome's praise for this group is well known, and his criticism of less committed Christians in Rome is legendary. But when one examines the uniquely vivid testimony of Jerome's letters, one can detect beneath the praise and polemic a vigorous struggle for the support of the city's elite. The social background to the struggle as revealed in Jerome's writings is the subject of this article. What emerges is a complex, contradictory and divided Christian community which Jerome unsuccessfully attempted to influence, a failure that brought final and ignominious exile from Rome.
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Pattenden (book author), Miles, and Jennifer Mara Desilva (review author). "Pius IV and the Fall of the Carafa: Nepotism and Papal Authority in Counter- Reformation Rome." Renaissance and Reformation 37, no. 1 (May 17, 2014): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i1.21296.
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Bettini, Maurizio. "Authority as ‘Resultant Voice’: Towards a Stylistic and Musical Anthropology of Effective Speech in Archaic Rome." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 1, no. 1 (2013): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341242.
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Abstract Analysis of a large number of texts from the archaic period of Roman culture shows that the authoritative character of a solemn utterance (a prophecy, the formula uttered by a praetor, a religious praefatio) was based principally on specific sound patterns. From these utterances’ use of parallelisms, phonic echoes and syllabic repetitions there emerged a sort of ‘resultant voice’, which made their exceptional character immediately apparent. From the perspective of their intended hearers, the sound-construction of these pronouncements had the capacity to arouse what the Romans called delectatio: that is, the disposition to believe in the truth and validity of what they were hearing. That the Romans included all these acoustic phenomena within a single perceptual domain is demonstrated by the fact that music, too, had the power to produce delectatio—and by the fact that the verb cano and its derivatives refer as much to musical as to poetic expression.
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Linden, Huub van der. "Pius IV and the fall of the Carafa: nepotism and papal authority in counter-reformation Rome." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 21, no. 5 (September 3, 2014): 757–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2014.952115.
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Albu, Emily. "Viewing Rome from the Roman Empires." Medieval Encounters 17, no. 4-5 (2011): 495–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006711x598820.
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AbstractTwelfth-century German and Byzantine emperors vied with each other—and with the popes in Rome—for imperial status, each of the three seeing himself as the legitimate heir of ancient Roman imperium. From the court at Constantinople, historians Anna Komnene and John Kinnamos leveled a venomous critique against the west, surveying Rome through the lens of religious disputes, Crusade, and the hated Latin presence in the East. The Byzantine narratives have left a gritty view of their contemporary Rome, a violent and cruel city of illicit popes and anti-popes, anarchy, and barbarism. The Peutinger map, by contrast, seems but an innocent relic of the past, a map of the inhabited world as known to the pagan Romans. Typically considered an ancient Roman artifact and product of Roman culture, the surviving map actually dates from the very end of the long twelfth century. Produced in Swabia, it continued the anti-papal assault as a fresh salvo in a long-lived Battle of the Maps between Church and secular imperium. This display map, like its lost prototype, advertised the supreme authority of Roman imperial power with claims much more venerable than those of the papacy. Its visual narrative implicitly contradicted the power of papal Rome by foregrounding ancient Rome as the centerpiece of an intricately connected oikoumene, a world that should be ruled by Rome’s German heirs. For Germans as for Byzantines, Rome still mattered. Even while assailing a resurgent imperial papacy, neither secular emperor nor their courts could ignore the power exercised by pagan Rome and papal Rome over twelfth-century imaginations.
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Drogula, Fred K. "Plebeian Tribunes and the Government of Early Rome." Antichthon 51 (2017): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2017.8.
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AbstractMany modern scholars have argued that the consulship was not created at the foundation of the Republic as Roman tradition maintained, and that the government of the early Republic went through several stages of development before it reached the familiar ‘classical constitution.’ Building on this work, this article considers what the early civilian government of Rome may have looked like. It is argued that the Romans did not create an entirely new government (based on consuls) following the removal of the monarchy, but instead made use of existing sources of power and authority: rich land-owning clans dominated military activity outside the city, while priests, thecuriae, and minor officials exercised responsibilities of civilian governance in Rome. The plebeian tribunate was probably the first significant office to be created in the Republic, and the unusual nature of its power (sacrosanctity) and the absence of any other chief magistracy enabled the tribunes to acquire a broad range of prerogatives. A series of reforms eventually led to the development of the familiar ‘classical constitution’, and the consulship and praetorship became the most prestigious and desired magistracies (and—outside the city—the most powerful), but the tribunes long retained the broadest prerogatives for civilian governance inside the city.
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Riccioni, Stefano. "Rewriting Antiquity, Renewing Rome. The Identity of the Eternal City through Visual Art, Monumental Inscriptions and the Mirabilia." Medieval Encounters 17, no. 4-5 (2011): 439–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006711x598802.
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AbstractDuring the eleventh and twelfth centuries the Church began a process of renovation (renovatio) and the city of Rome was given new meanings. Antiquity is part of the identity of the Eternal City; the reuse or reframing of aspects of antiquity inevitably transformed the image of Rome. Public spaces, architecture and objects were given new Christian readings. Inscriptions, present both in sacred and secular settings, played an important role. A similar rewriting can also be found in travel literature and descriptions of the city, such as in the Mirabilia urbis Rome, where ancient monuments were re-interpreted to demonstrate the superiority of Christianity. Inscriptions were used as symbols of authority, as can be seen in the altar of the church of Santa Maria in Portico, in the papal thrones (San Clemente, Santa Maria in Cosmedin, San Lorenzo fuori le mura) and also in mosaics (San Clemente, Santa Maria in Trastevere). Inscriptions appeared on porticoed atriums built on new churches and added to older foundations, and they were used to renew ancient monuments and places. The Roman Commune used a similar strategy with civil buildings. The image of Rome was transformed through restoration and new construction that used spolia as meaningful objects, and inscriptions for their authoritative value.
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Rankin, David. "Class Distinction as a Way of Doing Church: The Early Fathers and the Christian Plebs." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 3 (2004): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072041718737.
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AbstractRoman notions of social and legal distinction helped to shape the approach of certain pre-Nicene Fathers to the ordering of the church. The social distinction between ordo and plebs and the legal one between honestior and humilior helped these Fathers to differentiate the particular rights and responsibilities of clergy and laity, while the concept of patronage and that of the paterfamilias helped them to define the particular role and authority of the bishop. We see this first articulated in Clement and Hermas of Rome, developed further in Tertullian of Carthage, and then find particular expression in Cyprian of Carthage.
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Cowan, Eleanor. "ContestingClementia: the Rhetoric ofSeveritasin Tiberian Rome before and after the Trial of Clutorius Priscus." Journal of Roman Studies 106 (August 16, 2016): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435816000605.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines a discussion about punishment which took place in Tiberian Rome. Shouldclementiaorseveritasinform the decisions of the judges and what was the proper relationship between the authority of the senate and theclementiaof the princeps? My argument has five parts. I begin (I) by examiningclementiaandseveritasin the work of Velleius Paterculus. I next (II) examine Velleius’ presentation of Tiberius as a figure who adjudicates punishment in his community. I then (III and IV) argue that Velleius’ ideas were the product of and sought to contribute to controversy about the ownership and use ofclementiawhich can be tracked though Tiberius’ principate. Finally (V), I suggest that Tacitus made use of the rhetoric ofclementiaandseveritascurrent in Tiberian Rome and that it influenced his reading ofsaevitiaunder the principate.
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SOLANS, FRANCISCO JAVIER RAMÓN. "The Creation of a Latin American Catholic Church: Vatican Authority and Political Imagination, 1854–1899." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 2 (January 27, 2020): 316–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046919002276.
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The principal aim of this article is to analyse the rise of a Latin American Catholic identity during the mid- to late nineteenth century. It examines the institutionalisation of this collective project via the foundation of the Latin American College in Rome in 1858 and the initiatives that led to the Latin American Plenary Council in 1899. This article also explores how this collective religious identity was imagined and how its limits were drawn. In doing so a new insight into how religions contributed to the imagining and defining of geographical spaces is offered.
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Halevi, Leor. "Bernard, Explorer of the Muslim Lake: a Pilgrimage From Rome To Jerusalem, 867." Medieval Encounters 4, no. 1 (1998): 24–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006798x00025.
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AbstractBernard the Monk's Itinerarium is a ten-page guidebook for pilgrims traveling from Rome and Bari to Babylon and Jerusalem. It has not been studied as a source for Mediterranean history. Bernard shows how the late ninth-century Mediterranean economy was characterized by religious ideology. Islam and Christianity acted differently in establishing the "ethos" of an economy of exchange. While Muslim law and authority channeled the exchange, Christian apocalypticism wished for its end. Bernard's apocalypticism was in particular a response to the Muslim occupation of southern Italy. Such a response has been regarded as typical of the "age of ignorance" about Islam. But Bernard was surprisingly knowledgeable, and his account illustrates a largely unknown chapter in the history of the Christian encounter with Islam.
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Costardi, Gabriela Gomes, and Paulo Cesar Endo. "Reflections on Authority: A Dialogue between Hannah Arendt and Jacques Lacan." Revista Subjetividades 18, Esp (July 11, 2018): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5020/23590777.rs.v18iesp.6465.
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This article aims to formulate a notion of authority regarding the psychoanalytic treatment of Lacanian orientation. To do this, we dialogue with Hannah Arendt’s theory. First, we address the distinction between authority in the private and public spheres. Considering that authority is an effect of the hierarchy, which is established from the difference between its levels, it is presented in a natural way in the private sphere, which welcomes the differences. In the public sphere, equality is the determining factor, making it necessary to establish the difference. Then we approach the Roman strategy for establishing authority in politics, namely, its source is an external element to the relationship between rulers and ruled, in this case, the foundation of the city of Rome. Finally, we emphasize the conception of political authority established by the actors of the American Revolution, who shifted the source of authority from the founding act of the ancestors to their own founding act, which is represented by the Constitution of the United States as a result of mutual commitments established between the actors of that body politic. Thus, Arendt postulates that authority results from a hierarchy and that its source is external to the relationship between leaders and leaders, even if that source is not placed as a superior or absolute parameter, but derives from the mutual commitment between individuals acting in concert. From there, we analyze the relation between authority and truth in the Lacanian work, considering that the latter derives from the division between the grammatical and enunciation subjects, which means to maintain this notion in the field of language and to refuse the necessity of a metalanguage. In addition, we take into account the author’s propositions on the authorization of the analyst. Finally, we conclude that legitimate authority in psychoanalytic treatment comes from the manifestation of the truth of the subject of the unconscious as a third place in relation to the analyzer and the analyst, as well as the relation of truth to the transmissible knowledge that takes place at the end of the analysis. Our methodology is the bibliographical research, guided by the search for inspiration of the Lacanian-oriented psychoanalysis by Arendtian political theory.
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Forger, Deborah L. "God Made Manifest: Josephus, Idolatry, and Divine Images in Flavian Rome." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 231–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-bja10008.
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Abstract After the destruction of the Second Temple, Jews lived under Flavian lords who peppered Rome’s landscape with sculpted images of themselves, oftentimes suggesting that these images, and the emperors who stood behind them, functioned as gods in embodied form. This paper considers how these divine images impacted Jews, given that these same Jews lived under Roman authority yet also served the God of Israel alone. By analyzing Josephus’s Antiquities 11.331-334 in light of Israel’s strong anti-idolic tradition, I explore how the name of Israel’s God, inscribed on the high priest’s golden miter, may have functioned as visible counterpoint to the Flavians’ graven images. It is widely assumed that first-century Jews viewed God as invisible, incorporeal, and utterly removed from the material realm, but for Josephus at least God’s name offered a means by which Jews could gaze upon an aspect of their God in visible, perceptible, and material form.
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Clarke, Peter D., and Michael C. Questier. "EDITORS’ PREFACE." Camden Fifth Series 48 (September 4, 2015): vii—viii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116315000238.
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The current volume brings together contributions from two separate editors. The first is a collection of texts edited by Peter Clarke that evidence Cardinal Thomas Wolsey's legatine powers to grant dispensations and other papal graces and his exercise of these powers during the 1520s in Henry VIII's realm. The second is a text edited by Michael Questier. It takes the form of glosses on and suggested readings of the Elizabethan statute law which imposed treason penalties on Catholic clergy who exercised their office in reconciling to Rome (i.e. absolving from schism and heresy) and on those who availed themselves of this sacramental power. The rationale for linking these contributions in a single volume is threefold. First, both generally concern Catholicism in Tudor England, especially the authority of Catholic clergy there both before and after the break with Rome. Secondly and more specifically, they regard the role of these clergy as agents of papal authority in Tudor England. Wolsey was appointed as a papal legate in 1518 and obtained legatine powers from successive popes on a scale unparalleled in pre-Reformation England, notably to grant dispensations, and he exercised these dispensing powers there extensively; he was thus the papal agent par excellence in Tudor England on the eve of the Reformation. The Elizabethan ‘tolerationist’ text, by contrast, seeks to deny that Catholic clergy necessarily functioned as agents of papal authority. They were not, therefore, all without exception traitors to the queen, even though one literal reading of the statute book might give the impression that this was what the State had meant. Instead, so this manuscript claimed, the statutes themselves could be read in such a way as to imply that the legislators themselves accepted that the Catholic clergy's priestly functions did not depend exclusively on papal supremacy (unlike Wolsey's legatine status) or even a malign anti-popish understanding of the papacy as a legal and ecclesiastical entity. Therefore the exercise of their faculties could not automatically be interpreted as treasonable. Coincidentally Wolsey's activity as a papal agent led to him being attainted him with treason, and although the charge did not relate to his dispensing powers, four years after Wolsey's fall Henry VIII forbade his subjects to petition Rome or its agents for the kinds of graces Wolsey had issued. He established the Faculty Office to issue such graces instead, and its authority depended on royal, not papal, supremacy. Both contributions, therefore, concern the relationship between Catholic clergy and supreme authority in the English Church, wherever this was deemed to lie. Thirdly, both contributions illuminate the limits of the law and flexibility in interpreting and applying it. Wolsey's graces in effect limited the operation of canon law: his dispensations suspended it in specific instances, notably regarding marriage and ordination; and he also granted licences permitting activity that it normally forbade, such as clergy not residing in their benefices. The ‘tolerationist’ text implies, although with arguments which at times seem rather specious, that the Elizabethan State was, even in its more draconian utterances, to some extent drawing in its horns. Both contributions, therefore, concern apparently binding law which might be relaxed in Tudor England with regard to Catholic clergy (as well as laity in the case of Wolsey's papal graces).