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Journal articles on the topic 'Autosegmental Theory'
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1
Archangeli, Diana, and Rochelle Lieber. "An Integrated Theory of Autosegmental Processes." Language 64, no. 4 (December 1988): 791. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414576.
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Spencer, Andrew. "Vowel harmony, neutral vowels and autosegmental theory." Lingua 69, no. 1-2 (June 1986): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(86)90076-8.
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Haile, Alemayehu, and Al Mtenje. "In defence of the autosegmental treatment of nonconcatenative morphology." Journal of Linguistics 24, no. 2 (September 1988): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700011853.
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The aim of this paper is to defend the autosegmental account of nonconcatenative morphology originally proposed by McCarthy (1979, 1981), which has been seriously challenged by Hudson (1986). It is argued that an autosegmental analysis of nonconcatenative morphology such as that of Arabic still remains a better alternative than what Hudson proposes. We first present a brief overview of McCarthy's theory of non-concatenative morphology. We then review Hudson's criticisms of such an autosegmental approach to Arabic morphology and we end up by showing why his reanalysis does not constitute a better alternative than the criticized autosegmental account.
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Shih, Stephanie S., and Sharon Inkelas. "Autosegmental Aims in Surface-Optimizing Phonology." Linguistic Inquiry 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 137–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00304.
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We develop a novel optimization approach to tone. Its grammatical component consists of the similarity- and proximity-based correspondence constraint framework of Agreement by Correspondence theory (ABC). Its representational component, Q Theory, decomposes segments ( Q) into temporally ordered, quantized subsegments ( q), which comprise unitary sets of distinctive features, including tone. ABC+Q unites phonological alternations and static lexical patterns, as we illustrate with a programmatic survey of core tonal phenomena: assimilation, dissimilation, lexical tone melodies, and consonant-tone interaction. ABC+Q surmounts long-standing problems for autosegmental-era, multitiered representational approaches to tone, and unites tonal and segmental phonology under the modern umbrella of correspondence theory.
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Zaleska, Joanna. "Coalescence as autosegmental spreading and delinking." Phonology 37, no. 4 (November 2020): 697–735. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675720000317.
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Phonological coalescence, understood as a type of synchronic alternation in which two phonological elements seem to fuse into one, presents a prima facie challenge for versions of Optimality Theory that assume the principle of containment. If all underlying material has to be present in the output form, replacing two input elements with a single output element is not straightforward. I argue that, under the assumptions of Autosegmental Coloured Containment Theory, a distinct operation of coalescence is unnecessary, as all major types of coalescence patterns can be analysed in terms of (i) adding new association lines between some autosegmental nodes, and (ii) the underparsing of other nodes, leading to their phonetic non-realisation. The proposed analysis accurately reflects the heterogeneity of coalescence alternations, which are shown to fall into three different types.
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Goldsmith, John. "Vowel harmony in Khalkha Mongolian, Yaka, Finnish and Hungarian." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (May 1985): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000452.
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The discussion of vowel harmony in this paper continues the theoretical discussion that was sparked by Clements' first proposals concerning an autosegmental treatment of vowel harmony in general (1980 [1976]). I will attempt to show that problems that arose in early autosegmental treatments of certain types of vowel harmony can be elegantly overcome and that autosegmental theory more generally provides an attractive framework for the treatment of vowel systems and vowel harmony. I will discuss three distinct types of systems here: the slightly asymmetrical system of Khalkha Mongolian, the canonical five-vowel system as it can be seen in Bantu (Yaka, in this case), and the well-known Finnish/Hungarian type of system. The kinds of advances made here answer, I believe, the critical comments made in Anderson (1980), in which significant sceptical questions are raised concerning whether the successes of autosegmental accounts of West African systems can be extended to other types of vowel harmony systems.
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A., Oladimeji Olaide, and Opoola Bolanle T. "Ikhin Tone and Nasality: Autosegmental Effects." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 12, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 603–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1204.11.
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In generative phonology, tone and nasality are described as suprasegmental phonological units. This implies that their survival depends on the segments on which they are grounded. Thus, when a tone bearing unit or nasality bearing unit disappears, any of these segments also disappears. In autosegmental theory, however, tone or nasality survives after the deletion of segment to which it is attached. This phenomenon is termed ‘stability’ which is the foundation for autosegmental phonological theory. Stability is the survival of tone and nasality after the deletion of segments on which they are grounded. Tone and nasality exhibit stability in Ikhin, a North-Central Edoid language spoken in Edo State, South-South, Nigeria. Previous study on Ikhin dwells mainly on the phonetics of the language. This study, therefore, investigates phonological processes such as vowel elision, glide formation and nasalization with a view to determining the stability or otherwise of tone and nasality. This paper confirms that in Ikhin, any process that involves the removal of a tone bearing unit must relate to stability and relate to the creation of contour tones. The study further confirms that nasality remains stable even in the absence of segment to which it is linked. Based on available data, it is argued that the deletion of a Tone Bearing Unit (TBU) or a Nasality Bearing Unit (NBU) does not necessarily involve the deletion of tone or nasality. Infact, it usual does not. The study concludes that tone and nasality are independent segments. They are as independent as consonant and vowel.
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Mohd Rusli, Nur Farahkhanna. "Debukalisasi dan asimilasi fitur dalam Bahasa Kerinci: Analisis Teori Autosegmental." Pendeta Journal of Malay Language, Education and Literature 10 (December 24, 2019): 134–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37134/pendeta.vol10.10.2019.
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Veysi, Elkhas, and Farangis Abbaszadeh. "The Templatic Syllable Patterns of Reduplication and Stem-affixing Inflections in the Classical Arabic Based on Prosodic Morphology Theory." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 6, no. 11 (November 1, 2016): 2196. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0611.18.
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A morpheme, is a set of feature matrices dominated by a single node. Reduplication or gemination is one of the productive morphological processes which have been studied inclusively in different languages and in the frame of different linguistic theories like Generative Grammar, Optimality Theory and Minimalist Program. McCarthy's prosodic theory is justified by an analysis of the formal properties of the system of verbal processes like reduplication are the primary or sole morphological operations. This theory of nonconcatenative morphology recognizing the root as a discontinuous constituent. Under the prosodic model, a morphological category which characteristically reduplicates simply stipulates an output template composed of vowel and consonant. Consonantal roots and vocalic melodies in Arabic, although they contain bundles of the same distinctive features, can nevertheless be represented on separate autosegmental tiers. This ensures that the association conventions for melodies can operate independently on these two tiers. Association of autosegments from different tiers to the same segments will be subject to the natural restriction that no segment receives multiple associations for the same nontonal feature.
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Gutt, Ernst-August. "A multi-tiered approach to Silt'i verb morphology." Studies in African Linguistics 16, no. 2 (August 1, 1985): 183–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v16i2.107503.
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The replacement of the familiar linear phonological representations of the SPE-type by the multi-tiered configurations proposed in autosegmental phonology has enriched the theoretical apparatus available to the linguist and has opened the way for a better understanding of the workings of phonology. One particular strength of this theory is that it predicts the existence of distinct subsystems within a phonological system and offers a principled account of their interactions. Applied to the aspectual inflection of Silt'i verbs, the multi-tiered approach proves its potential by accommodating two distinct subsystems of inflection, viz. CV-pattern inflection and ablaut inflection, in a unified, principled description. From a more , general point of view, this paper sketches one possible way of integrating syllable theory as a distinct subsystem into an autosegmental system of phonology.
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Schwartz, Richard G. "Clinical Applications of Recent Advances in Phonological Theory." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 23, no. 3 (July 1992): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.2303.269.
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Historically, the behavioral theory of articulation that was applied to clinical assessment was consistent with the behavioral theory of developmental change that was applied to intervention. However, more recent applications of cognitively oriented linguistic theories have not been accompanied by novel intervention approaches. This article reviews some recent advances in phonological theories, including autosegmental, metrical, and lexical phonology, and their potential applications. A new theory of developmental change that also is cognitive in its orientation is presented, along with some preliminary suggestions for clinical applications.
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Ramadoss, Deepti. "Probabilistic Modeling of Tone Perception: Autosegmental ‘targets’ are insufficient." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 2 (July 6, 2011): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.558.
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Existing tone perception models simply match f0-value strings of stimuli to category templates. Here we propose probabilistic models of Thai tone perception motivated by phonological theory: tone categories are defined by High(H) and Low(L) target combinations associated with syllable moras. Category specific prior probability distributions are computed over these target (f0-value) sets; then, the most likely category of any given stimulus is computed. Probabilities computed by Model 1 are over targets (accuracy: 36.36%); Model 2 are over slopes between targets (accuracy: 63.6%). Overall, this research shows that phonological representations of a single cue are insufficient to account for tone perception.
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Black, H. Andrew. "The phonology of the velar glide in Axininca Campa." Phonology 8, no. 2 (August 1991): 183–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001378.
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Three important strands of research characterise modern phonological theory; (i) the cyclic interaction of morphology and phonology; (ii) prosodic structure as it is built from segments into moras, syllables, feet and ultimately the phonological word; and (iii) the precise internal structure of segments, including feature geometry, how these features may reside on autosegmental tiers, and how they may be underspecified.
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Iyiola, Amos Damilare. "Denasalisation in the spoken French of Ijebu undergraduate French learners in selected universities in south West of Nigeria." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 7, no. 3 (September 10, 2018): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v7i3.12.
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Denasalisation is a lexical phenomenon brought into play during the process of lexicalisation while nasalisation is a natural process which occurs when an oral sound is modified in the environment of an adjacent nasal sound. Little attention is paid to the former because phonologists admit that nasalisation is more natural during speech production. This paper, therefore, examined denasalisation in the spoken French of 50 Ijebu Undergraduate French Learners (IUFLs) in Selected Universities in South West of Nigeria with a view to establishing instances of denasalisation in their spoken French. Data collection for this study was through tape-recording of participants’ production of 30 sentences containing French vowel and consonant sounds. Goldsmith’s Autosegmental phonology blended with distinctive feature theory was used to analyse instances of denasalisation in the data collected. The study revealed instances of denasalisation of nasal sounds at initial and final positions in the spoken French of the IUFLs.Keywords: IUFLs, Denasalisation, Autosegmental Phonology, French as Foreign language
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Zoll, Cheryl. "Optimal Tone Mapping." Linguistic Inquiry 34, no. 2 (April 2003): 225–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438903321663398.
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Traditional autosegmental accounts of tone mapping invoke three independent factors: morphological category, tone quality, and a phonological directionality parameter. This article argues that the evidence for phonological directionality must be reconsidered. The article introduces a theory of Optimal Tone Mapping, in which attested patterns derive solely from the interaction of morphological directionality with quality-sensitive markedness constraints. The more restrictive theory of tone association that results from eliminating constraints that impose phonological directionality provides a new typology of tone melody languages.
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Takahashi, Yasunori. "The phonological status of Low tones in Shanghai tone sandhi." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 20, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 15–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00028.tak.
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Abstract In Shanghai tone sandhi, with the exception of T5 (yangru) sandhi, a pitch-fall occurs at the second or third syllable of a phonological word (or a sandhi domain). Previous analyses argue that this is invoked by the insertion of a default Low tone to satisfy the Well-formedness Condition of the autosegmental theory. However, in the framework of the present autosegmental theory, that condition is no longer necessarily satisfied, and an alternative interpretation, adopting a boundary Low tone, has been suggested. To evaluate the appropriateness of the default and boundary interpretations, we compared pitch contours among di- to tetrasyllabic words in greater detail. The results show that, in T1 to T4 sandhi, disyllabic words tend to have lower pitch contours than tri- and tetrasyllabic words at the first and second syllables, and that, in tetrasyllables, minimum pitch values were constantly attested at the third syllable. These results indicate that in Shanghai tone sandhi, a boundary Low tone is assigned at the right edge of a phonological word, and it is further associated with the third syllable in tetrasyllables. This boundary interpretation further gives an appropriate explanation of the difference of the pitch-fall between Middle and New Shanghai.
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Matzenauer-Hernandorena, Carmen Lúcia. "A relevância do contexto lingüístico na aquisição da fonologia e nos desvios fonológicos do desenvolvimento: o exemplo da palatalização." Cadernos de Estudos Lingüísticos 40 (August 10, 2011): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/cel.v40i0.8637118.
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Focusing the palatalization of coronal stops, a study with children acquiring Brazilian Portuguese, in normal and deviant process, makes clear a significant influence of the linguistic context in the behavior of consonantal segments, causing phonetic effects of co-articulation. In the analysis of the data, theoretical model based in constraints, as Optimality Theory, and dynamic model, as Articulatory Phonology, show more consistency in the explanation of context dependent phenomenon, like palatalization, than Autosegmental Theory, that demands a mixed solution, with the use of rules and also the use of output constraints.
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Sa’aida, Zainab. "An Autosegmental Account of Melodic Processes in Jordanian Rural Arabic." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 10, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.10n.1p.50.
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This study aims at providing an autosegmental account of feature spread in assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic. I hypothesise that in any assimilatory situation in Jordanian rural Arabic the undergoer assimilates a whole or a portion of the matrix of the trigger. I also hypothesise that assimilation in Jordanian rural Arabic is motivated by violation of the obligatory contour principle on a specific tier or by spread of a feature from a trigger to a compatible undergoer. Data of the study were analysed in the framework of autosegmental phonology with focus on the notion of dominance in assimilation. Findings of the study have revealed that an undergoer assimilates a whole of the matrix of a trigger in the assimilation of /t/ of the detransitivizing prefix /Ɂɪt-/, coronal sonorant assimilation, and inter-dentalization of dentals. However, partial assimilation occurs in the processes of nasal place assimilation, anticipatory labialization, and palatalization of plosives. Findings have revealed that assimilation occurs when the obligatory contour principle is violated on the place tier. Violation is then resolved by deletion of the place node in the leftmost matrix and by right-to-left spread of a feature from rightmost matrix to leftmost matrix. It has been also revealed that spread of a primary or a non-primary feature from a trigger to an undergoer can motivate assimilation to occur in some assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic.
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Hyman, Larry M., and Armindo Ngunga. "On the non-universality of tonal association ‘conventions’: evidence from Ciyao." Phonology 11, no. 1 (May 1994): 25–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001834.
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One of the major aims of linguistic theory is to determine what is universal vs. language-specific within grammatical systems. In phonology, for example, a number of universals have been proposed and incorporated into the various subtheories that deal with segmental and prosodic aspects of sound systems. In his original autosegmental theory, for instance, Goldsmith (1976) provided a formalism and a set of principles embodying a number of universal claims about how different tiers may link to each other. Most of the support for this theory came from the study of tone: tones (Ts) were said to reside on separate ‘tiers’ joined by association lines to their respective tone-bearing units (TBUs).
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Véliz C., Mauricio. "La Fonología del Foco Contrastivo en la variedad de inglés denominada RP y español de Chile." Literatura y Lingüística, no. 21 (June 26, 2015): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/0717621x.21.134.
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ResumenEl presente trabajo procura determinar y comparar los mecanismos entonacionales utilizados para establecer contraste entre el inglés RP y español de Chile. Para este fin,se han empleado corpora de habla espontánea del español de Chile y de la variedad RP del inglés. Los enunciados contrastivos fueron sometidos a análisis acústico, empleando un software especializado y el modelo de fonología entonacional Métrico Autosegmental. Las conclusiones más sobresalientes son las siguientes: (i) la marcación prosódica decontraste aparece como un rasgo mayormente predominante en inglés RP que en español chileno; (ii) el español presenta dos patrones que ocurren con cierta frecuencia: (H*+L) y (L+H+, L*+H); sin embargo, en inglés, el uso de (H*) sobrepasa ampliamente e nnúmero los otros patrones también detectados y (iii) en inglés el uso de (H*) se utiliza en más del 50% de los casos detectados.Palabras clave: Foco, foco contrastivo, pico tonal, acento tonal, patrón entonacional.AbstractThis paper attempts to determine and contrast the intonational mechanisms used in RP English and Chilean Spanish to mark contrastiveness. To this end, corpora of spontaneous speech have been used. The utterances were acoustically analysed, making use of the Autosegmental-Metrical model of intonational phonology.Key words: Focus, contrastive focus, peak accent, pitch accent, intonation pattern
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Zeng, Biao, and Sven L. Mattys. "Separability of Tones and Rhymes in Chinese Speech Perception: Evidence from Perceptual Migrations." Language and Speech 60, no. 4 (December 2017): 562–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830916675897.
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This study used the perceptual-migration paradigm to explore whether Mandarin tones and syllable rhymes are processed separately during Mandarin speech perception. Following the logic of illusory conjunctions, we calculated the cross-ear migration of tones, rhymes, and their combination in Chinese and English listeners. For Chinese listeners, tones migrated more than rhymes. For English listeners, the opposite pattern was found. The results lend empirical support to autosegmental theory, which claims separability and mobility between tonal and segmental representations. They also provide evidence that such representations and their involvement in perception are deeply shaped by a listener’s linguistic experience.
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Jardine, Adam. "The local nature of tone-association patterns." Phonology 34, no. 2 (August 2017): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675717000185.
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A computational notion of locality, based on forbidden substructures of a fixed size, is applied to autosegmental representations, and tone-association patterns are argued to be local. This is significant for phonological theory, for two reasons. First, this notion of locality provides for an explicit theory of tonal well-formedness that is superior to previous explanations in that it makes clear, restrictive typological predictions. Second, it provides a clear path for understanding how these patterns can be learned. A brief survey of major tone-association patterns shows that association generalisations which are edge-based (Mende and Hausa), quality-specific (Kukuya) or positional (Northern Karanga Shona) are all local in this way. This is contrasted with previous explanations of the typology, which require global reference to the directionality of association, and can thus overgenerate.
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Coleman, John. "The phonetic interpretation of headed phonological structures containing overlapping constituents." Phonology 9, no. 1 (May 1992): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001482.
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In this paper I shall present a theory of phonetic interpretation of headed phonological representations. The phonological representations in question are non-segmental, hierarchical, graphical objects similar to those in common use in autosegmental, metrical, dependency and ‘government and charm’ phonology, although the details of the phonological formalism I employ are different in some respects from each of these. The theory of phonetic interpretation is based on a parametric, dynamic model of phonetic representation. The distinction between ‘head’ and ‘non-head’ constituents is central to the phonetic interpretation model. As well as being formally explicit, I have developed a computational implementation of this theory, constituting a novel speech synthesis program, ‘YorkTalk’. Consequently, although the theory, like any other, is likely to contain certain faults, it goes beyond pencil-and-paper phonological theories, in that it is capable of algorithmically generating quite natural-sounding speech-like signals of a superior quality to other methods of generating synthetic speech, albeit only for isolated words.
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Ishihara, Shunichi. "Osaka and Kagoshima Japanese citation tone acoustics: A linguistic-tonetic comparative study." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 42, no. 1 (March 12, 2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100311000478.
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The pitch realisations of the accentual systems in Osaka Japanese (OJ) and Kagoshima Japanese (KJ) have been auditorily described in detail, and analysed within various phonological frameworks. However, little linguistic-phonetic descriptive research has been undertaken on the accent types of Japanese dialects in such a way as to enable a cross-dialectal comparison of their acoustic realisation. In this study, linguistic-tonetic representations of OJ and KJ tonalities are derived from normalised acoustic representations for pitch patterns conventionally described as LH, LHL, LLH and LLLH. A comparison of these representations across the two dialects demonstrates some significant differences in the acoustic realisation of the H/L units. The implications of these observed differences for surface tonal representation of KJ within Autosegmental-Metrical theory are also explored.
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Heston, Tyler. "The role of rhythm in intonational melody: A case study from Fataluku." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1 (June 12, 2016): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3712.
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This paper takes a fresh look at the theoretical relationship between linguistic rhythm and linguistic melody, arguing for a closer connection between metrical structure and intonational organization than is typically assumed. The focus of this paper is the theoretical treatment of word-medial intonational targets in languages without stress, since at first glance, such word-medial targets challenge the core assumption of the autosegmental-metrical theory of intonation that all intonational targets are aligned either with a stressed syllable or with the edge of a prosodic domain. I propose that this theoretical dilemma may be resolved by taking into account foot edges as possible alignment sites for edge tones. The claim that intonational tones may be aligned with foot edges is supported with new data from the Papuan language Fataluku. The implications of such an analysis for other stressless languages are also discussed.
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Faust, Noam, and Nicola Lampitelli. "Virtual Length and the Two I's of Qaraqosh Neo-Aramaic." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 1 (2020): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgz036.
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Abstract This paper examines the differences in form between weak-final (III-j) verbs and strong verbs in the Neo-Aramaic dialect of Qaraqosh (Khan 2002). The analysis, conducted in the autosegmental theory of Strict CV (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004), derives these differences from the interaction of the common template with the weak radical of weak verbs. In addition, it accounts for two surprising facts about this lan-guage: (i) the distribution of the vowel [I], which only contrasts with other relevant vowels in the final unstressed position; and (ii) the marking, unique among Semitic languages, of a gender distinction in the imperative only on weak verbs. The analysis suggests that both these facts follow from the assumption that [I] is a phonologically short /i/, while a phonologically long /i/ is realized with the quality [i]. It thus argues for non-surface-true ‘virtual’ length.
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Simile, Okoa, and Rose Acen Upor. "Segmental aspects of Kɨbwanɉi Phonology: A Non-Linear Representation." Utafiti 12, no. 1-2 (March 18, 2017): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-0120102003.
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This paper attempts a preliminary analysis of the phonological processes that affect vowels and consonants in Kɨβwanɉi language. Specifically, the paper examines the role played by these phonological processes in preserving the configuration of the phonologically possible word or morpheme in Kɨβwanɉi by using a Non-linear Approach (Autosegmental Phonology Theory). The findings reveal that the distribution of consonants is restricted in Kɨβwanɉi and the canonical syllable structure of Kɨβwanɉi is CV but not limited to $V$, $C$, $CV$ and $CGV$. Syllables are conditioned by phonological sequential constraints (PSCs) that govern the sequence of segments in the language. These constraints serve as the mechanism through which the native speakers are able to recognize words by applying phonological rules that are in conspiracy. It is also revealed that the rules are ordered with respect to the satisfaction of the structural descriptions that allow more than one rule to apply.
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Honeybone, Patrick. "Lenition inhibition in Liverpool English." English Language and Linguistics 5, no. 2 (September 25, 2001): 213–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674301000223.
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This article integrates aspects of synchronic and diachronic phonological theory with points relevant to the study of a nonreference accent in order to investigate the patterns of consonantal lenition found in the variety of English spoken in Liverpool, England. Points of contact with variationist approaches are addressed, partly because the lenitions are variable processes. An implicational understanding of lenition is developed, thanks to which it is possible to describe the prosodic and melodic environments which inhibit the lenitions. New data from a small corpus investigation into Liverpool English are presented and a theoretical and practical methodology is proposed, which enables the data to be investigated. The descriptive focus is on the segments /t/ and /k/, which are typically realized as affricates or fricatives unless the lenition is inhibited. A notion of ‘melodic lenition inhibition’ is developed to account for some of the inhibitory patterns, whereby the sharing of autosegmental phonological elements gives a segment ‘strength’ in certain environments.
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Hayes, Bruce, and Colin Wilson. "A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning." Linguistic Inquiry 39, no. 3 (July 2008): 379–440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2008.39.3.379.
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The study of phonotactics is a central topic in phonology. We propose a theory of phonotactic grammars and a learning algorithm that constructs such grammars from positive evidence. Our grammars consist of constraints that are assigned numerical weights according to the principle of maximum entropy. The grammars assess possible words on the basis of the weighted sum of their constraint violations. The learning algorithm yields grammars that can capture both categorical and gradient phonotactic patterns. The algorithm is not provided with constraints in advance, but uses its own resources to form constraints and weight them. A baseline model, in which Universal Grammar is reduced to a feature set and an SPE-style constraint format, suffices to learn many phonotactic phenomena. In order for the model to learn nonlocal phenomena such as stress and vowel harmony, it must be augmented with autosegmental tiers and metrical grids. Our results thus offer novel, learning-theoretic support for such representations. We apply the model in a variety of learning simulations, showing that the learned grammars capture the distributional generalizations of these languages and accurately predict the findings of a phonotactic experiment.
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Keren Rice. "Rochelle Lieber. An Integrated Theory of Autosegmental Processes. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. 1987. Pp. vii + 209. US$49.50 (hardcover), $19.95 (softcover)." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 34, no. 1 (March 1989): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100025895.
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Dorta, Josefa. "La entonación interrogativa del español en la frontera México-EEUU de América: comparación de tres corpus de habla de informantes texanos con estudios superiores." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 1 (March 7, 2018): 108–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0005.
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AbstractThe objective of this work is analysing absolute interrogative sentences from the Spanish of San Antonio de Texas using three corpus featuring different levels of spontaneity (formal ad hoc, situational and conversational), and uttered by native speakers with superior studies. The choice of these corpus and their acoustic analyses have been performed according to the methodology established by the international project AMPER (Atlas Multimédia Prosodique de l’Espace Roman). Furthermore, we have undertaken the phonetic-phonological labelling of the boundary tones and of initial and nuclear pitch accents within the framework of the autosegmental-metrical model. This study has been carried out with the aim of contributing to the knowledge of Texan intonation, in order to make comparisons with other varieties of Spanish language as well as to include it in the international Atlas AMPER. We hypothesize that interrogatives from the informants considered follow the patterns described for Mexican interrogatives (Sosa, 1999; Ávila, 2003; Martín Butragueño, 2004, among others), taking into account the geographical location of San Antonio de Texas in relation to Mexico and the influence of Mexican immigration, which has a strong presence in San Antonio. Results provide evidence of such influence, particularly in the final ascent of the F0.
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Dilley, Laura C., and Christopher C. Heffner. "role of f0 alignment in distinguishing intonation categories: evidence from American english." Journal of Speech Sciences 3, no. 1 (February 5, 2021): 3–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/joss.v3i1.15039.
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Under the autosegmental-metrical (AM) theory of intonation, the temporal alignment of fundamental frequency (F0) patterns with respect to syllables has been claimed to distinguish pitch accent categories. Several experiments test whether differences in F0 peak or valley alignment in American English phrases would produce evidence consistent with a change from (1) a H* to a H+L* pitch accent, and (2) a L* to a L+H* pitch accent. Four stimulus series were constructed in which F0 peak or valley alignment was shifted across portions of short phrases with varying stress. In Experiment 1, participants discriminated pairs of stimuli in an AX task. In Experiment 2, participants classified stimuli as category exemplars using an AXB task. In Experiment 3, participants imitated stimuli; the alignment of F0 peaks and valleys in their productions was measured. Finally, in Experiment 4, participants judged the relative prominence of initial and final syllables in stimuli to determine whether alignment differences generated a stress shift. The results support the distinctions between H* and H+L* and between L+H* and L*. Moreover, evidence consistent with an additional category not currently predicted by most AM theories was obtained, which is proposed here to be H*+H. The results have implications for understanding phonological contrasts, phonetic interpolation in English intonation, and the transcription of prosodic contrasts in corpus-based analysis.
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Colina, Sonia. "Spirantization in Spanish: The role of the underlying representation." Linguistics 58, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0035.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSpirantization is one of the most frequently studied phonological phenomena of Spanish (Barlow, Jessica A. 2003. The stop-spirant alternation in Spanish: Converging evidence for a fortition account. Southwest Journal of Linguistics 22. 51–86; Zampini, Mary. 1994. The role of native language transfer and task formality in the acquisition of Spanish spirantization. Hispania 77. 470–481; among others). For a majority of dialects, Spanish voiced plosives have been traditionally described as having a continuant and a non-continuant realization in complementary distribution (Navarro Tomás, Tomás. 1977. Manual de pronunciación española. 19th edn. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas; Hualde, José Ignacio. 2005. The sounds of Spanish. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press; among others). Yet, phonetic studies reveal a more complex picture consisting of a great deal of phonetic variability and gradience among continuant realizations (Carrasco, Patricio, José Ignacio Hualde and Miquel Simonet. 2012. Dialectal differences in Spanish voiced obstruent allophony: Costa Rican versus Iberian Spanish. Phonetica 69. 149–179; among others; Simonet, Miquel, José Ignacio Hualde and Mariana Nadeu. 2012. Lenition of/d/in spontaneous Spanish and Catalan. Paper presented at INTERSPEECH) which is not captured by existing generative accounts (Bakovic, Eric. 1997. Strong onsets and Spanish fortition. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 23. 21–39; Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44; Kirchner, Robert. 2001. Phonological contrast and articulatory effort. In Linda Lombardi (ed.), Segmental phonology in Optimality Theory, 79–117. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; among others). Furthermore, most analyses focus almost exclusively on the general distribution of spirantization, excluding other dialectal patterns (Amastae, Jon. 1995. Variable spirantization: Constraint weighting in three dialects. Hispanic Linguistics 6(7). 265–285; among others). The current proposal accounts for the phonetic variability and gradience evinced by phonetic studies, as well as dialectal variation in one optimality theoretic-analysis. Spirantization is explained as the result of effort reduction, rather than the result of assimilation (contra Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44, among others). Phonetic variability in the general dialects is argued to be related to the underlying representation: voiced obstruents are underspecified for continuancy both in the input and the output of the phonology, which explains gradience in implementation and responds to the need to avoid the marked configuration represented by a combination of voicing and maximal stricture found in voiced stops (Colina, Sonia. 2016. On onset clusters in Spanish: Voiced obstruent underspecification and /f/. In Rafael A. Núñez Cedeño (ed.), The syllable and stress: Studies in honor of James W. Harris. Boston, MA: Mouton de Gruyter). Dialectal variation stems from differences in the underlying representation and in the ranking of the constraints. The proposal is also able to explain variations on the two major dialectal patterns.
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Ngunga, Armindo, and Célia A. Cossa. "Affrication of Voiced Labials (/B, V/) in Changana." Journal of Law and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.53974/unza.jlss.3.1.447.
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This article describes and analyses the frication of the voiced labial
consonants (/b/ and /v/) in Changana, a Bantu language (S53, in Guthrie’s
1967-1971 classification). In the light of the autosegmental phonology (Leben
1973, 1978, 2006; 1973, Goldsmith 1976, 2004; Odden 1986) combined with
the Feature Geometry theory, the article discusses phonological processes
that turn voiced labials into labial-alveolar affricate [bz]. In this study, we
assume that the process of hiatus resolution by gliding is the trigger of the
alteration under analysis. That is, when derivative suffixes with low vowel
(/a/) and the high front vowel (/i/) in the initial position are attached to
words with rounded vowels (/o, u/) in final position in some morphological
processes such as diminutivisation and locativisation, the results are
undesirable sequences (hiatus). In order to resolve such hiatus, a series
of phonological processes such as the turning of the rounded vowel in the
word final position into labial-velar glide allowing the adjacency of voiced
labials with labial glide which violates the Obligatory Contour Principle
(OCP) takes place. The present study analyses the OCP using empirical
Changana data collected both in the fieldwork supplemented by data from
other sources including bibliographical and introspective data. The article
is organised as follows. Firstly, it discusses the theoretical framework;
secondly it analyses the Hiatus Resolution in Changana; thirdly, it analyses
the data and lastly, it presents the main conclusions of the study.
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Hantgan, Abbie, and Stuart Davis. "The Abstract Nature of the Bondu Vowel System: Evidence from [ATR] Harmony." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 3 (April 8, 2012): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.607.
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This paper argues for an abstract analysis of the vowel system of Bondu, a Dogon language of Mali. Data come from fieldwork and have not been previously published. Phonetically, Bondu has seven vowels: two [+high, +ATR] vowels ([i], [u]), a [+low, –ATR] vowel [a], and a [±ATR] contrast in the mid vowels: front ([e], [?]) and back ([o], [?]). We argue, however, that underlyingly certain high vowels are [–ATR] while some low vowels are [+ATR]; the contrast is neutralized so that high vowels surface as [+ATR] and low vowels as [–ATR]. Evidence comes from the realization of the perfective suffix /–??/ which alternates between [è] ~ [??], depending on the underlying [ATR] value of the vowel in the verb root. The data in (1) illustrate root-controlled [±ATR] harmony. (Forms show 3rd person singular). (1) a. [nòj–è] sleep c. [d???–??] leave b. [nèmbìl–è] beg d. [k???–??] cut The data in (2) are more complex. (2) a. [bìj–è] lie down c. [?ìj–??] dance b. [sù?–è] go down d. [?ù?–??] recognize While all the root vowels in (2) are phonetically [+high, +ATR], we analyze those in (2c-d) as having an underlying [–ATR] feature. Here we follow Archangelli and Pulleyblank (1994) who view the feature combination [–ATR], [+high] as antagonistic: phonetically unrealized, though phonologically present. Similarly, while there is only one surfacing [+low, –ATR] vowel in Bondu, verb roots with low vowels are divided between those that take a [+ATR] suffix (3a) and those taking [–ATR] (3b). (3) a. [bàr–è] help b. [pà?–??] tie We analyze the surface low vowel in (3a) as abstractly [+low, +ATR], (3b) as [+low, –ATR] with the underlying [ATR] feature of the root spreading to the suffix. A further argument for the abstract feature analysis comes from the complex alternations found with the imperative suffix in (4) (same roots from above). (4) a. [nój–ó] f. [dó?–á] b. [némbíl–ó] g. [ké?–á] c. [bíj–ó] h. [?íj–á] d. [sú?–ó] i. [d?ú?–á] e. [bár–á] j. [pá?–á] We analyze the realization of the imperative suffix vowel by spreading of the underlying [ATR] feature of the root vowel as in the perfective, but with an additional assimilatory process raising the underlying [+low] suffix vowel to [–low] when preceded by a vowel that is underlying [–low, +ATR]. We view this as an instance of parasitic harmony which applies in (4a-d). The unexpected realization of [+ATR] on the stem vowels in (4f-i) is analyzed as the docking of a floating [+ATR] feature that comes with the imperative suffix. We argue that our abstract feature analysis is superior to an alternative under-specification analysis since there is no consistency whether [+ATR] or [–ATR] is underspecified given the behavior of high vowel roots in (2) and (4); our analysis of the imperative is also consistent with Wolf's (2007) observation that floating autosegments avoid docking on morphemes that sponsor them. Archangeli, D. and D. Pulleyblank (1994) Grounded Phonology. MIT Press: Cambridge, MA. Wolf, M. (2007). For an Autosegmental Theory of Mutation. In L. Bateman, M. O’Keefe, E. Reilly & A. Werle (Eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 32: Papers in Optimality Theory III (Vol. 32 pp. 315-404). Amherst: GLSA.
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Ringen, Catherine O. "Transparency in Hungarian vowel harmony." Phonology 5, no. 2 (August 1988): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700002335.
Full textAbstract:
Phonologists have known for some time that the so-called ‘standard’ theory of generative phonology is not adequate for the analysis of vowel harmony. Ringen (1975, 1977, 1980) suggests that some of the problems can be solved by abandoning the assumption that phonological representations are fully specified. Clements (1977b, 1980) suggests that vowel harmony should be analysed autosegmentally. Underspecification theory, developed in the recent work of Kiparsky, Archangeli and Pulleyblank, incorporates both of these proposals. This paper considers how Hungarian can be analysed within this theory. It is shown that by adopting Goldsmith's (1985) proposal that vowel harmony in Hungarian involves the spreading of the feature [−back], the transparent (neutral) vowels in Hungarian are derived because the redundancy rule assigning [−back] to these vowels, although available, does not apply early in the derivation because its structural description is not met.
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Jardine, Adam, Nick Danis, and Luca Iacoponi. "A Formal Investigation of Q-Theory in Comparison to Autosegmental Representations." Linguistic Inquiry, January 10, 2020, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00376.
Full textAbstract:
We use model theory to rigorously evaluate Q-Theory as proposed in Shih and Inkelas 2019 as an alternative to Autosegmental Phonology. We find that Q-Theory is remarkably similar to Autosegmental Phonology, contra some of Shih and Inkelas's claims. In particular, Q-Theory does not eschew the association relation, in Q-Theory the tone-bearing unit is the vowel, and Q-Theory and Autosegmental Phonology are equivalent in terms of the constraints they can express. However, this formal analysis clarifies the truly novel contribution of Q-Theory, which is the empirical claim that all segments are tripartite.
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Jardine, Adam. "Logic and the Generative Power of Autosegmental Phonology." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 1, no. 1 (March 19, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v1i1.4.
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<p>Autosegmental Phonology is studied in the framework of Formal Language Theory, which classifies the computational complexity of patterns. In contrast to previous computational studies of Autosegmental Phonology, which were mainly concerned with finite-state implementations of the formalism, a methodology for a model-theoretic study of autosegmental diagrams with monadic second-order logic is introduced. Monadic second order logic provides a mathematically rigorous way of studying autosegmental formalisms, and its complexity is well understood. The preliminary conclusion is that autosegmental diagrams which conform to the well-formedness constraints defined here likely describe at most regular sets of strings.</p>
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Toledo, Guillermo. "Fraseo en español peninsular y modelo autosegmental y métrico." Estudios filológicos, no. 42 (September 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0071-17132007000100015.
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Staroverov, Peter. "Washo Onsets and the Revised Sonority Theory." Open Linguistics 2, no. 1 (January 18, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2016-0025.
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AbstractThis article presents an argument for the idea that consonants of high sonority are preferred over low-sonority consonants between vowels (Uffmann 2007). The argument is based on a detailed description and analysis of the phonological patterns which ensure that a syllable starts with a consonant in Washo. Washo inserts [j], which is of high sonority, between any two vowels. Word-initially however a glottal stop is inserted. It is argued that the Washo insertion patterns show influence of the sonority requirements, and these patterns are not subject to an analysis in terms of autosegmental spreading. Thus although feature spreading is a useful tool for capturing similarity requirements on neighboring segments, it is not sufficient to account for cases like Washo epenthesis.
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Bennett, Wm G., and Natalie DelBusso. "Cross-level Correspondence in Q Theory." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 8 (May 2, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v8i0.4642.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines cross-level interactions in basic systems modeling segmental harmony in Q theory (Shih & Inkelas 2019, S&I; see also Inkelas & Shih 2015, 2017). Q theory is a theory of segmental representations that decomposes segments (Qs) into linear strings of subsegments (qs). The component qs can differ in feature values, resulting in Qs with contour tones. S&I present Q theory as an alternative to autosegmental representations and use Agreement-by-correspondence (ABC; Rose & Walker 2004, Hansson 2010, Bennett 2015) analyses to derive various kinds of harmony and dissimilation patterns, particularly those involving tones. This paper shows that while the Q theory typologies share the characteristic structures of ABC(D) systems (Bennett & DelBusso 2018, DelBusso & Bennett to appear) at both qand Qlevels, these (sets of) properties interact in more complex embedded structures.
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Inkelas, Sharon, and Stephanie S. Shih. "Looking into Segments." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 4 (May 9, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v4i0.3996.
Full textAbstract:
This paper outlines Q theory, in which the traditional segment (consonant, vowel) is decomposed into a string of three ordered subsegments, or q, representing the onset, target, and offset of the segment. The postulation of subsegmental structure permits the representation of complex (contour) segments as well as subtle contrasts in segment-internal changes of state. Q Theory synthesizes insights from Autosegmental Phonology, Aperture Theory, and Articulatory Phonology in a representation that standard phonological constraints can refer to. Q theory is supported by arguments that subsegments act independently and need to be independently referenced by the phonological grammar. Embedded into Agreement by Correspondence Theory, Q theory permits the analysis of contour assimilation as well as contour formation, both in the tonal and segmental domains.
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Staroverov, Peter, and Darya Kavitskaya. "Stratal OT and Underspecification: Evidence from Tundra Nenets." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 3 (June 28, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v3i0.3685.
Full textAbstract:
Tundra Nenets exhibits many consonantal alternations, such as cluster simplification, place loss, lenition, and a variety of NC-effects, which combine transparent and opaque interactions within the same phrasal domain of application. To reconcile the Tundra Nenets data within Stratal OT, we assume abstract autosegmental representations, relying on underspecification and hierarchical organization of features. The analysis incorporates the proposal of McCarthy (2008) that consonant cluster simplification starts with place loss. Apparent opaque deletion mappings are reanalyzed as coalescence within the correspondence theory (McCarthy and Prince 1995; 1999). The analysis unifies Tundra Nenets consonant cluster alternations and assumes only one surface glottal stop.
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Alvord, Scott M. "Miami Cuban Spanish Declarative Intonation." Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/shll-2010-1064.
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AbstractThe current study is a phonetic description and phonological analysis, using the Autosegmental Metrical (AM) theory of intonational phonology, of broad focus (neutral) declarative utterances in the Spanish of three generations of Miami Cubans. No differences were found across these three generations indicating the maintenance of a robust intonational pattern for declarative utterances. The prenuclear (non-final) pitch accent is analyzed to be L*+H and the nuclear pitch accent is L+H*. This phonological analysis is similar to what has been found for many other varieties of Spanish. A high rate of deaccenting, however, was observed in conjunction with the final lexically stressed syllable. The prevalence of deaccented final stressed syllables is unique to what has been found for other Spanish varieties.
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Faust, Noam. "Size, allomorphy and guttural-final stems in Modern Hebrew." Linguistic Review, August 2, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2021-2069.
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Abstract There is a tendency for syncretism between future and infinitive stems in Modern Hebrew. Verbs with final orthographic gutturals do not follow this trend in one verbal type. In another, they do follow it, but their exponent is different from that of regular verbs. Previous studies have claimed that (i) gutturals are represented in Modern Hebrew as a vowel /a/ (Faust, Noam. 2005. The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University MA Thesis); (ii) Infinitives are derived in two cycles (Faust, Noam & Vered Silber-Varod. 2014. Distributed Morphology and prosody: The case of prepositions. In Burit Melnik (ed.), Proceedings of IATL29 (MITWPL 72), 71–92. Cambridge (MA): MIT Press); and (iii) stems seek to be no shorter than two syllables (e.g. Bat-El, Outi. 2003. The fate of the consonantal root and the binyan in Optimality Theory. Recherches Linguistiques de Vincennes 32. 31–60.). Relying on these claims, an analysis is proposed involving two allomorphs with a priority relation. Phonological considerations of multiple correspondence, word size and cyclicity may nevertheless override the effect of priority, leading to the selection of the non-default allomorph. In the last section I briefly discuss two alternatives to the priority relation: the autosegmental alternative and the gradient alternative.
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Martin, Philippe. "Spontaneous speech intonation in (European) Portuguese: an example of experimental analysis with a macrosyntactic view." Revista Diadorim 12 (December 14, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.35520/diadorim.2012.v12n0a3970.
Full textAbstract:
Besides studies based on illocution criteria (Raso Mello, 2009), most studies on Portuguese intonation pertain mainly to read speech, and use for a large part either the autosegmental-metrical framework -- AM - (Frota al., 2007) or, for a small number, a phonosyntactic model (Martin, 1999, 2004). In papers pertaining to the last category, there is a clear assumption that the sentence prosodic structure is independent but associated to syntax. In this view, prosodic contours located on or around stressed syllables function as phonological markers of this prosodic structure. Experimental studies describe for example a high and rising melodic contour located on the first stressed syllable of a subject NP, and either a rising contour (on the stressed syllable) or a complex contour (falling on the stressed syllable and rising on the last syllable) of the last unit of a SN syntagm. Whereas this description is essentially compatible with those given in the AM framework, the validity of AM theory may be questionable if extended to non-prepared (spontaneous) speech. In such cases, a macrosyntactic approach proves to be an effective tool, as it envisions the sentence as a sequence of macrosegments, syntactically well formed in the classical sense, but whose relations of parataxis or dependency with each other are partially determined by the sentence prosodic structure. This paper presents a short example of analysis conducted in this framework, showing the interaction between macrosyntactic and prosodic structures, the latter operation (re)structuring the sequence of macrosegments organized (by definition) in a flat structure in the sentence.