Academic literature on the topic 'Autosegmental phonology'

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Journal articles on the topic "Autosegmental phonology"

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Bird, Steven, and D. Robert Ladd. "Presenting autosegmental phonology." Journal of Linguistics 27, no. 1 (March 1991): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700012469.

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Rice, Keren, and John A. Goldsmith. "Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology." Language 68, no. 1 (March 1992): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416372.

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Pierrehumbert, Janet. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology." Journal of Phonetics 21, no. 3 (July 1993): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)31335-x.

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Cook, Eung-Do. "Chilcotin flattening and autosegmental phonology." Lingua 91, no. 2-3 (November 1993): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(93)90011-k.

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Major, Roy C., and John A. Goldsmith. "Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology: An Introduction." Modern Language Journal 76, no. 2 (1992): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/329811.

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Odden, David, and Leoma G. Gilley. "An Autosegmental Approach to Shilluk Phonology." Language 69, no. 3 (September 1993): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416719.

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Shih, Stephanie S., and Sharon Inkelas. "Autosegmental Aims in Surface-Optimizing Phonology." Linguistic Inquiry 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 137–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00304.

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We develop a novel optimization approach to tone. Its grammatical component consists of the similarity- and proximity-based correspondence constraint framework of Agreement by Correspondence theory (ABC). Its representational component, Q Theory, decomposes segments ( Q) into temporally ordered, quantized subsegments ( q), which comprise unitary sets of distinctive features, including tone. ABC+Q unites phonological alternations and static lexical patterns, as we illustrate with a programmatic survey of core tonal phenomena: assimilation, dissimilation, lexical tone melodies, and consonant-tone interaction. ABC+Q surmounts long-standing problems for autosegmental-era, multitiered representational approaches to tone, and unites tonal and segmental phonology under the modern umbrella of correspondence theory.
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Coleman, John, and John Local. "The ?no crossing constraint? in autosegmental phonology." Linguistics and Philosophy 14, no. 3 (June 1991): 295–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00627405.

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Gutt, Ernst-August. "A multi-tiered approach to Silt'i verb morphology." Studies in African Linguistics 16, no. 2 (August 1, 1985): 183–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v16i2.107503.

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The replacement of the familiar linear phonological representations of the SPE-type by the multi-tiered configurations proposed in autosegmental phonology has enriched the theoretical apparatus available to the linguist and has opened the way for a better understanding of the workings of phonology. One particular strength of this theory is that it predicts the existence of distinct subsystems within a phonological system and offers a principled account of their interactions. Applied to the aspectual inflection of Silt'i verbs, the multi-tiered approach proves its potential by accommodating two distinct subsystems of inflection, viz. CV-pattern inflection and ablaut inflection, in a unified, principled description. From a more , general point of view, this paper sketches one possible way of integrating syllable theory as a distinct subsystem into an autosegmental system of phonology.
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Rice, Keren. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology By John A. Goldsmith." Language 68, no. 1 (1992): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.1992.0068.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Autosegmental phonology"

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Albro, Daniel M. (Daniel Matthew). "AMAR : a computational model of autosegmental phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/9876.

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Thesis (S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, 1994.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 147-148).
by Daniel M. Albro.
S.B.
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Hagberg, Lawrence Raymond. "An autosegmental theory of stress." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186259.

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This study proposes that metrical constituents are inherently headless and stress is autosegmental. Chapter 2 argues that, since stress is the only diagnostic for the presence of a metrical head, the latter is redundant and must be eliminated from phonological theory. Further arguments for the inherent headlessness of feet are cited fl:om the theory of prosodic morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1990, Crowhurst 1991b) and from the facts of Yidinʸ stress (Dixon 1977, Crowhurst 1991a, Crowhurst and Hewitt, to appear). Next, stress is shown to exhibit the following auto segmental properties: stability (Bedouin Hijazi Arabic) , morphemic stress (Spanish, Turkish, Tagalog) and the ability to float (Mayo, Tagalog). After comparing the properties of stress with those of autosegments, it is concluded that stress is an autosegment. Assuming that feet can be either disyllabic, bimoraic or iambic (Hayes 1991), the above conclusion predicts the existence of five types of binary stressed feet. These are the left- and right-stressed syllabic foot, instantiated by Warao and Mayo, respectively, the left- and right-stressed moraic foot, instantiated by Cairene Arabic and Turkish, respectively, and the iambic foot, instantiated by Hixkaryana. The asymmetric nature of the iamb is attributed to the Weight-to-Stress Principle (Prince 1990), which allows stress to be assigned directly to heavy syllables. Furthermore, this principle predict6 all and only the attested types of unbounded stress systems. Chapter 5 argues that stressless feet and unfooted stresses are instantiated in Mayo, and the theories of Halle and Vergnaud 1987a, b and Hayes 1987, 1991 are shown to be incapable of accounting for these facts. The autosegmental theory of stress advances phonological theory in three ways. First, it eliminates most of the principles and devices which up to now have been used only to describe stress, leaving only the abstract stress autosegment which is itself subject to the principles of autosegmental theory. Second, this approach attributes many of the apparent differences between stress and tone to differences in their respective domains rather than differences in their formal properties. Third, the autosegmental theory of stress facilitates the formalization of a number of stress systems with heretofore complex analyses, including Yidinʸ, Mayo, Cairene Arabic, Turkish, Khalkha Mongolian and Tagalog.
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Do, Bui Bien. "Grammaire de l’amuzgo de Xochistlahuaca, langue otomangue orientale. Documentation d’une variété amuzgoane de « langue en danger »." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL044.

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Cette grammaire de l’amuzgo (ISO 639-3) ou n͂omndaa (littéralement ‘le mot de l’eau’) tend à combler un manque de travaux théoriques sur cette langue otomangue de la branche orientale (branche qu’elle partage avec le mixtec). La source référentielle Ethnologue lui attribue le statut ‘en développement’. Pourtant, l’amuzgo reste vulnérable sur le plan socio-politique de par son statut de langue indigène du Mexique : le village Xochistlahuaca (Etat de Guerrero) est la 16è municipalité la plus pauvre du pays. En employant des approches non-concaténatives de phonologie et de morphologie, telles la phonologie gabaritique, la morphologie templatique, et des formalismes non-lexicalistes comme le Paradigm Function Morphology, cette grammaire cherche à modéliser des systèmes complexes représentés dans cette langue. Des approches non-linéaires sont plus aptes à rendre compte des inventaires élaborés comme les tons, et (dans une échelle scalaire) la phonation non-modale, la nasalisation, et la balisticité (un contraste phonétique et articulatoire au niveau de la syllabe). Ces systèmes complexes comprennent des fonctions lexico-grammaticales par grades à travers des structures diverses dans la grammaire, de la lexicalité à la phonologie interne, de la dérivation à la flexion
This grammar of Amuzgo (ISO 639-3), endonymically n͂omndaa, literally ‘the word of water’) seeks to fill a lack in theoretical work on this Otomanguean language from the Eastern branch (shared with Mixtec). Rated as developing by the reference Ethnologue, this language is nevertheless in a constant position of socio-political vulnerability as an indigenous language of Mexico, spoken in the village of Xochistlahuaca (Guerrero State), also the 16th poorest municipality in the country. Using non-concatenative approaches in phonology and morphology such as autosegmental phonology, templatic morphology and non-lexical morphological formalisms such as Paradigm Function Morphology, this grammar seeks to model complex systems represented in this language. Non-linear approaches account for elaborate inventories of tone, and, in a gradient scale, non-modal phonation and autosegments like nasalization and ballisticity, a syllable level contrast of phonetic and articulatory saliency. These complex systems display gradient lexical-grammatical functions across structures in the grammar, from lexicality to internal phonology, to derivation and inflection
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Grosson, Céline. "Formes articulatoires et formes phonologiques : le cas de la liaison." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX10183/document.

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Les résultats obtenus en psycholinguistique via des études perceptives sur le traitement de la consonne de liaison montrent que le traitement de ce phénomène complexe n’est qu’imparfaitement prédit par les différentes théories phonologiques dans lesquelles il a été intégré de manière explicite. C’est pourquoi nous proposons dans cette thèse, qui s’inscrit dans une perspective résolument nouvelle, d’envisager la liaison du point de vue de la production et de la formaliser dans le cadre de la Phonologie articulatoire de Browman et Goldstein (1986). Ce modèle présente l’avantage d’une organisation directe entre phonologie et phonétique en utilisant une seule unité qui sert à la fois de primitive phonologique et d’unité d’action motrice dans la production de la parole : le geste articulatoire. Nous supposons que le statut phonologique de « segment flottant » proposé pour la consonne de liaison dans le cadre de la phonologie autosegmentale (Clements & Keyser, 1985 ; Encrevé 1988) puisse trouver un corrélat au niveau articulatoire et puisse être observé et mesuré expérimentalement. L’analyse qui vient à l’appui de cette hypothèse compare la consonne de liaison avec la consonne initiale de mot dans des contextes vocaliques identiques au moyen de mesures électro-palatographiques. Nos résultats suggèrent que la consonne de liaison est soumise à une modification quantitative des caractéristiques dynamiques qui lui sont associés. Les mouvements des articulateurs ainsi que les relations entre les gestes consonantique et vocalique sont ré-échelonnés en fonction de la position qu’occupe la consonne de manière graduelle
Perceptual studies in the field of psycholinguistics on the processing of the liaison consonant have shown that this complex phenomenon is not perfectly predicted by the different phonological theories in which it has been explicitly integrated. In this thesis, we propose to investigate liaison from a totally new perspective, that is from a production point of view, and to formalise this phenomenon in the framework of Browman and Goldstein (1986)’s Articulatory Phonology. This model is advantageous as it provides a direct connection between phonology and phonetics where only one unit is used both as a phonological primitive and as a unit of motor action in speech production, that is articulatory gesture. In the Framework of autosegmental phonology (Clements & Keyser, 1985 ; Encrevé 1988), the phonological status of the liaison consonant is considered to be a floating segment. In this thesis, we hypothesise that there is a correlate at the articulatory level that can be observed and experimentally measured. This hypothesis is tested by comparing the liaison consonant with the word-initial consonant in identical vowel contexts by using electro-palatographical measurements.Results suggest that the liaison consonant is subjected to a quantitative modification of the dynamic caracteristics which are associated with it. The articulator movements, as well as the relations between consonant and vowel gestures, are gradually re-scaled according to the consonant position
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Karimallah, Kabbour. "L'assimilation en arabe classique : essai d'une analyse autosegmentale." Paris 3, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA030029.

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Cette recherche se fixe pour objectif l'étude des processus d'assimilation en arabe classique. La langue en question, définie en tant que koinè littéraire et coranique, est déterminée par le mélange des données relatives à l'assimilation. Les faits examinés, sont fournis par les travaux de quelques arabisants, tels que Cantineau (1941), H. Fleisch (1961) et A. Roman (1983). Cette thèse a tenté de montrer le caractère opérationnel de la phonologie auto segmentale, concernant l'analyse de quelques processus phonologiques en arabe classique, a savoir l'harmonie vocalique, l'assimilation d'emphase et celle de voisement. L'assimilation partielle, est décrite en tant que propagation d'un autosegment flottant au niveau des matrices de la manière d'articulation, situées au dessus de l'ossature "cv". D'autre part, l'assimilation totale requiert l'application des conventions d'association au niveau des deux classes. De plus, les processus morpho phonologiques, tels que l'emphatisation et le voisement du préfixe "ta" et de l'infixe "t", sont prédictibles, puisque les morphèmes discontinus sont à la fois sépares au niveau morphemique et adjacents au plan consonantique suggère par Archangeli (1985). L'application de la phonologie segmentale, élaborée par Chomsky et halle (1968), débouche sur les problèmes suivants : - des règles a deux segments pour la description de l'harmonie vocalique ainsi que l'emphatisation des liquides ; - des règles morphophonologiques dont la frontière de formant (+) n'est pas motivée. Ainsi, l'assimilation d'emphase et le voisement - du préfixe "ta" et de l'infixe "t", ne sont-ils pas dérivables ; - l'ordre intrinsèque des règles est ad-hoc ; - l'ordre extrinsèques des règles est également inadéquat
The goal of this research is the study of assimilation processes in classical Arabic. The language in question, defined as litterary-coranic koine, is determined by the mixture of data relative to assimilation. The facts, under investigation, are taken from works made by some arabists like j. Cantineau (1941), H. Fleisch (1961) and A. Roman (1983). In this thesis, an attempt has been made to investigate the applicability of autosegmental analysis to some aspects of classical arabic phonology, namely vowel harmony, emphasis and voicing assimilation. Partial assimilation in classical arabic, is described as a spreading of a floating autosegment at level of "manner" matrixes, on the "cv" squeleton. Total assimilation, on the other hand, requires application association conventions at two tiers. In addition to this, morphophonological processes, like emphasis and voicing assimilation of prefix "ta" and infix "t", can be captured, since discontinuous morphemes are separate in morphophonological level and adjacent in the consonantal plane suggested by d. Archangeli (1985). Application of segmental phonology, elaborated by Chomsky and Halle (1968), leads to the following problems : - rules with two segments for vowel harmony and emphasis of liquids ; - morphophonological rules, in which, the morpheme boundary (+) is not motivated. Thus, voicing and emphasis of some derivational affixes in classical Arabic, can not be accounted for ; - intrinsic and extrinsic ordering of rules, are ad-hoc
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Rabanus, Stefan. "Intonatorische Verfahren im Deutschen und Italienischen : Gesprächsanalyse und autosegmentale Phonologie /." Tübingen : M. Niemeyer, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39918260q.

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Penner, Edwige. "L'harmonie nasale en guarani : une approche autosegmentale." Paris, EHESS, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993EHES0306.

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En guarani (langue nationale du paraguay) l'harmonie nasale est declenchee par un lexeme nasal ou a consonne prenasalisee, et peut s'etendre sur tout le mot phonologique. Une classe particuliere d'affixes presente des alternances consonantiques qui dependent de la structure nasale du morpheme dominant. La phonologie generative et post-generative a analyse l'harmonie nasale comme un processus de derivation generalise, provoque pa un seul segment, tant a l'intramorphemique qu'a l'extramorphemique. Ce travail se propose d'analyser la structure nasale des morphemes dominants comme une realite morphematique non-derivee. En s'inscrivant dans le cadre formel de la phonologie autosegmentale, une approche non-derivationnelle permet de faire la part entre nasalite et nasalisation. Trois profils archetypiques sont degages : le profil oral, le profil nasal et le profil complexe. La nasalisation des affixes peut alors etre expliquee comme une actualisation (plus etendue) du profil nasal ou du profil complexe
Nasal harmony in guarani (the national language of paraguay) is triggered by a nasal lexeme or a lexeme with a prenasalized consonant and this harmony can propagate on the whole phonological word. A specific category of affixes shows alternations of consonants which depend on the nasal structure of the dominant morpheme. Nasal harmony has been analyzed by generative and post-generative phonology as a generalized derivational process, provoked by a single segment, in both intramorphemic and extramorphemic contexts. The aim of this study is to analyze the nasal structure of the dominant morphemes as a non-derivated morphemic reality. Within the formal pattern of autosegmental phonology, nasality and nasalization can be distinguished through a non-derivational approach. Three archetypal profiles are determined : oral, nasal and complexe. The nasalization of the affixes can then be explained as a (more extended) actualization of the nasal or the complexe profile
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Gouma, Taoufik. "L'emphase en arabe marocain : vers une analyse autosegmentale." Paris 8, 2013. http://octaviana.fr/document/179728830#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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La présente thèse est dédiée à l’étude de la phonologie de l’emphase en arabe marocain (AM), un des phénomènes linguistiques les plus complexes de la langue arabe de par son statut controversé et très ambigu, qui change d’une langue à l’autre, d’un dialecte à l’autre, voire parfois d’une région à l’autre au sein d’un même dialecte. Nous nous intéressons dans un premier temps à la phonétique de l’emphase et nous montrons, à travers une comparaison des études des grammairiens arabes, puis de celles des orientalistes pour finir avec celles des linguistes contemporains, que la caractéristique articulatoire principale des consonnes emphatiques, par rapport à leurs contreparties non emphatiques, est le recul de la racine de la langue, appelé pharyngalisation. Ceci se reflète acoustiquement dans l’élévation du F1 et l’abaissement du F2 des voyelles adjacentes. Dans la partie phonologique, nous nous intéressons d’abord à l’évolution de cette classe de segments, qui dérivent de glottalisées, afin de montrer que les paramètres définis par nos prédécesseurs, à savoir le lieu d’articulation coronal commun aux emphatiques classiques (/tˤ, dˤ, sˤ, ðˤ/), l’emphatisation des segments adjacents, la directionnalité et le blocage de l’emphase sont à reformuler. Nous étudions ensuite les différentes hypothèses sur le site phonologique de l’emphase, à savoir le site consonantique et le site vocalique, et nous montrons leurs limites. Nous proposons par la suite notre propre hypothèse, l’hypothèse autosegmentale, selon laquelle le site phonologique de l’emphase a évolué, en passant d’un site consonantique, spécifique aux coronales, à un autosegment indépendant. Cette hypothèse est confirmée par les données de l’AM, mais aussi par celles d’autres variétés arabes comme l’arabe classique, qui montrent que certains mots qui ne contiennent aucune emphatique classique, ni même de coronale, s’opposent à d’autres mots sur la seule base de l’emphase, comme en AM, [bˤabˤa] ‘papa’ vs. [baba] ‘mie de pain’. Nous montrons dans la dernière partie de la thèse que la directionnalité de cette harmonie est, contrairement à ce que stipulent les études précédentes, toujours unidirectionnelle, et que les palatales /i, j, ʒ, ʃ/ ne jouent aucun rôle dans son blocage. Enfin, nous montrons aussi que la racine constitue le domaine morphologique de l’emphase
This thesis is dedicated to the study of the phonology of emphasis in Moroccan Arabic (MA), due to its controversial and very ambiguous status which changes from one language to another, from one dialect to another and sometimes from one region to another within the same dialect. We focus initially on the phonetics of emphasis and we show, through a comparative study of the analysis of Arab grammarians, then that of Orientalists, to finish with that of contemporary linguists, that the main articulatory characteristic of emphatics, compared to their non-emphatic cognates, is the retraction of the tongue root, called pharyngealization. This is reflected acoustically in the rise of F1 and lowering of F2 of the adjacent vowels. In the phonological part, we focus first on the evolution of this class of segments, which were glottalized, to show that the parameters set by our predecessors, namely the unique coronal articulation of all emphatic, the emphatisation of adjacent segments, its directionality and its blocking, are no longer valid for the current treatment of emphasis. We then study the different assumptions about the phonological site of emphasis, namely the consonantal and the vocalic site and we show their limits. We propose thereafter our own hypothesis, the ‘autosegmental hypothesis’, in which we consider that the phonological site of emphasis has evolved, passing from a coronal consonant-specific site to an autosegmental root-specific independent one. This hypothesis is supported by data from MA and also those of other Arabic varieties, such as classical Arabic, which show that some words that do not contain any classical emphatic (/tˤ, dˤ, sˤ ,ðˤ/), nor even a coronal, form minimal pairs where the only difference is at the level of emphasis, as in MA [bˤabˤa ] ‘father’ vs. [baba] ‘bread crust’. We show in the last part of the thesis that the directionality of this harmony process is, contrary to the previous studies, always unidirectional and that the palatals /i, j, ʒ, ʃ/ play no role in its blocking
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Andreeva, Bistra. "Zur Phonetik und Phonologie der Intonation in der Sofioter Varietät des Bulgarischen /." Saarbrücken : Univ., Inst. für Phonetik, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016243632&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Solomiac, Paul. "Phonologie et morphosyntaxe du Dzùùngoo de Samogohiri." Lyon 2, 2007. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2007/solomiac_p.

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Langue parlée par moins de 20000 locuteurs près de la frontière ouest du Burkina Faso, le dzùùngoo, appelé aussi samogho, est une langue mandé nord ouest, de la grande famille Niger-Congo. Cette langue n'a jusqu'à présent fait l'objet d'aucune description. Aussi, notre travail, reposant sur des données lexicales, textuelles et audio, recueillies sur plusieurs années dans la ville de Samogohiri, se propose-t-il de fournir à la communauté scientifique une base descriptive à l'établissement d'un dictionnaire bilingue dzùùngoo – français qui devrait faire justice à la richesse du patrimoine culturel mondial que représente cette langue menacée de disparition. La problématique de départ de ce travail est donc lexicale. La structure interne du lexème est exposée dans la description phonologique dans laquelle sont développés l'inventaire des phonèmes (chapitre 3), la structure syllabique des mots (chapitres 2, 4 et 5), et leur structure tonale (chapitre 6). La description morphosyntaxique s'emploie principalement à définir et délimiter les différentes catégories grammaticales de mots auxquelles chaque item du lexique appartient (chapitre 9). L'organisation syntaxique des mots dans la phrase est ensuite considérée dans la présentation des différentes opérations morphosyntaxiques nominales (chapitre 10) et verbales (chapitre 11) ainsi que des différentes structures de prédication, non verbale (chapitre 12), et verbale (chapitre 13), et des structures marquées (chapitre 14) et structures complexes (chapitre 15). Dans une approche typologique et fonctionnelle, ce travail tente de placer la morphosyntaxe du dzùùngoo dans une perspective globale de la linguistique mandéisante
Spoken by less than 20,000 speakers living by the Malian border of Burkina Faso, Dzùùngoo (also called Samogho) is a North West Mande language of the Niger Congo family. This language has not yet been the object of a detailed linguistic description. Thus, based on extensive lexical, textual and audio data recorded in Samogohiri over a period of 20 years, we propose to provide the scientific community a descriptive foundation for the future development of a bilingual Dzùùngoo – French dictionary that should acknowledge the world cultural heritage that this endangered language represents. The initial issues for this work are therefore lexical. The internal structure of the lexeme is outlined in the phonological description where the inventory of phonemes (Chapter 3), the syllabic structure of the word (Chapters 2, 4 & 5) and its tonal structure (Chapter 6) are developed. The morphosyntactic description as such mainly focuses on defining and establishing the different grammatical categories to which every lexical item belongs (Chapter 9). The syntactic organization of the sentence is then considered in the presentation of the different nominal (Chapter 10) and verbal (Chapter 11) operations, as well as different predication structures, non verbal (Chapter 12) and verbal (Chapter 13), marked structures (Chapter 14) and complex structures (Chapter 15). Using a typological and functional approach, this description is an attempt to put Dzùùngoo morphosyntax in the global perspective of mande linguistics
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Books on the topic "Autosegmental phonology"

1

A, Goldsmith John. Autosegmental and metrical phonology. Oxford, UK: B. Blackwell, 1990.

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An autosegmental approach to Shilluk phonology. Dallas, TX: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1992.

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3

Planar phonology and morphology. New York: Garland Pub., 1991.

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Kornai, András. Formal phonology. New York: Garland, 1995.

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Compensatory lengthening: Phonetics, phonology, diachrony. New York: Routledge, 2002.

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Autosegmental representation in a declarative constraint-based framework. New York: Garland, 1997.

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Intonational phonology. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Intonational phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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9

Generativna i leksička fonologija. Zagreb: Školska knjiga, 1991.

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An integrated theory of autosegmental processes. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Autosegmental phonology"

1

Carr, Philip. "Representations Reconsidered (ii): Autosegmental Phonology." In Phonology, 241–67. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22849-2_11.

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2

Harris, James. "Autosegmental phonology an dliquid assimilation in Havana Spanish." In Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 127. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.36.09har.

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Callender, Craig. "Trubetzkoy, Autosegmental Phonology and the Segmental Status of Geminates." In The Prague School and Theories of Structure, 45–60. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783862347049.45.

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van de Weijer, J. "Autosegmental Phonology." In Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics, 626–30. Elsevier, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/04223-1.

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5

Kornai, András. "Autosegmental representations." In Formal Phonology, 3–38. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429452871-1.

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6

"Autosegmental phonology and underspecification theory." In History of the Language Sciences / Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaften / Histoire des sciences du langage, Part 3, edited by Sylvain Auroux, E. F. K. Koerner, Hans-Josef Niederehe, and Kees Versteegh. Berlin • New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110167368.3.35.2280.

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7

"Intonation: a Whole Autosegmental Language." In Advances in Nonlinear Phonology, 117–32. De Gruyter Mouton, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110869194-006.

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Grice, Martine, Stefan Baumann, and Ralf Benzmüller. "German Intonation in Autosegmental-Metrical Phonology*." In Prosodic Typology, 55–83. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249633.003.0003.

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9

"Vowel Harmony in Hungarian: a Comparison of Segmental and Autosegmental Analyses." In Advances in Nonlinear Phonology, 267–304. De Gruyter Mouton, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110869194-015.

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"6. Autosegmentale Phonologie." In Phonologie, 151–78. De Gruyter Mouton, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110803815-007.

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