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Journal articles on the topic 'Autosegmental theory (Linguistics)'
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1
Archangeli, Diana, and Rochelle Lieber. "An Integrated Theory of Autosegmental Processes." Language 64, no. 4 (December 1988): 791. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414576.
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Haile, Alemayehu, and Al Mtenje. "In defence of the autosegmental treatment of nonconcatenative morphology." Journal of Linguistics 24, no. 2 (September 1988): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700011853.
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The aim of this paper is to defend the autosegmental account of nonconcatenative morphology originally proposed by McCarthy (1979, 1981), which has been seriously challenged by Hudson (1986). It is argued that an autosegmental analysis of nonconcatenative morphology such as that of Arabic still remains a better alternative than what Hudson proposes. We first present a brief overview of McCarthy's theory of non-concatenative morphology. We then review Hudson's criticisms of such an autosegmental approach to Arabic morphology and we end up by showing why his reanalysis does not constitute a better alternative than the criticized autosegmental account.
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Spencer, Andrew. "Vowel harmony, neutral vowels and autosegmental theory." Lingua 69, no. 1-2 (June 1986): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(86)90076-8.
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Shih, Stephanie S., and Sharon Inkelas. "Autosegmental Aims in Surface-Optimizing Phonology." Linguistic Inquiry 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 137–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00304.
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We develop a novel optimization approach to tone. Its grammatical component consists of the similarity- and proximity-based correspondence constraint framework of Agreement by Correspondence theory (ABC). Its representational component, Q Theory, decomposes segments ( Q) into temporally ordered, quantized subsegments ( q), which comprise unitary sets of distinctive features, including tone. ABC+Q unites phonological alternations and static lexical patterns, as we illustrate with a programmatic survey of core tonal phenomena: assimilation, dissimilation, lexical tone melodies, and consonant-tone interaction. ABC+Q surmounts long-standing problems for autosegmental-era, multitiered representational approaches to tone, and unites tonal and segmental phonology under the modern umbrella of correspondence theory.
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Zaleska, Joanna. "Coalescence as autosegmental spreading and delinking." Phonology 37, no. 4 (November 2020): 697–735. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675720000317.
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Phonological coalescence, understood as a type of synchronic alternation in which two phonological elements seem to fuse into one, presents a prima facie challenge for versions of Optimality Theory that assume the principle of containment. If all underlying material has to be present in the output form, replacing two input elements with a single output element is not straightforward. I argue that, under the assumptions of Autosegmental Coloured Containment Theory, a distinct operation of coalescence is unnecessary, as all major types of coalescence patterns can be analysed in terms of (i) adding new association lines between some autosegmental nodes, and (ii) the underparsing of other nodes, leading to their phonetic non-realisation. The proposed analysis accurately reflects the heterogeneity of coalescence alternations, which are shown to fall into three different types.
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A., Oladimeji Olaide, and Opoola Bolanle T. "Ikhin Tone and Nasality: Autosegmental Effects." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 12, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 603–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1204.11.
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In generative phonology, tone and nasality are described as suprasegmental phonological units. This implies that their survival depends on the segments on which they are grounded. Thus, when a tone bearing unit or nasality bearing unit disappears, any of these segments also disappears. In autosegmental theory, however, tone or nasality survives after the deletion of segment to which it is attached. This phenomenon is termed ‘stability’ which is the foundation for autosegmental phonological theory. Stability is the survival of tone and nasality after the deletion of segments on which they are grounded. Tone and nasality exhibit stability in Ikhin, a North-Central Edoid language spoken in Edo State, South-South, Nigeria. Previous study on Ikhin dwells mainly on the phonetics of the language. This study, therefore, investigates phonological processes such as vowel elision, glide formation and nasalization with a view to determining the stability or otherwise of tone and nasality. This paper confirms that in Ikhin, any process that involves the removal of a tone bearing unit must relate to stability and relate to the creation of contour tones. The study further confirms that nasality remains stable even in the absence of segment to which it is linked. Based on available data, it is argued that the deletion of a Tone Bearing Unit (TBU) or a Nasality Bearing Unit (NBU) does not necessarily involve the deletion of tone or nasality. Infact, it usual does not. The study concludes that tone and nasality are independent segments. They are as independent as consonant and vowel.
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Veysi, Elkhas, and Farangis Abbaszadeh. "The Templatic Syllable Patterns of Reduplication and Stem-affixing Inflections in the Classical Arabic Based on Prosodic Morphology Theory." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 6, no. 11 (November 1, 2016): 2196. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0611.18.
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A morpheme, is a set of feature matrices dominated by a single node. Reduplication or gemination is one of the productive morphological processes which have been studied inclusively in different languages and in the frame of different linguistic theories like Generative Grammar, Optimality Theory and Minimalist Program. McCarthy's prosodic theory is justified by an analysis of the formal properties of the system of verbal processes like reduplication are the primary or sole morphological operations. This theory of nonconcatenative morphology recognizing the root as a discontinuous constituent. Under the prosodic model, a morphological category which characteristically reduplicates simply stipulates an output template composed of vowel and consonant. Consonantal roots and vocalic melodies in Arabic, although they contain bundles of the same distinctive features, can nevertheless be represented on separate autosegmental tiers. This ensures that the association conventions for melodies can operate independently on these two tiers. Association of autosegments from different tiers to the same segments will be subject to the natural restriction that no segment receives multiple associations for the same nontonal feature.
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Black, H. Andrew. "The phonology of the velar glide in Axininca Campa." Phonology 8, no. 2 (August 1991): 183–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001378.
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Three important strands of research characterise modern phonological theory; (i) the cyclic interaction of morphology and phonology; (ii) prosodic structure as it is built from segments into moras, syllables, feet and ultimately the phonological word; and (iii) the precise internal structure of segments, including feature geometry, how these features may reside on autosegmental tiers, and how they may be underspecified.
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Zoll, Cheryl. "Optimal Tone Mapping." Linguistic Inquiry 34, no. 2 (April 2003): 225–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438903321663398.
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Traditional autosegmental accounts of tone mapping invoke three independent factors: morphological category, tone quality, and a phonological directionality parameter. This article argues that the evidence for phonological directionality must be reconsidered. The article introduces a theory of Optimal Tone Mapping, in which attested patterns derive solely from the interaction of morphological directionality with quality-sensitive markedness constraints. The more restrictive theory of tone association that results from eliminating constraints that impose phonological directionality provides a new typology of tone melody languages.
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Takahashi, Yasunori. "The phonological status of Low tones in Shanghai tone sandhi." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 20, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 15–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00028.tak.
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Abstract In Shanghai tone sandhi, with the exception of T5 (yangru) sandhi, a pitch-fall occurs at the second or third syllable of a phonological word (or a sandhi domain). Previous analyses argue that this is invoked by the insertion of a default Low tone to satisfy the Well-formedness Condition of the autosegmental theory. However, in the framework of the present autosegmental theory, that condition is no longer necessarily satisfied, and an alternative interpretation, adopting a boundary Low tone, has been suggested. To evaluate the appropriateness of the default and boundary interpretations, we compared pitch contours among di- to tetrasyllabic words in greater detail. The results show that, in T1 to T4 sandhi, disyllabic words tend to have lower pitch contours than tri- and tetrasyllabic words at the first and second syllables, and that, in tetrasyllables, minimum pitch values were constantly attested at the third syllable. These results indicate that in Shanghai tone sandhi, a boundary Low tone is assigned at the right edge of a phonological word, and it is further associated with the third syllable in tetrasyllables. This boundary interpretation further gives an appropriate explanation of the difference of the pitch-fall between Middle and New Shanghai.
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Hyman, Larry M., and Armindo Ngunga. "On the non-universality of tonal association ‘conventions’: evidence from Ciyao." Phonology 11, no. 1 (May 1994): 25–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001834.
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One of the major aims of linguistic theory is to determine what is universal vs. language-specific within grammatical systems. In phonology, for example, a number of universals have been proposed and incorporated into the various subtheories that deal with segmental and prosodic aspects of sound systems. In his original autosegmental theory, for instance, Goldsmith (1976) provided a formalism and a set of principles embodying a number of universal claims about how different tiers may link to each other. Most of the support for this theory came from the study of tone: tones (Ts) were said to reside on separate ‘tiers’ joined by association lines to their respective tone-bearing units (TBUs).
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Coleman, John. "The phonetic interpretation of headed phonological structures containing overlapping constituents." Phonology 9, no. 1 (May 1992): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001482.
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In this paper I shall present a theory of phonetic interpretation of headed phonological representations. The phonological representations in question are non-segmental, hierarchical, graphical objects similar to those in common use in autosegmental, metrical, dependency and ‘government and charm’ phonology, although the details of the phonological formalism I employ are different in some respects from each of these. The theory of phonetic interpretation is based on a parametric, dynamic model of phonetic representation. The distinction between ‘head’ and ‘non-head’ constituents is central to the phonetic interpretation model. As well as being formally explicit, I have developed a computational implementation of this theory, constituting a novel speech synthesis program, ‘YorkTalk’. Consequently, although the theory, like any other, is likely to contain certain faults, it goes beyond pencil-and-paper phonological theories, in that it is capable of algorithmically generating quite natural-sounding speech-like signals of a superior quality to other methods of generating synthetic speech, albeit only for isolated words.
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Zeng, Biao, and Sven L. Mattys. "Separability of Tones and Rhymes in Chinese Speech Perception: Evidence from Perceptual Migrations." Language and Speech 60, no. 4 (December 2017): 562–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830916675897.
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This study used the perceptual-migration paradigm to explore whether Mandarin tones and syllable rhymes are processed separately during Mandarin speech perception. Following the logic of illusory conjunctions, we calculated the cross-ear migration of tones, rhymes, and their combination in Chinese and English listeners. For Chinese listeners, tones migrated more than rhymes. For English listeners, the opposite pattern was found. The results lend empirical support to autosegmental theory, which claims separability and mobility between tonal and segmental representations. They also provide evidence that such representations and their involvement in perception are deeply shaped by a listener’s linguistic experience.
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Véliz C., Mauricio. "La Fonología del Foco Contrastivo en la variedad de inglés denominada RP y español de Chile." Literatura y Lingüística, no. 21 (June 26, 2015): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/0717621x.21.134.
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ResumenEl presente trabajo procura determinar y comparar los mecanismos entonacionales utilizados para establecer contraste entre el inglés RP y español de Chile. Para este fin,se han empleado corpora de habla espontánea del español de Chile y de la variedad RP del inglés. Los enunciados contrastivos fueron sometidos a análisis acústico, empleando un software especializado y el modelo de fonología entonacional Métrico Autosegmental. Las conclusiones más sobresalientes son las siguientes: (i) la marcación prosódica decontraste aparece como un rasgo mayormente predominante en inglés RP que en español chileno; (ii) el español presenta dos patrones que ocurren con cierta frecuencia: (H*+L) y (L+H+, L*+H); sin embargo, en inglés, el uso de (H*) sobrepasa ampliamente e nnúmero los otros patrones también detectados y (iii) en inglés el uso de (H*) se utiliza en más del 50% de los casos detectados.Palabras clave: Foco, foco contrastivo, pico tonal, acento tonal, patrón entonacional.AbstractThis paper attempts to determine and contrast the intonational mechanisms used in RP English and Chilean Spanish to mark contrastiveness. To this end, corpora of spontaneous speech have been used. The utterances were acoustically analysed, making use of the Autosegmental-Metrical model of intonational phonology.Key words: Focus, contrastive focus, peak accent, pitch accent, intonation pattern
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Sa’aida, Zainab. "An Autosegmental Account of Melodic Processes in Jordanian Rural Arabic." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 10, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.10n.1p.50.
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This study aims at providing an autosegmental account of feature spread in assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic. I hypothesise that in any assimilatory situation in Jordanian rural Arabic the undergoer assimilates a whole or a portion of the matrix of the trigger. I also hypothesise that assimilation in Jordanian rural Arabic is motivated by violation of the obligatory contour principle on a specific tier or by spread of a feature from a trigger to a compatible undergoer. Data of the study were analysed in the framework of autosegmental phonology with focus on the notion of dominance in assimilation. Findings of the study have revealed that an undergoer assimilates a whole of the matrix of a trigger in the assimilation of /t/ of the detransitivizing prefix /Ɂɪt-/, coronal sonorant assimilation, and inter-dentalization of dentals. However, partial assimilation occurs in the processes of nasal place assimilation, anticipatory labialization, and palatalization of plosives. Findings have revealed that assimilation occurs when the obligatory contour principle is violated on the place tier. Violation is then resolved by deletion of the place node in the leftmost matrix and by right-to-left spread of a feature from rightmost matrix to leftmost matrix. It has been also revealed that spread of a primary or a non-primary feature from a trigger to an undergoer can motivate assimilation to occur in some assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic.
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LLORET, MARIA-ROSA. "L’EXCEPCIONALITAT SIL·LÀBICA DE S: DE FABRA ALS NOSTRES DIES*." Catalan Review 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 265–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.22.17.
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The role of the syllable in phonological theory has become crucial since the early Prague School. Evidence for the organization of a phonological string into syllables —or sonority peaks— according to the degree of sonority of segments and the characteristic rising-falling sonority profile is plentiful; however, phonologists from different perspectives agree that the ‘exceptional’ behavior of sibilant fricatives (especially s) with respect to syllabification, which may create a sonority reversal (as in the coda -[kst] in text), is disruptive and try to explain this oddity through alternative measures of sonority or some version of extrasyllabicity. In this paper we overview this long-lasting problem for all major theoretical frameworks, focusing on the phonology of Catalan and on the way this issue has been dealt with in the Catalan literature from early Fabra’s Praguean work through modern generative approaches including autosegmental and metrical phonology to recent optimality-theory views.
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Mendoza, Érika, Leonor Orozco, and Pedro Martín Butragueño. "Estratificación social y estilística en la prosodia enunciativa de Mérida, Yucatán." Lexis 47, no. 2 (December 18, 2023): 489–535. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/lexis.202302.001.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es mostrar la variación social y estilística en la prosodia enunciativa del español de Mérida, Yucatán. Se analizan enun-ciados aseverativos provenientes de entrevistas sociolingüísticas y de una encuesta de situaciones, considerando las variables sociales de edad, género y escolaridad. El análisis prosódico se lleva a cabo bajo los postulados del modelo métrico-autosegmental (Pierrehumbert 1980, Ladd 2008) y el sistema de notación Sp_ToBI (Hualde y Prieto 2015). Los resultados muestran que esta variedad de español se caracteriza por un prominente descenso a partir del primer pico tonal, el alineamiento temprano de algunos de los picos tonales en posición prenuclear y la presencia de algunas junturas no descendentes. La variación social y estilística sugiere que los dos últimos son rasgos que indizan vernacularidad.
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Hayes, Bruce, and Colin Wilson. "A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning." Linguistic Inquiry 39, no. 3 (July 2008): 379–440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2008.39.3.379.
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The study of phonotactics is a central topic in phonology. We propose a theory of phonotactic grammars and a learning algorithm that constructs such grammars from positive evidence. Our grammars consist of constraints that are assigned numerical weights according to the principle of maximum entropy. The grammars assess possible words on the basis of the weighted sum of their constraint violations. The learning algorithm yields grammars that can capture both categorical and gradient phonotactic patterns. The algorithm is not provided with constraints in advance, but uses its own resources to form constraints and weight them. A baseline model, in which Universal Grammar is reduced to a feature set and an SPE-style constraint format, suffices to learn many phonotactic phenomena. In order for the model to learn nonlocal phenomena such as stress and vowel harmony, it must be augmented with autosegmental tiers and metrical grids. Our results thus offer novel, learning-theoretic support for such representations. We apply the model in a variety of learning simulations, showing that the learned grammars capture the distributional generalizations of these languages and accurately predict the findings of a phonotactic experiment.
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Faust, Noam, and Nicola Lampitelli. "Virtual Length and the Two I's of Qaraqosh Neo-Aramaic." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 1 (2020): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgz036.
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Abstract This paper examines the differences in form between weak-final (III-j) verbs and strong verbs in the Neo-Aramaic dialect of Qaraqosh (Khan 2002). The analysis, conducted in the autosegmental theory of Strict CV (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004), derives these differences from the interaction of the common template with the weak radical of weak verbs. In addition, it accounts for two surprising facts about this lan-guage: (i) the distribution of the vowel [I], which only contrasts with other relevant vowels in the final unstressed position; and (ii) the marking, unique among Semitic languages, of a gender distinction in the imperative only on weak verbs. The analysis suggests that both these facts follow from the assumption that [I] is a phonologically short /i/, while a phonologically long /i/ is realized with the quality [i]. It thus argues for non-surface-true ‘virtual’ length.
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Gurlekian, Jorge, and Guillermo Toledo. "AMPER-Argentina: pretonemas en oraciones interrogativas absolutas." Lexis 33, no. 2 (April 3, 2009): 223–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/lexis.200902.002.
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Este trabajo es parte del Proyecto AMPER (Atlas Multimedia de la Prosodia del Espacio Románico). El área dialectal de estudio es el español de Buenos Aires. En el artículo se analizan las oraciones interrogativas absolutas SVO: un SN (núcleos sintácticos paroxítonos, proparoxítonos, oxítonos), un SV (núcleo paroxítono), un SPrep (núcleos paroxítonos, proparoxítonos, oxítonos). También se examinan los pretonemas según el modelo de entonación métrico y autosegmental (AM), y se observa la influencia de la frase fonológica (φ) en la representación fonológica de los acentos tonales. Los resultados de los pretonemas indican diferencias y no un único fraseo prosódico que caracterice a esta modalidad. Los primeros picos (P1) de la primera φ no muestran tonos más altos si se los compara con los P1 de oraciones declarativas. Se descarta un tono de frontera H% inicial. Estos hallazgos confirman otro estudio previo: la información sobre la modalidad interrogativa absoluta se encuentra fuera del pretonema, en el tonema final.
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Armero-Pérez, María-Cristina, Ignacio Moreno-Torres-Sánchez, and Paolo Roseano. "Transcripción de la entonación de la variedad del andaluz de Álora según el sistema Sp_ToBI." Rilce. Revista de Filología Hispánica 38, no. 2 (June 20, 2021): 579–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/008.38.2.579-616.
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En los últimos años se han ido desarrollando numerosos estudios sobre la entonación de las lenguas basados en el modelo métrico-autosegmental establecido por Janet Pierrehumbert. El objetivo de este trabajo es el de describir los principales contornos de F0 en diferentes tipos de enunciados de la localidad de Álora (Málaga), un punto situado en una zona de confluencia entre la variedad oriental y occidental andaluzas. Con ese fin, se han grabado mediante la técnica del Discourse Completion Task 224 oraciones producidas por 7 hablantes de esa localidad. Los contornos entonativos así obtenidos se han anotado mediante el sistema de transcripción Sp_ToBI. Además de describir la entonación de los diferentes tipos de enunciados, en este trabajo se realiza también una comparación con las variedades del espanol central peninsular, estudiado por Estebas-Vilaplana y Prieto, y del jerezano, analizado por Henriksen y García-Amaya. Los resultados indican que el habla de Álora se acerca entonativamente más al jerezano que al español peninsular central, aunque se diferencia del primero en varias modalidades oracionales (declarativas neutras de más de una unidad tonal, declarativas de obviedad, interrogativas parciales neutras, órdenes, vocativos insistentes).
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Colina, Sonia. "Spirantization in Spanish: The role of the underlying representation." Linguistics 58, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0035.
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AbstractSpirantization is one of the most frequently studied phonological phenomena of Spanish (Barlow, Jessica A. 2003. The stop-spirant alternation in Spanish: Converging evidence for a fortition account. Southwest Journal of Linguistics 22. 51–86; Zampini, Mary. 1994. The role of native language transfer and task formality in the acquisition of Spanish spirantization. Hispania 77. 470–481; among others). For a majority of dialects, Spanish voiced plosives have been traditionally described as having a continuant and a non-continuant realization in complementary distribution (Navarro Tomás, Tomás. 1977. Manual de pronunciación española. 19th edn. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas; Hualde, José Ignacio. 2005. The sounds of Spanish. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press; among others). Yet, phonetic studies reveal a more complex picture consisting of a great deal of phonetic variability and gradience among continuant realizations (Carrasco, Patricio, José Ignacio Hualde and Miquel Simonet. 2012. Dialectal differences in Spanish voiced obstruent allophony: Costa Rican versus Iberian Spanish. Phonetica 69. 149–179; among others; Simonet, Miquel, José Ignacio Hualde and Mariana Nadeu. 2012. Lenition of/d/in spontaneous Spanish and Catalan. Paper presented at INTERSPEECH) which is not captured by existing generative accounts (Bakovic, Eric. 1997. Strong onsets and Spanish fortition. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 23. 21–39; Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44; Kirchner, Robert. 2001. Phonological contrast and articulatory effort. In Linda Lombardi (ed.), Segmental phonology in Optimality Theory, 79–117. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; among others). Furthermore, most analyses focus almost exclusively on the general distribution of spirantization, excluding other dialectal patterns (Amastae, Jon. 1995. Variable spirantization: Constraint weighting in three dialects. Hispanic Linguistics 6(7). 265–285; among others). The current proposal accounts for the phonetic variability and gradience evinced by phonetic studies, as well as dialectal variation in one optimality theoretic-analysis. Spirantization is explained as the result of effort reduction, rather than the result of assimilation (contra Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44, among others). Phonetic variability in the general dialects is argued to be related to the underlying representation: voiced obstruents are underspecified for continuancy both in the input and the output of the phonology, which explains gradience in implementation and responds to the need to avoid the marked configuration represented by a combination of voicing and maximal stricture found in voiced stops (Colina, Sonia. 2016. On onset clusters in Spanish: Voiced obstruent underspecification and /f/. In Rafael A. Núñez Cedeño (ed.), The syllable and stress: Studies in honor of James W. Harris. Boston, MA: Mouton de Gruyter). Dialectal variation stems from differences in the underlying representation and in the ranking of the constraints. The proposal is also able to explain variations on the two major dialectal patterns.
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Dorta, Josefa. "La entonación interrogativa del español en la frontera México-EEUU de América: comparación de tres corpus de habla de informantes texanos con estudios superiores." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 1 (March 7, 2018): 108–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0005.
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AbstractThe objective of this work is analysing absolute interrogative sentences from the Spanish of San Antonio de Texas using three corpus featuring different levels of spontaneity (formal ad hoc, situational and conversational), and uttered by native speakers with superior studies. The choice of these corpus and their acoustic analyses have been performed according to the methodology established by the international project AMPER (Atlas Multimédia Prosodique de l’Espace Roman). Furthermore, we have undertaken the phonetic-phonological labelling of the boundary tones and of initial and nuclear pitch accents within the framework of the autosegmental-metrical model. This study has been carried out with the aim of contributing to the knowledge of Texan intonation, in order to make comparisons with other varieties of Spanish language as well as to include it in the international Atlas AMPER. We hypothesize that interrogatives from the informants considered follow the patterns described for Mexican interrogatives (Sosa, 1999; Ávila, 2003; Martín Butragueño, 2004, among others), taking into account the geographical location of San Antonio de Texas in relation to Mexico and the influence of Mexican immigration, which has a strong presence in San Antonio. Results provide evidence of such influence, particularly in the final ascent of the F0.
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Hantgan, Abbie, and Stuart Davis. "The Abstract Nature of the Bondu Vowel System: Evidence from [ATR] Harmony." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 3 (April 8, 2012): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.607.
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This paper argues for an abstract analysis of the vowel system of Bondu, a Dogon language of Mali. Data come from fieldwork and have not been previously published. Phonetically, Bondu has seven vowels: two [+high, +ATR] vowels ([i], [u]), a [+low, –ATR] vowel [a], and a [±ATR] contrast in the mid vowels: front ([e], [?]) and back ([o], [?]). We argue, however, that underlyingly certain high vowels are [–ATR] while some low vowels are [+ATR]; the contrast is neutralized so that high vowels surface as [+ATR] and low vowels as [–ATR]. Evidence comes from the realization of the perfective suffix /–??/ which alternates between [è] ~ [??], depending on the underlying [ATR] value of the vowel in the verb root. The data in (1) illustrate root-controlled [±ATR] harmony. (Forms show 3rd person singular). (1) a. [nòj–è] sleep c. [d???–??] leave b. [nèmbìl–è] beg d. [k???–??] cut The data in (2) are more complex. (2) a. [bìj–è] lie down c. [?ìj–??] dance b. [sù?–è] go down d. [?ù?–??] recognize While all the root vowels in (2) are phonetically [+high, +ATR], we analyze those in (2c-d) as having an underlying [–ATR] feature. Here we follow Archangelli and Pulleyblank (1994) who view the feature combination [–ATR], [+high] as antagonistic: phonetically unrealized, though phonologically present. Similarly, while there is only one surfacing [+low, –ATR] vowel in Bondu, verb roots with low vowels are divided between those that take a [+ATR] suffix (3a) and those taking [–ATR] (3b). (3) a. [bàr–è] help b. [pà?–??] tie We analyze the surface low vowel in (3a) as abstractly [+low, +ATR], (3b) as [+low, –ATR] with the underlying [ATR] feature of the root spreading to the suffix. A further argument for the abstract feature analysis comes from the complex alternations found with the imperative suffix in (4) (same roots from above). (4) a. [nój–ó] f. [dó?–á] b. [némbíl–ó] g. [ké?–á] c. [bíj–ó] h. [?íj–á] d. [sú?–ó] i. [d?ú?–á] e. [bár–á] j. [pá?–á] We analyze the realization of the imperative suffix vowel by spreading of the underlying [ATR] feature of the root vowel as in the perfective, but with an additional assimilatory process raising the underlying [+low] suffix vowel to [–low] when preceded by a vowel that is underlying [–low, +ATR]. We view this as an instance of parasitic harmony which applies in (4a-d). The unexpected realization of [+ATR] on the stem vowels in (4f-i) is analyzed as the docking of a floating [+ATR] feature that comes with the imperative suffix. We argue that our abstract feature analysis is superior to an alternative under-specification analysis since there is no consistency whether [+ATR] or [–ATR] is underspecified given the behavior of high vowel roots in (2) and (4); our analysis of the imperative is also consistent with Wolf's (2007) observation that floating autosegments avoid docking on morphemes that sponsor them. Archangeli, D. and D. Pulleyblank (1994) Grounded Phonology. MIT Press: Cambridge, MA. Wolf, M. (2007). For an Autosegmental Theory of Mutation. In L. Bateman, M. O’Keefe, E. Reilly & A. Werle (Eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 32: Papers in Optimality Theory III (Vol. 32 pp. 315-404). Amherst: GLSA.
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Schwartz, Richard G. "Clinical Applications of Recent Advances in Phonological Theory." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 23, no. 3 (July 1992): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.2303.269.
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Historically, the behavioral theory of articulation that was applied to clinical assessment was consistent with the behavioral theory of developmental change that was applied to intervention. However, more recent applications of cognitively oriented linguistic theories have not been accompanied by novel intervention approaches. This article reviews some recent advances in phonological theories, including autosegmental, metrical, and lexical phonology, and their potential applications. A new theory of developmental change that also is cognitive in its orientation is presented, along with some preliminary suggestions for clinical applications.
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Matzenauer-Hernandorena, Carmen Lúcia. "A relevância do contexto lingüístico na aquisição da fonologia e nos desvios fonológicos do desenvolvimento: o exemplo da palatalização." Cadernos de Estudos Lingüísticos 40 (August 10, 2011): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/cel.v40i0.8637118.
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Focusing the palatalization of coronal stops, a study with children acquiring Brazilian Portuguese, in normal and deviant process, makes clear a significant influence of the linguistic context in the behavior of consonantal segments, causing phonetic effects of co-articulation. In the analysis of the data, theoretical model based in constraints, as Optimality Theory, and dynamic model, as Articulatory Phonology, show more consistency in the explanation of context dependent phenomenon, like palatalization, than Autosegmental Theory, that demands a mixed solution, with the use of rules and also the use of output constraints.
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Ishihara, Shunichi. "Osaka and Kagoshima Japanese citation tone acoustics: A linguistic-tonetic comparative study." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 42, no. 1 (March 12, 2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100311000478.
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The pitch realisations of the accentual systems in Osaka Japanese (OJ) and Kagoshima Japanese (KJ) have been auditorily described in detail, and analysed within various phonological frameworks. However, little linguistic-phonetic descriptive research has been undertaken on the accent types of Japanese dialects in such a way as to enable a cross-dialectal comparison of their acoustic realisation. In this study, linguistic-tonetic representations of OJ and KJ tonalities are derived from normalised acoustic representations for pitch patterns conventionally described as LH, LHL, LLH and LLLH. A comparison of these representations across the two dialects demonstrates some significant differences in the acoustic realisation of the H/L units. The implications of these observed differences for surface tonal representation of KJ within Autosegmental-Metrical theory are also explored.
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Heston, Tyler. "The role of rhythm in intonational melody: A case study from Fataluku." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1 (June 12, 2016): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3712.
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This paper takes a fresh look at the theoretical relationship between linguistic rhythm and linguistic melody, arguing for a closer connection between metrical structure and intonational organization than is typically assumed. The focus of this paper is the theoretical treatment of word-medial intonational targets in languages without stress, since at first glance, such word-medial targets challenge the core assumption of the autosegmental-metrical theory of intonation that all intonational targets are aligned either with a stressed syllable or with the edge of a prosodic domain. I propose that this theoretical dilemma may be resolved by taking into account foot edges as possible alignment sites for edge tones. The claim that intonational tones may be aligned with foot edges is supported with new data from the Papuan language Fataluku. The implications of such an analysis for other stressless languages are also discussed.
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Ringen, Catherine O. "Transparency in Hungarian vowel harmony." Phonology 5, no. 2 (August 1988): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700002335.
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Phonologists have known for some time that the so-called ‘standard’ theory of generative phonology is not adequate for the analysis of vowel harmony. Ringen (1975, 1977, 1980) suggests that some of the problems can be solved by abandoning the assumption that phonological representations are fully specified. Clements (1977b, 1980) suggests that vowel harmony should be analysed autosegmentally. Underspecification theory, developed in the recent work of Kiparsky, Archangeli and Pulleyblank, incorporates both of these proposals. This paper considers how Hungarian can be analysed within this theory. It is shown that by adopting Goldsmith's (1985) proposal that vowel harmony in Hungarian involves the spreading of the feature [−back], the transparent (neutral) vowels in Hungarian are derived because the redundancy rule assigning [−back] to these vowels, although available, does not apply early in the derivation because its structural description is not met.
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Labastía, Leopoldo Omar. "PROSODY, RELEVANCE AND MANIPULATION IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." Linguagem em (Dis)curso 22, no. 3 (September 2022): 421–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-4017-22-03-421-441.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to examine the role of intonation in political discourse in River Plate Spanish as a means to manipulate audiences into accepting questionable assumptions. The analysis of intonation is carried out in the Autosegmental-Metrical model applied to Argentinian Spanish and its interpretation is made in the framework of Relevance Theory. Some extracts from three interviews of two politicians and a presidential address are analysed, using PRAAT (BOERSMA; WEENINCK, 2020), a software for speech analysis, and interpreted using the Sp_ToBI transcription system. The analysis shows that level and rising intonation, often associated with background information, can be used to indicate, together with other linguistic devices, that information is to be processed as forming part of the common ground shared with the audience, and thus beyond questioning. In this way, information favourable to the speaker is made more accessible and attention is diverted from critical information.
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Jardine, Adam, Nick Danis, and Luca Iacoponi. "A Formal Investigation of Q-Theory in Comparison to Autosegmental Representations." Linguistic Inquiry, January 10, 2020, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00376.
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We use model theory to rigorously evaluate Q-Theory as proposed in Shih and Inkelas 2019 as an alternative to Autosegmental Phonology. We find that Q-Theory is remarkably similar to Autosegmental Phonology, contra some of Shih and Inkelas's claims. In particular, Q-Theory does not eschew the association relation, in Q-Theory the tone-bearing unit is the vowel, and Q-Theory and Autosegmental Phonology are equivalent in terms of the constraints they can express. However, this formal analysis clarifies the truly novel contribution of Q-Theory, which is the empirical claim that all segments are tripartite.
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Toledo, Guillermo. "Fraseo en español peninsular y modelo autosegmental y métrico." Estudios filológicos, no. 42 (September 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0071-17132007000100015.
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DiCanio, Christian. "The evolution of tonally conditioned allomorphy in Triqui: evidence from spontaneous speech corpora." Linguistics Vanguard, July 8, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lingvan-2021-0093.
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Abstract One of the defining characteristics of tonal systems in phonological theory is the notion of tonal stability (Goldsmith, John. 1990. Autosegmental and metrical phonology. Oxford: Blackwell; Yip, Moira. 2002. Tone. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Tones remain stable even if their tone-bearing unit changes or is deleted. In the context of historical sound change, tones may either persist as floating tones (from an autosegmental-metrical perspective) or fuse with adjacent syllables and give rise to more complex tonal inventories. However, the process of segmental loss which ultimately conditions historical tonal change is gradual in nature. Tone-bearing units may lenite or they may be optionally realized, leading listeners to rely on coarticulatory cues or phonetic information on adjacent syllables. In the current paper, I examine how variation in the realization of clitic pronouns is conditioned by adjacent tonal cues in Itunyoso Triqui (Otomanguean) within a corpus of spontaneous speech recordings. This research examines and provides evidence for the hypothesis that tonally conditioned allomorphy arises specifically when two conditions are met: (a) there is a morphological context where prosodic units are likely to lenite (highly redundant contexts); and (b) adjacent tonal cues are most informative at this morphophonological boundary. The findings shed light not only on how phonologically conditioned allomorphy arises but also on how variable deletion is sensitive to patterns of multiple exponence during language use.
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Roseano, Paolo, and Francesco Rodriquez. "Tune-text accommodation in Optimality Theory: an account of Southern Valencian Catalan yes-no questions." Folia Linguistica, December 21, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2022-2052.
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Abstract This paper aims at contributing to ascertain the principles of intonational grammar that lie behind the realization of nuclear contours and at presenting them in terms of Optimality Theory constraints. In order to do so, we analyse the prosody of the nuclear configuration of Southern Valencian Catalan yes-no questions, with special emphasis on situations where text-tune accommodation phenomena take place. The empirical data, which are analysed according to the principles of the autosegmental-metrical model, show a complex interplay of different phenomena at the text-tune interface, like vowel lengthening, tonal spreading, tonal retraction and intonation-driven schwa epenthesis. We argue that the variation detected in the data can be accounted for by the interaction of nine constraints (i.e., Max-IO(µp), Dep-IO(µs), Anchor(T%,Rt,IP,Rt), Anchor(L*,Rt,ˈσ,Rt), *Anchor(T,C), *Anchor(T,-voice), Share(T*,NC), Dep-IO(Associate), Max-IO(Associate)), whose ranking is established by means of a Stochastic Optimality Theory analysis.
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Trommer, Jochen. "The stratal structure of Kuria morphological tone." Phonology, February 12, 2024, 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000180.
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Abstract Marlo et al. (2015) claim that Kuria verbal tone morphology undermines three well-established principles of locality and modularity: (1) Phonological Locality: the assumption that rules and constraints may only evaluate a small window of phonological objects; (2) Cyclic Locality: the stratal organization of morphophonology into stems, words and phrases; and (3) Indirect Reference: the claim that phonological rules and constraints cannot directly access morphosyntactic information. Sande et al. (2020) turn this claim into an argument for a new model of the morphosyntax–phonology interface, Cophonologies by Phase, which erases the separation between phonology and morphology and abandons standard locality domains in favour of syntactic phases. In this article, I show that the conclusions of both articles are unfounded: the Kuria data follow naturally from an analysis based on autosegmental tone melodies in a version of Stratal Optimality Theory which embraces all three restrictions, Phonological and Cyclic Locality and Indirect Reference, the latter implemented by Coloured Containment Theory. I argue that this approach obviates the technical and conceptual objections raised by Marlo et al. against a tone-melody analysis of Kuria, and makes more restrictive predictions about possible systems of tonal morphophonology compared to construction phonology frameworks.
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Serra, Carolina, and Ingrid Oliveira. "The intonation of Portuguese spoken in Maputo, Mozambique: A case study." DELTA: Documentação de Estudos em Lingüística Teórica e Aplicada 38, no. 3 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-460x202258880.
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ABSTRACT This case study of Portuguese as spoken in Maputo, the capital of Mozambique, describes the intonation of neutral declarative SVO sentences and neutral yes-no questions using the theory and methodological tools of Prosodic Phonology and Autosegmental-Metrical Intonational Phonology. In neutral declaratives, 1) prosodic phrasing of Subject and Predicate into independent (S)(VO) intonational phrases (IPs) predominated; 2) LH+L* L% and H+L* L% nuclear contours predominated in final IPs, while contours with high H% boundary were most frequent in medial IPs; 3) phrase accents frequently occurred between S and V, between V and O and even within S, separating the nucleus from its complements; and 4) an additional tone was possible in association with the pre-stressed syllables of long (5-syllable), mostly IP-initial, prosodic words. In neutral questions, the nucleus most often featured a rising-falling L+(<¡)H* L% movement. High tonal density was also found, with pitch accents associated with stressed syllables of all PWs in both declaratives and yes-no questions.
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Faust, Noam. "Size, allomorphy and guttural-final stems in Modern Hebrew." Linguistic Review, August 2, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2021-2069.
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Abstract There is a tendency for syncretism between future and infinitive stems in Modern Hebrew. Verbs with final orthographic gutturals do not follow this trend in one verbal type. In another, they do follow it, but their exponent is different from that of regular verbs. Previous studies have claimed that (i) gutturals are represented in Modern Hebrew as a vowel /a/ (Faust, Noam. 2005. The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University MA Thesis); (ii) Infinitives are derived in two cycles (Faust, Noam & Vered Silber-Varod. 2014. Distributed Morphology and prosody: The case of prepositions. In Burit Melnik (ed.), Proceedings of IATL29 (MITWPL 72), 71–92. Cambridge (MA): MIT Press); and (iii) stems seek to be no shorter than two syllables (e.g. Bat-El, Outi. 2003. The fate of the consonantal root and the binyan in Optimality Theory. Recherches Linguistiques de Vincennes 32. 31–60.). Relying on these claims, an analysis is proposed involving two allomorphs with a priority relation. Phonological considerations of multiple correspondence, word size and cyclicity may nevertheless override the effect of priority, leading to the selection of the non-default allomorph. In the last section I briefly discuss two alternatives to the priority relation: the autosegmental alternative and the gradient alternative.
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Breteler, Jeroen, and René Kager. "Layered feet and syllable-integrity violations: The case of Copperbelt Bemba bounded tone spread." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, April 21, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-021-09514-1.
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AbstractWe identify evidence supporting two amendments to standard metrical theory: the inclusion of layered feet, and the allowance of syllable-integrity violations, where a foot parses some, but not all, of a syllable’s constituents. The evidence comes from a High tone spreading process attested in Copperbelt Bemba (CB), which as reported by Bickmore and Kula (2013) et seq., occurs over a ternary domain. In quintessentially metrical fashion, the domain is sensitive to the presence and position of heavy syllables. Thus, we argue that metrical theory should take the CB data into account.CB ternary spreading can occur in contexts with an abundance of unparsed syllables on either side of the domain. We argue that this property is problematic for ‘Weak Layering’ accounts using binary feet (McCarthy and Prince 1986; Hayes 1995), which revolve around the minimal presence of unparsed syllables. We propose an alternative account using layered feet (Martínez-Paricio and Kager 2015), specifying an inner quantity-sensitive iamb and a strictly monomoraic adjunct. We show that a principled characterization of the spreading domain is that tone associates to all and only footed moras. We argue that a metrical analysis provides a more principled account of the data than can be achieved by Bickmore and Kula’s purely autosegmental analysis.Finally, we show that foot-based accounts of CB ternary spreading predict syllable-integrity violations (SIVs), where parsing consumes only the first of two tautosyllabic moras. Contrary to the common view that SIVs are universally disallowed, we embrace this result and put it in a typological context. We adopt an Optimality Theory constraint set to model SIVs (Kager and Martínez-Paricio 2018b), and extend it, paving the way for a typological investigation of SIVs.