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Journal articles on the topic 'Autosegmental metrical'

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1

Rice, Keren, and John A. Goldsmith. "Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology." Language 68, no. 1 (1992): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416372.

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2

Pierrehumbert, Janet. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology." Journal of Phonetics 21, no. 3 (1993): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)31335-x.

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3

Major, Roy C., and John A. Goldsmith. "Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology: An Introduction." Modern Language Journal 76, no. 2 (1992): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/329811.

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4

Abu-Salim, Issam M. "Vowel harmony in Palestinian Arabic: a metrical perspective." Journal of Linguistics 23, no. 1 (1987): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700011014.

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Previous work on vowel harmony (VH) in Palestinian Arabic (PA), particularly Kenstowicz (1981), has shown that this process is more adequately expressed in autosegmental than in linear terms, since the former permits the two otherwise uncollapsible regressive and progressive harmony processes to be stated in a single unified rule. The present study complements that autosegmental analysis. It shows that the autosegmental rule of VH in PA is constrained simultaneously by metrical and segmental boundaries. That is, high front vowels acquire the feature [+round] only if they are dominated by a foo
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5

PRIETO, PILAR, ANA ESTRELLA, JILL THORSON, and MARIA DEL MAR VANRELL. "Is prosodic development correlated with grammatical and lexical development? Evidence from emerging intonation in Catalan and Spanish." Journal of Child Language 39, no. 2 (2011): 221–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030500091100002x.

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ABSTRACTThis investigation focuses on the development of intonation patterns in four Catalan-speaking children and two Spanish-speaking children between 0 ; 11 and 2 ; 4. Pitch contours were prosodically analyzed within the Autosegmental Metrical framework in all meaningful utterances, for a total of 6558 utterances. The pragmatic meaning and communicative function were also assessed. Three main conclusions arise from the results. First, the study shows that the Autosegmental Metrical model can be successfully used to transcribe early intonation contours. Second, results reveal that children's
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6

Rice, Keren. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology By John A. Goldsmith." Language 68, no. 1 (1992): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.1992.0068.

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7

Doty, Christopher S., and Susan G. Guion. "Tolowa Peak Pitch Alignment: Perspectives from an Autosegmental-Metrical Framework." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 33, no. 1 (2007): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v33i1.3521.

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Mennen, Ineke, Felix Schaeffler, Niall Watt, and Nick Miller. "An Autosegmental-Metrical Investigation of Intonation in People with Parkinson's Disease." Asia Pacific Journal of Speech, Language and Hearing 11, no. 4 (2008): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/136132808805335545.

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9

Schwartz, Richard G. "Clinical Applications of Recent Advances in Phonological Theory." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 23, no. 3 (1992): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.2303.269.

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Historically, the behavioral theory of articulation that was applied to clinical assessment was consistent with the behavioral theory of developmental change that was applied to intervention. However, more recent applications of cognitively oriented linguistic theories have not been accompanied by novel intervention approaches. This article reviews some recent advances in phonological theories, including autosegmental, metrical, and lexical phonology, and their potential applications. A new theory of developmental change that also is cognitive in its orientation is presented, along with some p
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Köhnlein, Björn. "Contrastive foot structure in Franconian tone-accent dialects." Phonology 33, no. 1 (2016): 87–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095267571600004x.

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Franconian has a contrast between two tone accents, commonly referred to as Accent 1 and Accent 2. Traditional autosegmental analyses of the phenomenon suggest that this opposition derives from the presence of lexical tone. In contrast to this ‘tonal approach’, I argue that the Franconian accent contrast is based on contrastive foot structure – there is no tone in the lexicon. This ‘metrical approach’ not only accounts for the tonal differences between the accents, but also captures a variety of facts that are hard to incorporate into a synchronic tonal analysis, involving morphological altern
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Heston, Tyler. "The role of rhythm in intonational melody: A case study from Fataluku." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1 (June 12, 2016): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3712.

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This paper takes a fresh look at the theoretical relationship between linguistic rhythm and linguistic melody, arguing for a closer connection between metrical structure and intonational organization than is typically assumed. The focus of this paper is the theoretical treatment of word-medial intonational targets in languages without stress, since at first glance, such word-medial targets challenge the core assumption of the autosegmental-metrical theory of intonation that all intonational targets are aligned either with a stressed syllable or with the edge of a prosodic domain. I propose tha
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Arvaniti, Amalia, and D. Robert Ladd. "Greek wh-questions and the phonology of intonation." Phonology 26, no. 1 (2009): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675709001717.

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AbstractThe intonation of Greek wh-questions consists of a rise-fall followed by a low plateau and a final rise. Using acoustic data, we show (i) that the exact contour shape depends on the length of the question, and (ii) that the position of the first peak and the low plateau depends on the position of the stressed syllables, and shows predictable adjustments in alignment, depending on the proximity of adjacent tonal targets. Models that specify the F0 of all syllables, or models that specify F0 by superposing contour shapes for shorter and longer domains, cannot account for such fine-graine
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13

Antonyuk-Yudina, Svitlana. "Why Prosody Matters: Surface Scope Bias in Russian Quantifier Scope." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 2 (July 6, 2011): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.572.

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I present the results of a production experiment on the prosodic realization of doubly quantified sentences in Russian that tested the hypothesis (due to Kitagawa and Fodor 2003, Hirotani 2004) that native speakers (tacitly) impose surface scope-biasing prosody. If correct, the hypothesis could account for the rigid surface scope claims found in the literature. Target sentences were excised from contexts, evaluated for the degree of disambiguation and analized within the autosegmental-metrical framework (Pierrehumbert 1980). The results of our experiment support the main hypothesis, strongly s
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Velásquez Upegui, Eva Patricia. "Entonación del español en contacto con el otomí de San Ildefonso Tultepec: enunciados declarativos e interrogativos absolutos." Anuario de Letras Lingüística y Filología 8, no. 2 (2020): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.adel.2020.24875.

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The purpose of this document is to provide an initial description of the intonation features of the Spanish language in contact with the Otomi language spoken in San Ildefonso Tultepec. The declarative and interrogative statements used by bilingual speakers are described and compared, and similarities and differences regarding the Mexican Spanish StandardVariety are traced (De-la-Mota, Martín Butragueño and Prieto, 2010). The study lies within the autosegmental (AM) metrical model and follows the considerations of the Sp-ToBI transcription system, set forth by Estebas-Vilaplana and Prieto (200
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15

KUBOZONO, HARUO. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology. By JOHN A GOLDSMITH. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990. vii, 376." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 8 (1991): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.8.258.

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Cangemi, Francesco, and Martine Grice. "The Importance of a Distributional Approach to Categoriality in Autosegmental-Metrical Accounts of Intonation." Laboratory Phonology 7, no. 1 (2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/labphon.28.

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17

Véliz C., Mauricio. "La Fonología del Foco Contrastivo en la variedad de inglés denominada RP y español de Chile." Literatura y Lingüística, no. 21 (June 26, 2015): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/0717621x.21.134.

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ResumenEl presente trabajo procura determinar y comparar los mecanismos entonacionales utilizados para establecer contraste entre el inglés RP y español de Chile. Para este fin,se han empleado corpora de habla espontánea del español de Chile y de la variedad RP del inglés. Los enunciados contrastivos fueron sometidos a análisis acústico, empleando un software especializado y el modelo de fonología entonacional Métrico Autosegmental. Las conclusiones más sobresalientes son las siguientes: (i) la marcación prosódica decontraste aparece como un rasgo mayormente predominante en inglés RP que en es
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18

Ishihara, Shunichi. "Osaka and Kagoshima Japanese citation tone acoustics: A linguistic-tonetic comparative study." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 42, no. 1 (2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100311000478.

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The pitch realisations of the accentual systems in Osaka Japanese (OJ) and Kagoshima Japanese (KJ) have been auditorily described in detail, and analysed within various phonological frameworks. However, little linguistic-phonetic descriptive research has been undertaken on the accent types of Japanese dialects in such a way as to enable a cross-dialectal comparison of their acoustic realisation. In this study, linguistic-tonetic representations of OJ and KJ tonalities are derived from normalised acoustic representations for pitch patterns conventionally described as LH, LHL, LLH and LLLH. A co
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19

Lodge, Ken. "Allegro rules in colloquial Thai: some thoughts on process phonology." Journal of Linguistics 22, no. 2 (1986): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700010823.

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As part of an investigation into rapid speech and its rule-based processes, I want to present an analysis of colloquial spoken Thai and show how different tempi can be related to one another. I also want to see whether the processes displayed by colloquial Thai fit into the general picture of phonological processes which has emerged over the past 15 years or so (roughly Stampe, 1969, onwards) within different theoretical frameworks. In particular I shall try to relate my findings to the increasingly accepted notions of richer phonological structure now being envisaged (e.g. Clements & Keys
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20

Mendoza Vázquez, Érika. "Entonación de los enunciados aseverativos en el español de la Ciudad de México entre los años 1960 y 1970." Anuario de Letras. Lingüística y Filología 9, no. 2 (2021): 5–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.adel.2021.9.2.47361.

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This paper describes the prosodic features —with emphasis on the nuclear pitch accent— of the statements documented in the corpus “Norma lingüística culta” and “Habla popular de la Ciudad de México” (Lope Blanch, 1971, 1976). The prosodic description is carried out with the Autosegmental Metrical model and the analysis of sociolinguistic factors. Regarding the nuclear pitch accent L+H *, the statistical analysis showed two significant factors: narrow focus statements and the low level of education. The nuclear accent H * is more prevalent in men and the low level of education. By contrast we o
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21

Jaker, Alessandro, and Paul Kiparsky. "Level ordering and opacity in Tetsǫ́t’ıné: a Stratal OT account." Phonology 37, no. 4 (2020): 617–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675720000299.

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Dene (Athabaskan) verbs are widely known for their complex morphophonology. The most complex patterns are associated with two conjugation markers, /s/ and /n/, which are associated with a floating H tone to their immediate left. In this paper, we provide an analysis of /θe/ and /ɲe/, the reflexes of the /s/ and /n/ conjugations in Tetsǫ́t’ıné. Whereas previous accounts of these conjugations have relied heavily on morphological conditioning, we show that, once level ordering, autosegmental phonology and metrical phonology are brought to bear on the problem, morphological conditioning is not req
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22

GUSSENHOVEN, CARLOS, and PETER VAN DER VLIET. "The phonology of tone and intonation in the Dutch dialect of Venlo." Journal of Linguistics 35, no. 1 (1999): 99–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226798007324.

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The Dutch dialect of Venlo has a lexical tone opposition comparable to the distinction between Accent I and Accent II in Scandinavian. The two word tone patterns are realised in a variety of different ways, depending on the intonation contour, on whether the word has a focus tone, and on whether it occurs finally or nonfinally in the intonational phrase (IP). Twelve such contexts are identified, and an autosegmental-metrical analysis is presented of the contours for the word tones in each of these. The analysis is instructive because of its clear illustration of the distinction between the pho
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23

Coleman, John. "The phonetic interpretation of headed phonological structures containing overlapping constituents." Phonology 9, no. 1 (1992): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001482.

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In this paper I shall present a theory of phonetic interpretation of headed phonological representations. The phonological representations in question are non-segmental, hierarchical, graphical objects similar to those in common use in autosegmental, metrical, dependency and ‘government and charm’ phonology, although the details of the phonological formalism I employ are different in some respects from each of these. The theory of phonetic interpretation is based on a parametric, dynamic model of phonetic representation. The distinction between ‘head’ and ‘non-head’ constituents is central to
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24

D'Imperio, Mariapaola, and Amandine Michelas. "Pitch scaling and the internal structuring of the Intonation Phrase in French." Phonology 31, no. 1 (2014): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675714000049.

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Within the autosegmental-metrical approach to French intonation, the existence of an intermediate phrase or ip is controversial. Our study provides strong evidence for its existence, by uncovering systematic pitch-scaling effects within this constituent. We first show that the presence of an ip break is responsible for blocking recursive downstep of subsequent AP-final LH* rises in declarative utterances, causing the return of the final H target to the pitch level set by the first accentual peak of the phrase (i.e. complete reset). Additional evidence for the internal structuring of the Intona
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25

Anderson, John, Colin Ewen, and Jørgen Staun. "Phonological structure: segmental, suprasegmental and extrasegmental." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (1985): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000439.

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In the past few years a great deal of attention has been paid to the representation of suprasegmental phenomena in phonology, with the resulting development of a number of partly competing theories and models of suprasegmental representation – in particular, various versions of AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (see, for example, Goldsmith 1976; Halle & Vergnaud 1981; Clements & Keyser 1983) and METRICAL PHONOLOGY (Liberman & Prince 1977; Hayes 1980, 1982; Prince 1983; Giegerich 1985). Other frameworks have also been developed which allow for the representation of phenomena in this area, not
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Hayes, Bruce, and Colin Wilson. "A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning." Linguistic Inquiry 39, no. 3 (2008): 379–440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2008.39.3.379.

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The study of phonotactics is a central topic in phonology. We propose a theory of phonotactic grammars and a learning algorithm that constructs such grammars from positive evidence. Our grammars consist of constraints that are assigned numerical weights according to the principle of maximum entropy. The grammars assess possible words on the basis of the weighted sum of their constraint violations. The learning algorithm yields grammars that can capture both categorical and gradient phonotactic patterns. The algorithm is not provided with constraints in advance, but uses its own resources to fo
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Dorta, Josefa. "La entonación interrogativa del español en la frontera México-EEUU de América: comparación de tres corpus de habla de informantes texanos con estudios superiores." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 1 (2018): 108–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0005.

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AbstractThe objective of this work is analysing absolute interrogative sentences from the Spanish of San Antonio de Texas using three corpus featuring different levels of spontaneity (formal ad hoc, situational and conversational), and uttered by native speakers with superior studies. The choice of these corpus and their acoustic analyses have been performed according to the methodology established by the international project AMPER (Atlas Multimédia Prosodique de l’Espace Roman). Furthermore, we have undertaken the phonetic-phonological labelling of the boundary tones and of initial and nucle
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Dilley, Laura C., and Christopher C. Heffner. "role of f0 alignment in distinguishing intonation categories: evidence from American english." Journal of Speech Sciences 3, no. 1 (2021): 3–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/joss.v3i1.15039.

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Under the autosegmental-metrical (AM) theory of intonation, the temporal alignment of fundamental frequency (F0) patterns with respect to syllables has been claimed to distinguish pitch accent categories. Several experiments test whether differences in F0 peak or valley alignment in American English phrases would produce evidence consistent with a change from (1) a H* to a H+L* pitch accent, and (2) a L* to a L+H* pitch accent. Four stimulus series were constructed in which F0 peak or valley alignment was shifted across portions of short phrases with varying stress. In Experiment 1, participan
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Lowit, Anja, and Anja Kuschmann. "Characterizing Intonation Deficit in Motor Speech Disorders: An Autosegmental–Metrical Analysis of Spontaneous Speech in Hypokinetic Dysarthria, Ataxic Dysarthria, and Foreign Accent Syndrome." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 55, no. 5 (2012): 1472–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2012/11-0263).

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Rao, Rajiv. "On the phonological status of Spanish compound words." Word Structure 8, no. 1 (2015): 84–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2015.0074.

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Primarily inspired by Bustos de Gisbert (1986) , Hualde (2006/2007 ), and Moyna (2011) , specifically by their comments on stress deletion in the left members of some Spanish compounds, the current investigation fills a gap in this field by conducting an acoustic analysis of fundamental frequency evidence of stress in Spanish compounds and phonologically classifying them through the Autosegmental-Metrical model. Using a data elicitation task of 30 noun+noun compounds demonstrating syntactic, semantic, orthographic, and phonological variation, eight speakers of Mexican Spanish recorded two iter
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Endresen, Rolf Theil. "John A. Goldsmith: Autosegmental & Metrical Phonology. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990. 376 pp. ISBN 0-631-13675-4. ISBN 0-631-13676-2 pbk." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 14, no. 1 (1991): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586500002353.

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32

Sara, Solomon I. "Phonetics and phonology 1949–1989." Historiographia Linguistica 17, no. 1-2 (1990): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.17.1-2.15sar.

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Summary Phonetics and Phonology have had noticeable developments in the last forty years: phonetics from the articulatory descriptions of sounds of Pike’s Phonetics (1943), to a physiological set of distinctive features of Chomsky & Halle’s The Sound Pattern of English (1968); the acoustic displays of Potter’s Visible Speech (1947) to a set of acoustic distinctive features in Jakobson, Fant, Halle’s Preliminaries (1951). Suprasegmental characterizations have developed from impressionistic labels of tone, stress, length and intonation to an experimentally quantifiable set of parameters char
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33

Seara, Izabel Christine, and Juan Manuel Sosa. "A identidade dialetal do “manezinho” com foco em características entonacionais." Letras de Hoje 52, no. 1 (2017): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7726.2017.1.25401.

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O falar “manezinho” é um dialeto não urbano do português brasileiro falado na Ilha de Santa Catarina que apresenta certas propriedades segmentais e suprassegmentais que o definem. Neste artigo, investigamos uma dessas propriedades suprassegmentais caracterizada pelo uso de um contorno declarativo particular, que exibe uma acentuada subida tonal até a sílaba tônica final, seguida por uma queda do tom alto para a parte inferior do registro do falante. Usamos dados provenientes do Projeto VARSUL como corpora de pesquisa, analisando esses dados a partir de uma metodologia da fonética experimental.
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Peters, Jörg. "Phonological and semantic aspects of German intonation." Linguistik Online 88, no. 1 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.88.4191.

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This paper presents an outline of an autosegmental-metrical analysis of German intonation adopting Gussenhoven’s (1983, 2005) approach to Dutch intonation. A features-based interpretation of the phonological units is given, which is based on an analysis of tonal contrasts. This analysis suggests that tones of different tone classes bear semantic features that relate to the mutual belief space, information packaging, conversational structure, thematic structure, conceptual structure, and speaker attitudes.
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Maric, Dario. "Das Dekodieren der Intonation von andauernden Intonationsphrasen." Linguistik Online 46, no. 2 (2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.46.372.

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This article re-examines models of phonetic realization of tones offered by certain autosegmental-metrical models of intonation, taking into consideration knowledge of conversation analysis and approaches derived from conversation analysis applied on phonetic and phonological researches. These autosegmental-metric models of intonation record H and L tones usually according to its position within pitch range of individual speaker in an intonational phrase. According to this, listener's decoding of intonational realization is possible only in fully realized intonational phrase, since the highest
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HUALDE, JOSE IGNACIO. "Autosegmental and metrical spreading in the vowel-harmony systems of northwestern Spain." Linguistics 27, no. 5 (1989). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1989.27.5.773.

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Alvord, Scott M. "Miami Cuban Spanish Declarative Intonation." Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 3, no. 1 (2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/shll-2010-1064.

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AbstractThe current study is a phonetic description and phonological analysis, using the Autosegmental Metrical (AM) theory of intonational phonology, of broad focus (neutral) declarative utterances in the Spanish of three generations of Miami Cubans. No differences were found across these three generations indicating the maintenance of a robust intonational pattern for declarative utterances. The prenuclear (non-final) pitch accent is analyzed to be L*+H and the nuclear pitch accent is L+H*. This phonological analysis is similar to what has been found for many other varieties of Spanish. A hi
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38

Vukasojević, Sandra. "On the intonational features of yes/no interrogatives in English and Montenegrin." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 51, no. 4 (2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2015-0022.

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AbstractThis paper outlines the results of an analysis of syntactically marked yes/no interrogatives in American English and Montenegrin from the persepctive of intonation. The analysis, based on the theoretical framework of Autosegmental-Metrical Phonology and the use of the computer software package Praat, treats issues regarding the different types of pitch contours and boundary tones at the end of yes/no interrogatives, gathered from various American and Montenegrin TV talk shows. Particularly, it focuses on specific intonational constituents, which indicate and clarify the alternative mea
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Astruc, Lluïsa, and Maria del Mar Vanrell. "Intonational phonology and politeness in L1 and L2 Spanish." Probus 28, no. 1 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2016-0005.

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AbstractThis study makes a foray into the politeness strategies used by English learners of Spanish by comparing a corpus of invitations and requests recorded by 14 adult English learners of beginner-level Spanish as part of their course assignment to the data recorded by 12 native speakers. The native speakers’ data was collected using discourse completion tests, which elicited offers and requests in scenarios controlled for social distance, power, and the cost of the request or offer. All the data was analysed pragmatically, by quantifying the occurrence of politeness strategies, and phonolo
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40

Martin, Philippe. "Spontaneous speech intonation in (European) Portuguese: an example of experimental analysis with a macrosyntactic view." Revista Diadorim 12 (December 14, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.35520/diadorim.2012.v12n0a3970.

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Besides studies based on illocution criteria (Raso Mello, 2009), most studies on Portuguese intonation pertain mainly to read speech, and use for a large part either the autosegmental-metrical framework -- AM - (Frota al., 2007) or, for a small number, a phonosyntactic model (Martin, 1999, 2004). In papers pertaining to the last category, there is a clear assumption that the sentence prosodic structure is independent but associated to syntax. In this view, prosodic contours located on or around stressed syllables function as phonological markers of this prosodic structure. Experimental studies
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