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Journal articles on the topic 'Autosegmental phonology'
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1
Bird, Steven, and D. Robert Ladd. "Presenting autosegmental phonology." Journal of Linguistics 27, no. 1 (March 1991): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700012469.
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Rice, Keren, and John A. Goldsmith. "Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology." Language 68, no. 1 (March 1992): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416372.
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Pierrehumbert, Janet. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology." Journal of Phonetics 21, no. 3 (July 1993): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)31335-x.
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Cook, Eung-Do. "Chilcotin flattening and autosegmental phonology." Lingua 91, no. 2-3 (November 1993): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(93)90011-k.
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Major, Roy C., and John A. Goldsmith. "Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology: An Introduction." Modern Language Journal 76, no. 2 (1992): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/329811.
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Odden, David, and Leoma G. Gilley. "An Autosegmental Approach to Shilluk Phonology." Language 69, no. 3 (September 1993): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416719.
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Shih, Stephanie S., and Sharon Inkelas. "Autosegmental Aims in Surface-Optimizing Phonology." Linguistic Inquiry 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 137–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00304.
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We develop a novel optimization approach to tone. Its grammatical component consists of the similarity- and proximity-based correspondence constraint framework of Agreement by Correspondence theory (ABC). Its representational component, Q Theory, decomposes segments ( Q) into temporally ordered, quantized subsegments ( q), which comprise unitary sets of distinctive features, including tone. ABC+Q unites phonological alternations and static lexical patterns, as we illustrate with a programmatic survey of core tonal phenomena: assimilation, dissimilation, lexical tone melodies, and consonant-tone interaction. ABC+Q surmounts long-standing problems for autosegmental-era, multitiered representational approaches to tone, and unites tonal and segmental phonology under the modern umbrella of correspondence theory.
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Coleman, John, and John Local. "The ?no crossing constraint? in autosegmental phonology." Linguistics and Philosophy 14, no. 3 (June 1991): 295–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00627405.
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Gutt, Ernst-August. "A multi-tiered approach to Silt'i verb morphology." Studies in African Linguistics 16, no. 2 (August 1, 1985): 183–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v16i2.107503.
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The replacement of the familiar linear phonological representations of the SPE-type by the multi-tiered configurations proposed in autosegmental phonology has enriched the theoretical apparatus available to the linguist and has opened the way for a better understanding of the workings of phonology. One particular strength of this theory is that it predicts the existence of distinct subsystems within a phonological system and offers a principled account of their interactions. Applied to the aspectual inflection of Silt'i verbs, the multi-tiered approach proves its potential by accommodating two distinct subsystems of inflection, viz. CV-pattern inflection and ablaut inflection, in a unified, principled description. From a more , general point of view, this paper sketches one possible way of integrating syllable theory as a distinct subsystem into an autosegmental system of phonology.
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Rice, Keren. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology By John A. Goldsmith." Language 68, no. 1 (1992): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.1992.0068.
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Burquest, Donald A. "A note on Hausa plurals." Studies in African Linguistics 20, no. 3 (December 1, 1989): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v20i3.107442.
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In their presentation of three-dimensional phonology, Halle and Vergnaud [1980, 1981] propose that Hausa singular nouns are morphologically complex like the plural forms, composed of a stem plus a singular suffix. This paper argues that this analysis is incorrect, but that the proposal that singular nouns are morphologically complex is not necessary to demonstrate the usefulness of an autosegmental analysis. Among the arguments presented is a claim that palatalization of coronal obstruents in Hausa is a cyclic rule, but one applying only to derived words, not stems. It is further demonstrated that Hausa makes use of rules which in parallel fashion delete syllable nuclei occurring directly preceding syllable nuclei, and syllable appendices occurring directly preceding syllable appendices. Thus, the two approaches of autosegmental phonology and lexical phonology work together to account for the facts of the Hausa nominal forms in question.
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Bird, Steven, and Ewan Klein. "Phonological events." Journal of Linguistics 26, no. 1 (March 1990): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700014419.
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One of the major innovations within post-SPE generative phonology has been the development of frameworks where phonological units are organized in a non-linear fashion. Taking autosegmental phonology (Goldsmith, 1976) as our main exemplar of such frameworks, we wish to address the following question: What is the appropriate interpretation of autosegmental representations? There is, of course, a further question about what we mean by INTERPRETATION: formal, phonetic or computational interpretation? Although we will concentrate on the first of these, we believe that all three aspects should be regarded as closely inter-connected and mutually constraining. The question of interpreting autosegmental representation has in fact been recently posed by Sagey (1988), and we shall take her proposal as our starting point. While it is uncontroversial to suppose that the relationship between units on a given autosegmental tier is one of temporal precedence, Sagey claims that it is more problematic to pin down what is meant by association between tiers. She argues, cogently we believe, that if association is taken to be a relationship of simultaneity between durationless units, then standard analyses of complex segments and gemination lead to logical inconsistency. Instead, association should be taken as temporal OVERLAP between units with duration.
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Vago, Robert M. "The treatment of long vowels in word games." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (May 1985): 329–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000488.
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In the current nonlinear model of CV phonology (Clements & Keyser 1983), phonological representations are organised into several levels or tiers, of which the following three are the most significant: the central CV tier (skeleton), whose units, C and V, are autosegmentally associated with the units of the syllable tier on one end and with the units of the segmental tier on the other. The segmental tier itself is organised into subtiers of distinctive features; the internal structure of the syllable tier is subject to considerable debate in the literature. In addition, CV-level units may be linked to melodies on separate autosegmental tiers in the case of suprasegmental phenomena like tone and vowel harmony.
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Ota, Mitsuhiko. "The Development of Lexical Pitch Accent Systems: An Autosegmental Analysis." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 48, no. 3-4 (December 2003): 357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100000700.
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AbstractThis article presents an autosegmental analysis of the development of pitch phonology in Swedish and Japanese, which mark both lexical accent and phrasing through movements in fundamental frequency (F0). Predictions that follow from the autosegmental model are tested against spontaneous production data from child Japanese. In support of the analysis that lexical pitch accent and phrasal intonation are acquired as separate sequences of tonal features, the falling and rising slopes of F0 contours are shown to develop independently. The late emergence of the phrase-initial rise is attributable to the allophonic surface realisation of the low boundary tone. Moreover, developments in contour shapes are characterised by demarcated emergence of F0 turning points that are aligned with specific segments, providing further support for the view that pitch phonology is acquired as strings of tonal units associated with segments and prosodic constituents.
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Iyiola, Amos Damilare. "Denasalisation in the spoken French of Ijebu undergraduate French learners in selected universities in south West of Nigeria." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 7, no. 3 (September 10, 2018): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v7i3.12.
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Denasalisation is a lexical phenomenon brought into play during the process of lexicalisation while nasalisation is a natural process which occurs when an oral sound is modified in the environment of an adjacent nasal sound. Little attention is paid to the former because phonologists admit that nasalisation is more natural during speech production. This paper, therefore, examined denasalisation in the spoken French of 50 Ijebu Undergraduate French Learners (IUFLs) in Selected Universities in South West of Nigeria with a view to establishing instances of denasalisation in their spoken French. Data collection for this study was through tape-recording of participants’ production of 30 sentences containing French vowel and consonant sounds. Goldsmith’s Autosegmental phonology blended with distinctive feature theory was used to analyse instances of denasalisation in the data collected. The study revealed instances of denasalisation of nasal sounds at initial and final positions in the spoken French of the IUFLs.Keywords: IUFLs, Denasalisation, Autosegmental Phonology, French as Foreign language
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Black, H. Andrew. "The phonology of the velar glide in Axininca Campa." Phonology 8, no. 2 (August 1991): 183–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001378.
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Three important strands of research characterise modern phonological theory; (i) the cyclic interaction of morphology and phonology; (ii) prosodic structure as it is built from segments into moras, syllables, feet and ultimately the phonological word; and (iii) the precise internal structure of segments, including feature geometry, how these features may reside on autosegmental tiers, and how they may be underspecified.
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Vater, Heiz. "Recent Developments in Phonology." Pandaemonium Germanicum, no. 4 (November 5, 2000): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/1982-8837.pg.2000.64265.
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Como quase nenhuma outra disciplina linguística, a fonologia pasou por uma evolução turbulenta nas duas últimas décadas. Ao contrário da abordagem clássica da Gramática Gerativa, que se concentrou na descrição de cadeias de segmentos fonológicos e de suas transformações em virtude de regras fonológicas, a Fonologia Não-linear colocou as relações prosódicas em enunciados em primeiro plano. A sílaba foi redescoberta como unidade prosódica; muitos trabalhos foram dedicados à análise de estruturas silábicas e de relações de sonoridade. Acima da sílaba, o pé e a palavra fonológica foram utilizados como unidades prosódicas relevantes para a descrição das estruturas de acento e entonação. Abaixo da sílaba, reabilitou-se a mora, já conhecida a partir da Filologia Clássica.No presente artigo, descrevem-se, a partir de exemplos do alemão e de outras línguas, as duas abordagens principais da Fonologia Não-linear, a Fonologia Autosegmental e a Fonologia Métrica. Procura-se mostrar que, com esses modelos, alguns fenômenos prosódico-fonológicos que antes só podiam ser descritos com grandes dificuldades ou eram até mesmo indescritíveis podem ser analisados de maneira adequada e elegante.
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A., Oladimeji Olaide, and Opoola Bolanle T. "Ikhin Tone and Nasality: Autosegmental Effects." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 12, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 603–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1204.11.
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In generative phonology, tone and nasality are described as suprasegmental phonological units. This implies that their survival depends on the segments on which they are grounded. Thus, when a tone bearing unit or nasality bearing unit disappears, any of these segments also disappears. In autosegmental theory, however, tone or nasality survives after the deletion of segment to which it is attached. This phenomenon is termed ‘stability’ which is the foundation for autosegmental phonological theory. Stability is the survival of tone and nasality after the deletion of segments on which they are grounded. Tone and nasality exhibit stability in Ikhin, a North-Central Edoid language spoken in Edo State, South-South, Nigeria. Previous study on Ikhin dwells mainly on the phonetics of the language. This study, therefore, investigates phonological processes such as vowel elision, glide formation and nasalization with a view to determining the stability or otherwise of tone and nasality. This paper confirms that in Ikhin, any process that involves the removal of a tone bearing unit must relate to stability and relate to the creation of contour tones. The study further confirms that nasality remains stable even in the absence of segment to which it is linked. Based on available data, it is argued that the deletion of a Tone Bearing Unit (TBU) or a Nasality Bearing Unit (NBU) does not necessarily involve the deletion of tone or nasality. Infact, it usual does not. The study concludes that tone and nasality are independent segments. They are as independent as consonant and vowel.
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Greftegreff, Irene. "Orientation in Inedxical Signs in Norwegian Sign language." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 15, no. 2 (December 1992): 159–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586500002584.
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This article discusses different transcription systems and models of sign language phonology that fall into two major categories: The innovative work of Stokoe, with later adaptations from different European countries on one hand, and on the other, several autosegmental models. The focus in the discussion is how these different models deal with hand orientation and specification of movement directionality. On the basis of this discussion, features and concepts for a new model are proposed.
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Anderson, John, Colin Ewen, and Jørgen Staun. "Phonological structure: segmental, suprasegmental and extrasegmental." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (May 1985): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000439.
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In the past few years a great deal of attention has been paid to the representation of suprasegmental phenomena in phonology, with the resulting development of a number of partly competing theories and models of suprasegmental representation – in particular, various versions of AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (see, for example, Goldsmith 1976; Halle & Vergnaud 1981; Clements & Keyser 1983) and METRICAL PHONOLOGY (Liberman & Prince 1977; Hayes 1980, 1982; Prince 1983; Giegerich 1985). Other frameworks have also been developed which allow for the representation of phenomena in this area, notably that of DEPENDENCY PHONOLOGY (Anderson & Jones 1974, 1977; Ewen 1980; Anderson 1984; Anderson & Ewen 1980, forthcoming).It has, moreover, become obvious that although these theories at first seemed very different, many of the differences are more apparent than real, so that in some respects the proposals are complementary rather than alternative - and in many areas it is clear that we are moving towards a situation where a single model can perhaps be developed from the various frameworks (cf. Leben 1982; Goldsmith this volume).
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Trommer, Jochen, and Eva Zimmermann. "Generalised mora affixation and quantity-manipulating morphology." Phonology 31, no. 3 (December 2014): 463–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675714000220.
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One of the major attributes of autosegmental phonology is the possibility of reducing procedural techniques of morphological exponence to a generalised concept of concatenation. This research programme, which equates the triggers of non-concatenative processes with affixes consisting of incomplete autosegmental or prosodic representations, is called Generalised Non-linear Affixation in Bermúdez-Otero (2012). In this paper, we argue that the Generalised Non-linear Affixation analysis of segmental lengthening by mora affixation extends naturally to subtractive morphology. Defective (phonetically uninterpretable) integration of an affix mora into the prosodic structure of its base triggers deletion and shortening. We show that this approach derives all major types of quantity-manipulating morphology (vowel shortening, segmental subtraction and vowel-length polarity), and thus demonstrate that Generalised Non-linear Affixation extends fully to subtractive morphology, which has been seen as the ultimate problem for a concatenative reanalysis (Anderson 1992).
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Lodge, Ken. "Allegro rules in colloquial Thai: some thoughts on process phonology." Journal of Linguistics 22, no. 2 (September 1986): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700010823.
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As part of an investigation into rapid speech and its rule-based processes, I want to present an analysis of colloquial spoken Thai and show how different tempi can be related to one another. I also want to see whether the processes displayed by colloquial Thai fit into the general picture of phonological processes which has emerged over the past 15 years or so (roughly Stampe, 1969, onwards) within different theoretical frameworks. In particular I shall try to relate my findings to the increasingly accepted notions of richer phonological structure now being envisaged (e.g. Clements & Keyser, 1983 – tridimensional; Goldsmith, 1976 a & b – autosegmental; Liberman & Prince, 1977 and Kiparsky, 1979 – metrical; Anderson & Ewen, 1980, and Durand, 1986 a – dependency).
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Schwartz, Richard G. "Clinical Applications of Recent Advances in Phonological Theory." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 23, no. 3 (July 1992): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.2303.269.
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Historically, the behavioral theory of articulation that was applied to clinical assessment was consistent with the behavioral theory of developmental change that was applied to intervention. However, more recent applications of cognitively oriented linguistic theories have not been accompanied by novel intervention approaches. This article reviews some recent advances in phonological theories, including autosegmental, metrical, and lexical phonology, and their potential applications. A new theory of developmental change that also is cognitive in its orientation is presented, along with some preliminary suggestions for clinical applications.
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Arvaniti, Amalia, and D. Robert Ladd. "Greek wh-questions and the phonology of intonation." Phonology 26, no. 1 (May 2009): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675709001717.
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AbstractThe intonation of Greek wh-questions consists of a rise-fall followed by a low plateau and a final rise. Using acoustic data, we show (i) that the exact contour shape depends on the length of the question, and (ii) that the position of the first peak and the low plateau depends on the position of the stressed syllables, and shows predictable adjustments in alignment, depending on the proximity of adjacent tonal targets. Models that specify the F0 of all syllables, or models that specify F0 by superposing contour shapes for shorter and longer domains, cannot account for such fine-grained lawful variation except by using ad hoc tonal specifications, which, in turn, do not allow for phonological generalisations about contours applying to utterances of greatly different lengths. In contrast, our findings follow easily from an autosegmental-metrical approach to intonational phonology, according to which melodies may contain long F0 stretches derived by interpolation between specified targets associated with metrically strong syllables and prosodic boundaries.
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Simile, Okoa, and Rose Acen Upor. "Segmental aspects of Kɨbwanɉi Phonology: A Non-Linear Representation." Utafiti 12, no. 1-2 (March 18, 2017): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-0120102003.
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This paper attempts a preliminary analysis of the phonological processes that affect vowels and consonants in Kɨβwanɉi language. Specifically, the paper examines the role played by these phonological processes in preserving the configuration of the phonologically possible word or morpheme in Kɨβwanɉi by using a Non-linear Approach (Autosegmental Phonology Theory). The findings reveal that the distribution of consonants is restricted in Kɨβwanɉi and the canonical syllable structure of Kɨβwanɉi is CV but not limited to $V$, $C$, $CV$ and $CGV$. Syllables are conditioned by phonological sequential constraints (PSCs) that govern the sequence of segments in the language. These constraints serve as the mechanism through which the native speakers are able to recognize words by applying phonological rules that are in conspiracy. It is also revealed that the rules are ordered with respect to the satisfaction of the structural descriptions that allow more than one rule to apply.
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Matzenauer-Hernandorena, Carmen Lúcia. "A relevância do contexto lingüístico na aquisição da fonologia e nos desvios fonológicos do desenvolvimento: o exemplo da palatalização." Cadernos de Estudos Lingüísticos 40 (August 10, 2011): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/cel.v40i0.8637118.
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Focusing the palatalization of coronal stops, a study with children acquiring Brazilian Portuguese, in normal and deviant process, makes clear a significant influence of the linguistic context in the behavior of consonantal segments, causing phonetic effects of co-articulation. In the analysis of the data, theoretical model based in constraints, as Optimality Theory, and dynamic model, as Articulatory Phonology, show more consistency in the explanation of context dependent phenomenon, like palatalization, than Autosegmental Theory, that demands a mixed solution, with the use of rules and also the use of output constraints.
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Jaker, Alessandro, and Paul Kiparsky. "Level ordering and opacity in Tetsǫ́t’ıné: a Stratal OT account." Phonology 37, no. 4 (November 2020): 617–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675720000299.
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Dene (Athabaskan) verbs are widely known for their complex morphophonology. The most complex patterns are associated with two conjugation markers, /s/ and /n/, which are associated with a floating H tone to their immediate left. In this paper, we provide an analysis of /θe/ and /ɲe/, the reflexes of the /s/ and /n/ conjugations in Tetsǫ́t’ıné. Whereas previous accounts of these conjugations have relied heavily on morphological conditioning, we show that, once level ordering, autosegmental phonology and metrical phonology are brought to bear on the problem, morphological conditioning is not required. Within the framework of Stratal OT, we propose the Domain Reference Hypothesis, by which phonological constraints may only refer to morphological domains and their edges. In addition, we show that in Tetsǫ́t’ıné there is a correlation between phonological opacity and morphological structure, as predicted by the Stratal OT model.
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KUBOZONO, HARUO. "Autosegmental and metrical phonology. By JOHN A GOLDSMITH. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990. vii, 376." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 8 (1991): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.8.258.
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احمد عبد الستار السامر, محمد. "Hypernasality in the Speech of Iraqi Children with Cleft Palate: A Generic Feature - Geometry Based Model." Al-Adab Journal 1, no. 122 (December 9, 2018): 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v1i122.234.
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This paper is concerned with a generic feature geometry based model for phonological disorder description of hypernasality routed in the voice profiles of an Iraqi child (aged 7 years) with a cleft palate. It primarily explores the applicability of this model to the resonance hypernasalization deficit elicited in this single-case study. The preliminary findings of the treatise reveal that the subject under study has a limited linguistic competence, due to the dysfunction of the velopharyngeal valve, caused by the cleft palatology, which negatively militates his communicative skills. The most common resonance distortions resulted from this dysfunction are glottalization (25.95%), consonantal hypernasality(23.40%),vocalic hypernasality (21.019%), pharyngealisation (8.75%), labialization (7.48%), lateralization (7%), elision (4.93%), initial cluster simplification (1.11%), metathesis and vocalic shortening (0.15%), equally. Corpus analysis via manner association scheme (within the framework of Autosegmental Phonology) divulges that this model is significantly applicable to hypernasalized vowels. However, this autosegmental model fails to capture the manner co-attachment association in certain cases of vocalic and consonantal hypernasality pointing in the direction of harmonic nasality.
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Sara, Solomon I. "Phonetics and phonology 1949–1989." Historiographia Linguistica 17, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.17.1-2.15sar.
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Summary Phonetics and Phonology have had noticeable developments in the last forty years: phonetics from the articulatory descriptions of sounds of Pike’s Phonetics (1943), to a physiological set of distinctive features of Chomsky & Halle’s The Sound Pattern of English (1968); the acoustic displays of Potter’s Visible Speech (1947) to a set of acoustic distinctive features in Jakobson, Fant, Halle’s Preliminaries (1951). Suprasegmental characterizations have developed from impressionistic labels of tone, stress, length and intonation to an experimentally quantifiable set of parameters characterizing these aspects of speech in a unified manner in Lehiste’s Suprasegmentals (1970). Phonology progressed from the autonomous to the integrated, and from the structural to the transformational/generative, from Pike’s Phonemics (1947), and Trubetzkoy’s Grundzüge (1939) to a complex system of levels/tiers/strata that represent speech in a more detailed, holistic and integrated manner. Current approaches recognize not only the features and segments of the speech continuum, but the rules that organize these into the phonological system. Approaches to the explanation of this organization have been many: the segmental/sequential approach of American phonemicists, Praguian phonologists and early generativists developed into a phonological component that consists of segments, organized into syllables that pattern into rhythmic feet which constitute the geometry of the sequence as a multi level/tier/stratum. These developments are all considered generative, but labelled Natural-Generative, Autosegmental-Genera-tive, Non-Linear-Generative, Metrical-Generative, etc. ‘Generative’ is kept to maintain the twin characteristics of being integrated and rule governed. There has been a shift in the paradigm: from segments to features and from structural to transformational with significant developments in both paradigms in the last forty years.
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Kiraz, George Anton. "Multitiered Nonlinear Morphology Using Multitape Finite Automata: A Case Study on Syriac and Arabic." Computational Linguistics 26, no. 1 (March 2000): 77–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/089120100561647.
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This paper presents a computational model for nonlinear morphology with illustrations from Syriac and Arabic. The model is a multitiered one in that it allows for multiple lexical representations corresponding to the multiple tiers of autosegmental phonology. The model consists of three main components: (i) a lexicon, which is made of sublexica, with each sublexicon representing lexical material from a specific tier, (ii) a rewrite rules component that maps multiple lexical representations into one surface form and vice versa, and (iii) a morphotactic component that employs regular grammars. The system is finite-state in that lexica and rules can be represented by multitape finite-state machines.
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Sa’aida, Zainab. "An Autosegmental Account of Melodic Processes in Jordanian Rural Arabic." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 10, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.10n.1p.50.
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This study aims at providing an autosegmental account of feature spread in assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic. I hypothesise that in any assimilatory situation in Jordanian rural Arabic the undergoer assimilates a whole or a portion of the matrix of the trigger. I also hypothesise that assimilation in Jordanian rural Arabic is motivated by violation of the obligatory contour principle on a specific tier or by spread of a feature from a trigger to a compatible undergoer. Data of the study were analysed in the framework of autosegmental phonology with focus on the notion of dominance in assimilation. Findings of the study have revealed that an undergoer assimilates a whole of the matrix of a trigger in the assimilation of /t/ of the detransitivizing prefix /Ɂɪt-/, coronal sonorant assimilation, and inter-dentalization of dentals. However, partial assimilation occurs in the processes of nasal place assimilation, anticipatory labialization, and palatalization of plosives. Findings have revealed that assimilation occurs when the obligatory contour principle is violated on the place tier. Violation is then resolved by deletion of the place node in the leftmost matrix and by right-to-left spread of a feature from rightmost matrix to leftmost matrix. It has been also revealed that spread of a primary or a non-primary feature from a trigger to an undergoer can motivate assimilation to occur in some assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic.
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GUSSENHOVEN, CARLOS, and PETER VAN DER VLIET. "The phonology of tone and intonation in the Dutch dialect of Venlo." Journal of Linguistics 35, no. 1 (March 1999): 99–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226798007324.
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The Dutch dialect of Venlo has a lexical tone opposition comparable to the distinction between Accent I and Accent II in Scandinavian. The two word tone patterns are realised in a variety of different ways, depending on the intonation contour, on whether the word has a focus tone, and on whether it occurs finally or nonfinally in the intonational phrase (IP). Twelve such contexts are identified, and an autosegmental-metrical analysis is presented of the contours for the word tones in each of these. The analysis is instructive because of its clear illustration of the distinction between the phonological underlying representation and the phonological surface representation, as well as of the distinction between the latter representation and the phonetic realisation. In addition, because of the complexity of its tonal phonology, the dialect is of considerable typological interest for the study of word prosody and intonation.
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Hyman, Larry M., and Armindo Ngunga. "On the non-universality of tonal association ‘conventions’: evidence from Ciyao." Phonology 11, no. 1 (May 1994): 25–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001834.
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One of the major aims of linguistic theory is to determine what is universal vs. language-specific within grammatical systems. In phonology, for example, a number of universals have been proposed and incorporated into the various subtheories that deal with segmental and prosodic aspects of sound systems. In his original autosegmental theory, for instance, Goldsmith (1976) provided a formalism and a set of principles embodying a number of universal claims about how different tiers may link to each other. Most of the support for this theory came from the study of tone: tones (Ts) were said to reside on separate ‘tiers’ joined by association lines to their respective tone-bearing units (TBUs).
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Hayward, R. J. "In defence of the skeletal tier." Studies in African Linguistics 19, no. 2 (August 1, 1988): 131–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v19i2.107463.
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This paper investigates empirically the viability of a hypothesis (advanced by Lowenstamm & Kaye [1986]) that morphological classes (in particular, those typical in languages with nonconcatenative morphologies) are fully definable in terms of syllabic structure. This hypothesis has theoretical significance, for, if correct, the skeletal tier-generally regarded as a core object in autosegmental phonology--becomes a derivative and, consequently, redundant entity. Data from four Ethiopian Semitic languages are presented as evidence that it is not always possible to posit unique syllabifications for morphological classes and that underlyingly many such classes are only partially syllabified, full sy11abifiabi1ity being secured by processes occurring later in the derivation. Analyses are proposed for the data, which demonstrate the necessity for a non-derivative skeletal tier.
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Macfarland, Talke, and Janet Pierrehumbert. "On ich-Laut, ach-Laut and Structure Preservation." Phonology 8, no. 1 (May 1991): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001330.
Full textAbstract:
Hall (1989) introduces a rule of Fricative Assimilation (FA) in German, which, he claims, poses a challenge to the principle of Structure Preservation in Lexical Phonology, as presented in Kiparsky (1985). This claim is based on the observation that FA is demonstrably lexical because it respects morpheme boundaries, but nonetheless introduces a nondistinctive feature, thus violating a marking condition. However, Hall has not appreciated the force of the analysis of Catalan in Kiparsky (1985), which suggests that assimilated sequences may show special behaviour with respect to marking conditions. In this paper we show first, based on arguments in Kiparsky (1985), Hayes (1986) and Itô (1988), that a general constraint on the interpretation of autosegmental formalism specifically rules out the application of the marking condition to the output of FA.
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Bonet, Eulàlia, and Maria-Rosa Lloret. "Fricative–affricate alternations in Catalan." Probus 30, no. 2 (August 28, 2018): 215–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2018-0002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Catalan has a [ʒ] ~ [t͡ʃ] alternation that has traditionally been viewed as the consequence of final affrication of an underlying /ʒ/, a fortition operation, followed by general devoicing of obstruents. This interpretation has been held in classical generative rule-based approaches and also in autosegmental models, amounting either to a highly specific process or, when an attempt is made to generalize it, to wrong predictions; these shortcomings are also applicable to optimality-theoretic analyses. Following ideas in (Wheeler, Max W. 2005. The phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford University Press), we propose that underlying affricates are subject to intervocalic lenition triggered by independently motivated general constraints. Sequences of a stop followed by a fricative can become affricates but cannot be affected by lenition. The interaction between affricates and gemination is also discussed.
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Churma, Donald G. "Consonant gradation in Fula suffixes the ugly truth." Studies in African Linguistics 19, no. 1 (April 1, 1988): 36–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v19i1.107465.
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In this paper, I will argue that Skousen's account of the differences between stems and suffixes requires substantial revision and elaboration. I will argue further that the complexities of the behavior of suffixes preclude the possibility of providing an insightful analysis in terms of auto segmental phonology/morphology (contra Lieber [1983, 1984], Marantz [n.d.]). Instead, the alternations found in suffix-initial consonants, like those in stem-initial consonants [Churma 1986b], require a fairly extensive use of morphophonological diacritics. Indeed, it would appear that an optimal account of gradation phenomena (or at least those that have been heavily grammaticized, such as in Fu1a and Celtic), will never crucially make use of autosegmental tier-separation and association (cf. Churma [1986b], Willis [1986]), although I will not be able to address this issue here.
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Coleman, John. "The phonetic interpretation of headed phonological structures containing overlapping constituents." Phonology 9, no. 1 (May 1992): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001482.
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In this paper I shall present a theory of phonetic interpretation of headed phonological representations. The phonological representations in question are non-segmental, hierarchical, graphical objects similar to those in common use in autosegmental, metrical, dependency and ‘government and charm’ phonology, although the details of the phonological formalism I employ are different in some respects from each of these. The theory of phonetic interpretation is based on a parametric, dynamic model of phonetic representation. The distinction between ‘head’ and ‘non-head’ constituents is central to the phonetic interpretation model. As well as being formally explicit, I have developed a computational implementation of this theory, constituting a novel speech synthesis program, ‘YorkTalk’. Consequently, although the theory, like any other, is likely to contain certain faults, it goes beyond pencil-and-paper phonological theories, in that it is capable of algorithmically generating quite natural-sounding speech-like signals of a superior quality to other methods of generating synthetic speech, albeit only for isolated words.
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Chan, Marjorie K. M. "Prelinked and Floating Glottal Stops In Fuzhou Chinese." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 35, no. 4 (December 1990): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000841310001392x.
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Numerous interesting problems in the phonology of different dialects of Chinese tend to be buried in Chinese-language sources, or have not yet gained the attention of phonologists in general. One such case is the final glottal stop in modern Fuzhou, with respect to its behaviour synchronically and its historical origins. The final glottal stop came from two earlier sources, *-k and *-?. While *-k has completely merged with *-? in stressed syllables, evidences of the earlier contrast can still be found in the modern dialect — in how it behaves in more weakly stressed syllables in tone sandhi spans, and in its effect on adjacent consonants. It is proposed here that the continued relevance of the former phonological contrast can be accounted for by treating the final glottal stop from *-k as a prelinked glottal stop, and the one from *-? as a floating segment within the autosegmental approach. In this paper I will trace the history of these two codas, as well as address the implications that the differences in representation have with respect to subsequent changes in the language. I will conclude with a discussion of other languages for which a floating glottal stop solution has been offered.
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Hayes, Bruce, and Colin Wilson. "A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning." Linguistic Inquiry 39, no. 3 (July 2008): 379–440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2008.39.3.379.
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The study of phonotactics is a central topic in phonology. We propose a theory of phonotactic grammars and a learning algorithm that constructs such grammars from positive evidence. Our grammars consist of constraints that are assigned numerical weights according to the principle of maximum entropy. The grammars assess possible words on the basis of the weighted sum of their constraint violations. The learning algorithm yields grammars that can capture both categorical and gradient phonotactic patterns. The algorithm is not provided with constraints in advance, but uses its own resources to form constraints and weight them. A baseline model, in which Universal Grammar is reduced to a feature set and an SPE-style constraint format, suffices to learn many phonotactic phenomena. In order for the model to learn nonlocal phenomena such as stress and vowel harmony, it must be augmented with autosegmental tiers and metrical grids. Our results thus offer novel, learning-theoretic support for such representations. We apply the model in a variety of learning simulations, showing that the learned grammars capture the distributional generalizations of these languages and accurately predict the findings of a phonotactic experiment.
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Hantgan, Abie, and Stuart Davis. "Bondu-so vowel harmony: A descriptive analysis with theoretical implications." Studies in African Linguistics 41, no. 2 (June 15, 2012): 2–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v41i2.107276.
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This paper provides a descriptive analysis of the [ATR] vowel harmony system of Bondu-so (Dogon, Mali), a previously undocumented language. Data come from fieldwork and have not yet been published. While Bondu-so has seven surface vowels, namely, two [+ATR, +high] vowels ([i], [u]), a [–ATR +low] vowel [a] and a [±ATR] contrast in the mid vowels with front [e]/[ɛ] and back [o]/[ɔ], there is evidence for a more abstract vowel system phonologically consisting of ten vowels with [±ATR] contrasts with all vowel heights. Further, the language shows a three-way contrast with respect to the feature [ATR] on suffixal vowels: some suffixal vowels act as [+ATR] dominant, spreading their [+ATR] feature onto the root; other suffixes act as [–ATR] dominant, spreading [–ATR] onto the root, and still other suffixes have vowels unspecified for [ATR] receiving their [±ATR] feature by rightward spreading of the [±ATR] value of the root vowel. We offer an autosegmental analysis and then discuss the theoretical implications of such an analysis. These implications include the ternary use of [ATR], the issue of phonological versus morphological harmony, the relationship between vowel inventories and [ATR] harmony systems, and the question of abstractness in phonology.
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Paster, Mary. "Floating tones in Ga." Studies in African Linguistics 32, no. 1 (June 1, 2003): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v32i1.107345.
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This paper provides robust empirical evidence for floating tones in Ga, a Kwa language of Ghana. As will be shown, floating tones are crucial to an analysis of verbal tense/aspect/mood distinctions. I begin by describing two tonal processes, the HL rule and Plateauing. While these are regular processes of the language, both are blocked in the perfective. I show that the blockage is the result of a floating low tone that marks the perfective, and that the floating tone marker explains other anomalous tonal effects in the perfective. I then give an analysis of floating tone prefixes that mark certain tenses/aspects/moods by associating to the subject prefix, thus overwriting the lexical tone of the subject prefix. Finally, I give examples of suffixed floating that mark tense/aspect/mood by associating to verb stems, causing the underlying stem tones to delink. In these tenses/aspects/moods, we find evidence for an underlying L vs. toneless contrast, constituting another phenomenon where, as with floating tones, there is a mismatch between the number of tones and tonebearing units. Thus, a major prediction of Autosegmental Phonology (Goldsmith 1976, Clements and Ford 1979) is borne out in Ga.
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Colina, Sonia. "Spirantization in Spanish: The role of the underlying representation." Linguistics 58, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0035.
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AbstractSpirantization is one of the most frequently studied phonological phenomena of Spanish (Barlow, Jessica A. 2003. The stop-spirant alternation in Spanish: Converging evidence for a fortition account. Southwest Journal of Linguistics 22. 51–86; Zampini, Mary. 1994. The role of native language transfer and task formality in the acquisition of Spanish spirantization. Hispania 77. 470–481; among others). For a majority of dialects, Spanish voiced plosives have been traditionally described as having a continuant and a non-continuant realization in complementary distribution (Navarro Tomás, Tomás. 1977. Manual de pronunciación española. 19th edn. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas; Hualde, José Ignacio. 2005. The sounds of Spanish. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press; among others). Yet, phonetic studies reveal a more complex picture consisting of a great deal of phonetic variability and gradience among continuant realizations (Carrasco, Patricio, José Ignacio Hualde and Miquel Simonet. 2012. Dialectal differences in Spanish voiced obstruent allophony: Costa Rican versus Iberian Spanish. Phonetica 69. 149–179; among others; Simonet, Miquel, José Ignacio Hualde and Mariana Nadeu. 2012. Lenition of/d/in spontaneous Spanish and Catalan. Paper presented at INTERSPEECH) which is not captured by existing generative accounts (Bakovic, Eric. 1997. Strong onsets and Spanish fortition. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 23. 21–39; Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44; Kirchner, Robert. 2001. Phonological contrast and articulatory effort. In Linda Lombardi (ed.), Segmental phonology in Optimality Theory, 79–117. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; among others). Furthermore, most analyses focus almost exclusively on the general distribution of spirantization, excluding other dialectal patterns (Amastae, Jon. 1995. Variable spirantization: Constraint weighting in three dialects. Hispanic Linguistics 6(7). 265–285; among others). The current proposal accounts for the phonetic variability and gradience evinced by phonetic studies, as well as dialectal variation in one optimality theoretic-analysis. Spirantization is explained as the result of effort reduction, rather than the result of assimilation (contra Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44, among others). Phonetic variability in the general dialects is argued to be related to the underlying representation: voiced obstruents are underspecified for continuancy both in the input and the output of the phonology, which explains gradience in implementation and responds to the need to avoid the marked configuration represented by a combination of voicing and maximal stricture found in voiced stops (Colina, Sonia. 2016. On onset clusters in Spanish: Voiced obstruent underspecification and /f/. In Rafael A. Núñez Cedeño (ed.), The syllable and stress: Studies in honor of James W. Harris. Boston, MA: Mouton de Gruyter). Dialectal variation stems from differences in the underlying representation and in the ranking of the constraints. The proposal is also able to explain variations on the two major dialectal patterns.
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Endresen, Rolf Theil. "John A. Goldsmith: Autosegmental & Metrical Phonology. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990. 376 pp. ISBN 0-631-13675-4. ISBN 0-631-13676-2 pbk." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 14, no. 1 (June 1991): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586500002353.
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Poiré, François. "L’interrogation totale en français et les domaines prosodiques intermédiaires." Revue québécoise de linguistique 31, no. 2 (October 28, 2004): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/009309ar.
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Résumé Nous nous intéressons dans cette étude à la représentation phonologique des contours intonatifs plats dans le cadre de la phonologie métrique-autosegmentale (Ladd 1996). Nous discutons principalement le contour plat initial propre à l’interrogation totale en français. Notre hypothèse est que ce contour plat ne correspondrait pas à un domaine prosodique intermédiaire auquel serait attaché un ton flottant B-, mais qu’il s’agit plutôt de la réalisation d’un ton B introduit afin de respecter le principe général d’alternance des autosegments. La phonologie ne serait pas responsable de la détermination des valeurs initiales de F0 de ce contour, qui dépendraient plutôt des valeurs initiales par défaut (vid) propres à chaque locuteur.
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Ngunga, Armindo, and Célia A. Cossa. "Affrication of Voiced Labials (/B, V/) in Changana." Journal of Law and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.53974/unza.jlss.3.1.447.
Full textAbstract:
This article describes and analyses the frication of the voiced labial
consonants (/b/ and /v/) in Changana, a Bantu language (S53, in Guthrie’s
1967-1971 classification). In the light of the autosegmental phonology (Leben
1973, 1978, 2006; 1973, Goldsmith 1976, 2004; Odden 1986) combined with
the Feature Geometry theory, the article discusses phonological processes
that turn voiced labials into labial-alveolar affricate [bz]. In this study, we
assume that the process of hiatus resolution by gliding is the trigger of the
alteration under analysis. That is, when derivative suffixes with low vowel
(/a/) and the high front vowel (/i/) in the initial position are attached to
words with rounded vowels (/o, u/) in final position in some morphological
processes such as diminutivisation and locativisation, the results are
undesirable sequences (hiatus). In order to resolve such hiatus, a series
of phonological processes such as the turning of the rounded vowel in the
word final position into labial-velar glide allowing the adjacency of voiced
labials with labial glide which violates the Obligatory Contour Principle
(OCP) takes place. The present study analyses the OCP using empirical
Changana data collected both in the fieldwork supplemented by data from
other sources including bibliographical and introspective data. The article
is organised as follows. Firstly, it discusses the theoretical framework;
secondly it analyses the Hiatus Resolution in Changana; thirdly, it analyses
the data and lastly, it presents the main conclusions of the study.
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Hantgan, Abbie, and Stuart Davis. "The Abstract Nature of the Bondu Vowel System: Evidence from [ATR] Harmony." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 3 (April 8, 2012): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.607.
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This paper argues for an abstract analysis of the vowel system of Bondu, a Dogon language of Mali. Data come from fieldwork and have not been previously published. Phonetically, Bondu has seven vowels: two [+high, +ATR] vowels ([i], [u]), a [+low, –ATR] vowel [a], and a [±ATR] contrast in the mid vowels: front ([e], [?]) and back ([o], [?]). We argue, however, that underlyingly certain high vowels are [–ATR] while some low vowels are [+ATR]; the contrast is neutralized so that high vowels surface as [+ATR] and low vowels as [–ATR]. Evidence comes from the realization of the perfective suffix /–??/ which alternates between [è] ~ [??], depending on the underlying [ATR] value of the vowel in the verb root. The data in (1) illustrate root-controlled [±ATR] harmony. (Forms show 3rd person singular). (1) a. [nòj–è] sleep c. [d???–??] leave b. [nèmbìl–è] beg d. [k???–??] cut The data in (2) are more complex. (2) a. [bìj–è] lie down c. [?ìj–??] dance b. [sù?–è] go down d. [?ù?–??] recognize While all the root vowels in (2) are phonetically [+high, +ATR], we analyze those in (2c-d) as having an underlying [–ATR] feature. Here we follow Archangelli and Pulleyblank (1994) who view the feature combination [–ATR], [+high] as antagonistic: phonetically unrealized, though phonologically present. Similarly, while there is only one surfacing [+low, –ATR] vowel in Bondu, verb roots with low vowels are divided between those that take a [+ATR] suffix (3a) and those taking [–ATR] (3b). (3) a. [bàr–è] help b. [pà?–??] tie We analyze the surface low vowel in (3a) as abstractly [+low, +ATR], (3b) as [+low, –ATR] with the underlying [ATR] feature of the root spreading to the suffix. A further argument for the abstract feature analysis comes from the complex alternations found with the imperative suffix in (4) (same roots from above). (4) a. [nój–ó] f. [dó?–á] b. [némbíl–ó] g. [ké?–á] c. [bíj–ó] h. [?íj–á] d. [sú?–ó] i. [d?ú?–á] e. [bár–á] j. [pá?–á] We analyze the realization of the imperative suffix vowel by spreading of the underlying [ATR] feature of the root vowel as in the perfective, but with an additional assimilatory process raising the underlying [+low] suffix vowel to [–low] when preceded by a vowel that is underlying [–low, +ATR]. We view this as an instance of parasitic harmony which applies in (4a-d). The unexpected realization of [+ATR] on the stem vowels in (4f-i) is analyzed as the docking of a floating [+ATR] feature that comes with the imperative suffix. We argue that our abstract feature analysis is superior to an alternative under-specification analysis since there is no consistency whether [+ATR] or [–ATR] is underspecified given the behavior of high vowel roots in (2) and (4); our analysis of the imperative is also consistent with Wolf's (2007) observation that floating autosegments avoid docking on morphemes that sponsor them. Archangeli, D. and D. Pulleyblank (1994) Grounded Phonology. MIT Press: Cambridge, MA. Wolf, M. (2007). For an Autosegmental Theory of Mutation. In L. Bateman, M. O’Keefe, E. Reilly & A. Werle (Eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 32: Papers in Optimality Theory III (Vol. 32 pp. 315-404). Amherst: GLSA.
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Swiggers, Pierre, and Karel Van den Eynde. "L' harmonie vocalique: remarques desriptives et theoriques." Linguistica 26, no. 1 (December 1, 1986): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.26.1.177-180.
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La description de l'harmonie vocalique constitue un des problèmes majeurs de Ia linguistique. Les descriptions qui en ont été fournies - pour les langues les plus diverses (altaïques, polynésiennes, amérindiennes, ...) - font preuve d'une forte dépendance de ce micro-système à l'égard de la théorie linguistique qui sous-tend sa description. Evidemment, ce lien (de circularité) -que certains épistémologues ap pellent un lien de T-théoricité, c'est-à-dire de dépendance à l'égard d'une théorie T1 -n'est pas un phénomène isolé, ni en linguistique, ni dans les sciences humaines en général, mais il convient de se demander s'il n'y a pas de contenu objectif à dégager des descriptions divergentes qui ont été proposées de l'harmonie vocalique dans le cadre de la phonologie générative, dans celui de la phonologie naturelle et dans celui de la phonologie autosegmentale.
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Ogden, Richard, and John K. Local. "Disentangling autosegments from prosodies: a note on the misrepresentation of a research tradition in phonology." Journal of Linguistics 30, no. 2 (September 1994): 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700016728.
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