Academic literature on the topic 'Avant-garde (esthétique) – France – Paris (France)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Avant-garde (esthétique) – France – Paris (France)"

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Bonenfant, Luc. "Jenny, Laurent, La fin de l’intériorité. Théorie de l’expression et invention esthétique dans les avant-gardes françaises (1885-1935), Paris, Presses universitaires de France (Perspectives littéraires), 2002." Études littéraires 35, no. 1 (2003): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008642ar.

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박형섭. "A Reflection on the Avant-garde Small Theater in Paris, France." Cross-Cultural Studies 33, no. ll (December 2013): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.21049/ccs.2013.33..95.

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Papalas, Marylaura. "Fashion in interwar France: The urban vision of Elsa Schiaparelli." French Cultural Studies 28, no. 2 (April 17, 2017): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155817693512.

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Elsa Schiaparelli’s avant-garde designs and her collaborative efforts with surrealist artists are the subject of most analyses of her work, which focus on themes of glamour, gender and the construction of a modern feminine beauty. Yet a number of lesser-known creations from the 1920s and 1930s, equally experimental in nature, reveal other progressive themes in the Italian-born designer’s oeuvre. References to the city in a number of her pieces, for example, provide a commentary on the important relationship between fashion, women and their urban environments. This article examines designs like the skyscraper silhouette, plastic accessories and new synthetic fabrics, echoing contemporary building materials, alongside the changing landscape of interwar Paris. Comparing the imagined city suggested in Schiaparelli’s sartorial creations with the real metropolis where these garments were worn, this study reveals fashion’s potential to express women’s desires for an improved urban reality.
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Cărăbaş, Irina. "Representing Bodies. Victor Brauner’s Hybrids, Fragments and Mechanisms." Nordlit 11, no. 1 (May 1, 2007): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/13.1762.

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The Romanian avant-garde looked for inspiration in two principal places where artists from all-over Europe gathered, confronted and discussed their ideas of a new art. While Berlin nourished the constructivist orientation of the Romanian avantgarde, Paris stimulated its interest in surrealism. Although Berlin was by far more significant as a stimulus for the synthesis of all arts and all modern movements toward which the Romanian avant-garde strove, Paris had the advantage of anemotional attachment. The French culture had been set long ago as a model for the entire Romanian modern culture and institutions. Consequently it is not surprising that poets and artists, including Victor Brauner, chosed to live and work in Paris in order to feel closer to what was considered to be the origin.Victor Brauner is discussed both in the context of the Romanian avant-garde and in the history of the French surrealism, but one cannot detect any tension between center and periphery. One motivation can be found in the myth he creates for himself. Meanwhile it is obvious that he wanted to identify himself with the French surrealism. Once settled in France he paid great attention to the theories and to the artists André Breton promoted.I will discuss the myth of the artist as well as the threads which connect Brauner to other artistic strategies bringing forth the body problem. Almost always his paintings and drawings display the ineluctable presence of a metamorphic body within no narrative construction. This preoccupation informed every stage of his career as he dedicated it the greatest energies of his artistic inventiveness. Before going into the subject, one needs to frame Brauner in a larger picture.
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Gawarecka, Anna. "Flâneur nadrzeczywistości. Vítězslava Nezvala surrealne wędrówki po Pradze." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 18 (April 28, 2020): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2020.18.6.

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In the surrealistic period of his literary work Vítězslav Nezval, following the French formula of presenting Paris as an archetypical modern city, published textual passage Pražský chodec (1938) which title is taken from the famous Apollinaire’s story but its narrative schema resembles the Louis Aragon’s Paris Peasant. In opposition to avant-garde ideas of the perfect urbanization projects connected with the technological progress and futurological utopias Nezval tries to show Prague (more mysterious and surreal in his eyes than the capital of France) as a space of living literary tradition, full of lieux de mémoire and traces of long past events. Walking around urban streets, alleys or bridges often regarded as the typical surrealistic activity, becomes here an instrument of evoking these memories and it is also treated as a metaphor of poetic creation.
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Fulcher, Jane F. "Concert et propagande politique en France au Début du 20eSiècle." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 55, no. 2 (April 2000): 389–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.2000.279853.

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Peu avant sa mort, survenue en 1910, Louis Bourgault-Ducoudray, professeur d'histoire de la musique au Conservatoire de Paris, reçut un jour la visite d'un invité peu commun. Celui-ci, raconte Bourgault-Ducoudray dans une lettre non datée, était membre de l'Action française, mouvement monarchiste pour lequel le professeur, quoique officiant dans une institution républicaine, éprouvait une sympathie voilée. Le but de cet émissaire singulier ? Consulter le musicien sur un projet de soirée associant littérature et musique, et ce au bénéfice de la ligue nationaliste Si le professeur multiplia d'abord les mises en garde, soulignant les risques de l'entreprise dans une saison déjà largement surchargée et où les nombreuses manifestations se faisaient concurrence, il en vint peu à peu à livrer le fond de sa pensée sur le projet et le principe même du concert mis au service de l'idéologie nationaliste:Selon moi, l'Action francaise, comme la Patrie francaise, devrait chercher dans Fart et particulièrement dans l'art musical moins un moyen de recette qu'un moyen de propagande par le sentiment. Puisque l'idée de patrie est battue […] il importe de formuler avec toute la puissance qu'il comporte les augures du sentiment national. Je lisais dans le Gaulois, cette définition du nationalisme : le sentiment profond, les traditions, les rêves, les énergies de toute une race. Savez-vous l'unique moyen de formuler cela ? C'est la musique chorale […]. Organisez un culte musical de la patrie et de la tradition franchise et donnez une audition de musique patriotique au Trocadéro […]. Vous affirmerez avec une puissance de rayonnement incomparable l'idée que nous servons.
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Luba, Iwona. "Kobro and Strzemiński: Łódź – Warsaw – Paris (1956–1957)." Ikonotheka 26 (June 26, 2017): 137–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.1676.

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From December 1956 to December 1957, no fewer than four exhibitions presenting the oeuvre of Katarzyna Kobro and Władysław Strzemiński were organised: the Posthumous Exhibition of Władysław Strzemiński’s and Katarzyna Kobro’s Oeuvre, shown fi rst in Łódź (16 December 1956 – 14 January 1957) and then in Warsaw (18 January – 10 February 1957), and two exhibitions in Paris: 50 ans de peinture abstraite at Galerie Raymond Creuze (9 May – 12 June 1957) and Précurseurs de l’art abstrait en Pologne: Malewicz, Kobro, Strzemiński, Berlewi, Stażewski at Galerie Denise René (22 November 1957 – 10 January 1958). All received a strong response, both in Poland and abroad. Research focused on these exhibitions has brought some surprising results. None of them had been planned until 1956, and only after the events of October 1956 was it possible to show the works of Kobro and Strzemiński in Warsaw in 1957. The exhibition at the Łódź Division of the Central Bureau of Art Exhibitions was prepared with exceptional care and is immensely important, as it occasioned the fi rst attempt at preparing a catalogue of both Kobro’s and Strzemiński’s works, of Strzemiński’s biography and a bibliography of texts authored by Strzemiński and Kobro. In addition, it was there that Strzemiński’s treatise Teoria widzenia fi rst came to public attention; it was published only two years later. The exhibition was transferred, quite unexpectedly, to the Central Bureau of Art Exhibitions in Warsaw, which was the chief institution involved in exhibiting modern art in Poland; this gave offi cial sanction and a considerable status to the oeuvre of both avant-garde artists. The exhibition entitled Précurseurs de l’art abstrait en Pologne became, paradoxically, the fi rst-ever offi cial exhibition of Polish avant-garde art to be held abroad and organised by a state agency, i.e. the Central Bureau of Art Exhibitions, under the aegis of the ambassador of the People’s Republic of Poland in France. It was also the only exhibition in which Kazimierz Malewicz was regarded as a Pole and presented as belonging to the history of art in Poland; the mission initiated by Strzemiński in 1922 was thus completed. The institutions involved in arranging the loans of Malewicz’s works for this exhibition were the Ministry of Culture and Art, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its subordinate Polish embassies in Paris and Moscow. This was the fi rst time that the works of Kazimierz Malewicz were presented in the West, thanks to the efforts and under the aegis of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the period of the post-Stalinist thaw; notably, this happened before their presentation at the Stedelijk Museum in Amsterdam (29 December 1957).
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Kang, Sanghoon. "A Study on the Notion Developed of Modern Architecture in the 60s and 70s in Paris, France : the meaning of social studies and avant-garde utopia." Journal of the architectural institute of Korea planning & design 31, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5659/jaik_pd.2015.31.1.113.

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Illyés, Boglárka. "L’ambassadeur parisien de la nouvelle musique hongroise, Géza Vilmos Zágon Sa carrière et sa correspondance choisie." Studia Musicologica 58, no. 2 (June 2017): 255–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2017.58.2.7.

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A forgotten figure of the new Hungarian musical movement of the 1910s, Géza Vilmos Zágon (1889–1918) was a talented composer, pianist and music writer. He belonged among those young composers who turned toward French culture instead of the traditional German orientation and searched for new inspiration in Paris. He was, at the same time, one of the few to be personally acquainted with leading personalities of the city’s musical life: letters by Claude Debussy, Michel-Dimitri Calvocoressi, Louis Laloy, Émile Vuillermoz and Albert Zunz Mathot have survived in his legacy. During his stay in France between 1912 and 1914, he acted as the representant of the former UMZE (Új Magyar Zene Egyesület, New Hungarian Music Association), and did not only bring attention to himself as a performer of his own works, but was also instrumental in promoting those by Bartók and Kodály. In the present study, I seek to demonstrate that Zágon served as an important liaison for Bartók’s circle with some of the most influential groups of French avant-garde, the Société Musicale Indépendante, as well as Calvocoressi. In an effort to document these important relationships as well as Zágon’s activity, I publish a selection of his correspondence in original language, with French translation provided where appropriate.
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Stefanou, Maria-Ioanna, and Sophia Peloponnissiou-Vassilacos. "Angelos Katakouzenos (1902–1982): A Lifework of Neurology and Art." European Neurology 80, no. 3-4 (2018): 217–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000496352.

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Angelos Katakouzenos, a Greek neurologist and prolific medical writer at the beginning of the 20th century, belonged to a group of artists and scholars that formed the “generation of the 30s,” a cultural movement that emerged after World War I and introduced modernism in Greek art and literature. Born in 1902, Katakouzenos studied medicine in France at the Universities of Montpellier and Paris, where he trained in neurology and ­psychiatry under Georges Guillain, Henri Claude, Jean-Athanase Sicard, Pierre Marie, Clovis Vincent and Théophile ­Alajouanine. In Paris, he attended to Freud’s patients, collaborating with the psychoanalyst Marie Bonaparte, while he was introduced to the contemporary avant-garde movements of this time, developing long-lasting friendships with artists and intellectuals, including Marc Chagall and Tériade. Although Professor of Neurology and Psychiatry at the University of ­Paris, Commandeur of the Légion d’honneur and founder of the first neuropsychiatric clinics in Greece, Katakouzenos lived far from the limelight. Despite his numerous publications, his scientific work remained largely unacknowledged. Yet, as a ­psychoanalyst he gained international fame and treated patients including William Faulkner who later would write, “To the wise scientist, the in-depth judge of the human soul, my friend Dr. Katakouzenos, who has helped me like no one else to redeem myself from the tortuous questions that troubled me for years – from the depths of my heart, many, very many thanks”. In this paper, the rediscovery of Katakouzenos’s remarkable work in the field of neuroscience aims to tell the story of a great physician whose lifework in bridging art and science may, in retrospect, reinstate him as one of the most captivating neurologists of the 20th century.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Avant-garde (esthétique) – France – Paris (France)"

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Joyeux-Prunel, Béatrice. ""Nul n'est prophète en son pays. . . " ou la logique avant-gardiste : l'internationalisation de la peinture des avant-gardes parisiennes : 1855-1914." Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010522.

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Ce travail étudie comparativement les carrières internationales des avant-gardes parisiennes, à partir d'une base de données de catalogues d'expositions. La stratégie du détour par l'étranger permettait de rester d'avant-garde dans le champ artistique parisien, tout en exportant une peinture plus vendable. En jouant sur les décalages entre les champs artistiques nationaux, les artistes prétendaient à une reconnaissance étrangère qui prouvait le retard parisien. L'accueil par l'étranger des avant-gardes parisiennes n'était pas pour autant garanti. Il peut être analysé comme le résultat d'un transfert culturel, fondé sur une stratégie d'expositions différenciées selon les lieux. Il fut assuré par une population de médiateurs cosmopolite, de position sociale intermédiaire. La clé des carrières n'était ni le système marchand-critique, ni la presse, mais une véritable anticipation herméneutique des interprétations des publics, que permettait une orientation cosmopolite.
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Manneheut-Frémont, Béatrice. "Le milieu artistique à Paris entre 1896 et 1908 : contribution à l'étude sur la naissance des avant-gardes." Rennes 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001REN20039.

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Cette étude se propose d'analyser quelques éléments du milieu artistique parisien entre 1896 et 1908. Le tournant du XXe siècle est considéré comme une période charnière -point final du symbolisme et point de départ des "avant-gardes"- Sans que l'on en mesure toujours la "réalité" artistique. La formation d'une nouvelle conscience artistique n'est pas le fait seulement d'une avant-garde à l'écart qui se résume souvent en quelques noms (Picasso, Matisse ou Apollinaire), mais tient à nombre de personnalités, artistes, écrivains et critiques d'art méconnus, intégrées elles aussi dans l'histoire de la modernité. Ainsi, nous avons tenté de dégager, dans une première partie, certaines manifestations artistiques qui mettent en relation tout un ensemble de personnalités qui occupent une place non négligeable au sein de l'activité littéraire, philosophique et artistique du début du XXe siècle. De ce fait, le philosophe polonais Mécislas Golberg, dont les relations avec Guillaume Apollinaire et Henri Matisse ont pu être éclaircies grâce à l'apport de correspondances inédites, apparaît comme un maillon essentiel dans le cheminement de la constitution des avant-gardes. Dans un deuxième temps, ce principe de réseaux et de collusions entre plusieurs personnalités, a été élargi au quartier Montparnasse ; ce qui nous a permis d'en préciser la genèse artistique, bien avant sa consécration à partir des années 1910. Enfin, à travers les changements que connait la critique d'art, nous avons tenté de réintégrer dans cette histoire de la naissance des avant-gardes, des critiques dont les textes nous permettent de mieux comprendre certaines évolutions, en particulier celle de la poésie-critique à travers les écrits de Marius-Ary Leblond
This study seeks to analyse some elements of the Parisian artistic environment between 1896 and 1908. The bend of the 20th century is considered as a transitory period -the end of the symbolism and the beginning of the avant-gardes- without that one always measures it the artistic "reality". The formation of a new artistic consciousness is not the fact only of an avant-garde aside which often amounts in some names (Picasso, Matisse or Apollinaire), but includes numbers of personalities, artists, writers and underestimated art critics, integrated too into the history of modernity. So we tried to develop, in a first part, some artistic manifestations which connect a set of personalities who occupy a not unimportant place within the literary, philosophic and artistiic activity of the beginning of the 20th century. Therefore, the Polish philosopher Mécislas Golberg, whose relations with Guillaume Apollinaire, and Henri Matisse were able to be cleared up thanks to the contribution of new correspondences, appears as an essential link in the progress of the constitution of the avant-garde. In a second time, it principles of networks and collusions among several personalities was widened in the district Montparnasse, what allowed us to clarify the artistic genesis of it, well before its consecration from 1910's. Finally, through the changes of the art criticism, we tried to reinstate in this history of the birth of the avant-gardes, some texts of art critics which allow us better to understand some evolutions, in particular that of the poetry-criticism through Marius-Ary Leblond's papers
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Huesca, Roland. "Paris à l'époque des ballets russes, 1909-1913 : histoire culturelle de l'esthétique." Strasbourg 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997STR20096.

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Dès leur première venue à Paris, en 1909, les ballets russes de Serge de Diaghilev remportent un véritable triomphe. Avec Giselle, le pavillon d'armide ou encore les sylphides, M. Fokine, le chorégraphe rencontre et exalte la tradition. Le tout-paris, toujours lié aux valeurs nobiliaires, aime retrouver sur scène les grandeurs et la beauté d'un classicisme chers à la France. Il apprécie également de voir les peintres russes présenter des décors aux couleurs vives et lumineuses dans un style impressionniste dont la capitale s'enorgueillit. Enfin, dans l'enthousiasme et la jubilation de leurs danses, les danseurs russes, recréent aussi les valeurs d'un orient mythique et rêvé depuis le XIXe siècle. Érotisme et fougue barbare prennent corps sous les pas et les gestes des danseurs. Les ballets russes attisent ainsi les fantasmes du clan le plus huppé de la capitale. Avec V. Nijinsky il en est tout autrement. Trois oeuvres : "L'après-midi d'un faune", jouée pour la première fois en 1912, comme jeux et le "Sacre du printemps", présentées en 1913, avivent les controverses. L'attrait pour la tradition fait place aux avant-gardes. Sous le sceau du "moderne", le jeune chorégraphe bouleverse les usages. Accusé d'obscénité dans la dernière scène du "faune", son évocation du printemps renouvelle l'expérience du sacré dans le tout nouveau théâtre des Champs-Élysées devenu à l'occasion le "véritable temps de l'art". La critique peine à rendre compte de ces nouveautés. Les transpositions sémantiques vont bon train. V. Nijinsky proposerait-il des chorégraphies cubistes? Profitant de l'émoi, le nationalisme esthétique francais, se sentant menacé, exprime sa volonté hégémonique et cherche, dans ses accusations, à légiférer l'ordre du goût. Entre triomphes et scandales, les ballets russes proposent leurs spectacles. Une analyse phénoménologique de ces soirées permet de construire une histoire culturelle de l'esthetique. Les discours de la presse, les témoignages, les sources iconographiques ou les reconstitutions filmiques servent le travail herméneutique. Trois temps scandent la méthode proposée : décrire, construire et interpréter. Au gré des constructions, les représentations et les comportements artistiques de la Belle Époque apparaissent peu a peu
On their very first visit to paris, in 1909, S. De diaghilev's russian ballets met with a huge success. With such works as giselle, le pavillon d'armide or les sylphides, the choreographer, m. Fokine not only followed the rules of the dance tradition, but he also revived it. The parisian elite, who still craved on the values of the peerage, enjoyed seeing the greatness and the beauty of a appreciated to discover the russian painters' vividly coloured backdrops, which reminded them of the impressionistic style, a style that paris was proud to have been the centre of moreover, the russian dancers, full of enthusiasm and exultation, also recreated the values of a mythical orient, which has been dreamt of ever since the xixth century. The dancers' steps and gestures embodied a vision of eroticism and barbarous ardour. Thus, the russian ballets allowed the well-to-do parisians to meet their fantasies. Things changed with v. Nijinsky. Three of his works, l'apres-midi d'un faune, first played in 1912, jeux and le sacre du printemps both premiered in 1913, were highly controversial. Tradition gave way to the avant-garde. The young choreographer, considered a "modern" artist by all, id not follow the rules of ballet, but his rite of spring renewed the sense of sacred things. Critics id not know how to account for so many signs of novelty and semantic transpositions seem to have been only way out. Did v. Nijinksy create cubist choreographies? Taking the opportunity the supporters of the french aesthetic nationalism, who felt threatened, tried to impose their own sense of what beauty and good taste should be. The russian ballets with their various performances met triumphs a well as scandals. A phenomenological analysis of these dance evenings allows the elaboration of a cultural history of aesthetics what the press wrote, what people said, the pictures that were taken or the films which try to create the performances are useful to a hermeneutic work. Three steps mark the method used here : first there is a description,,then an elaboration is followed by the next one, the belle epoque's perceptions and representations of art are little unveiled
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Schiau-Botea, Diana. "Le texte et le lieu du spectacle de La Plume au Mur. Stéphane Mallarmé parmi les avant-gardes." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030043/document.

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Comme l’a montré récemment Peter Sloterdijk, l’avènement du système médiatique remet profondément en cause le modèle humaniste du livre comme lettre créatrice d’amitié. Les citoyens ne s’identifient plus à des valeurs communes grâce à des lectures canoniques. C’est pourquoi, à la fin du XIXe siècle déjà, les hommes de lettres vont chercher des modalités nouvelles de réduire la distance qui les sépare du public. Cette thèse examine et compare quatre journaux ou revues artistiques différentes – L’Hydropathe, Le Chat Noir, La Plume et Le Mur – dont les créateurs organisent des soirées littéraires publiques ou des spectacles de projection – théâtre d’ombres – dans des lieux qu’ils aménagent dans ce but : des cafés, des petites salles intimes du Quartier Latin, des cabarets à Montmartre. Les étudiants nomades se fixent et à cela va correspondre un investissement progressif aussi bien de l’espace théâtral que de l’espace textuel. On sera pourtant étonné de découvrir des préoccupations similaires, chez un auteur retiré, qui ne prenait pas volontiers la parole en public. Stéphane Mallarmé est un écrivain, comme dit Jacques Rancière, « infiniment attentif à son temps ». On remarquera ainsi que Mallarmé et les avant-gardes étudiées créent des spectacles démocratiques qui s’efforcent de rendre compte des contradictions irréductibles du monde moderne. On imaginera avec un certain plaisir, certes indissociable de l’humour, de la fête et du carnaval, les communautés auxquelles les mises en scène de l’écriture fragmentaire et du support artistique nous invitent visiblement à rêver
As Peter Sloterdijk writes, the development of mass media such as lowcost popular newspapers challenges radically the humanist conception of the book as letter generating friendship. Citizens of the newborn republic can no longer share the same values thanks to canonical, national, or universal readings. At the end of the 19th century, for that reason, journalists and writers attempt to create new opportunities which allow them to abolish the distance and meet their public. This dissertation examines and compares four different artistic journals – L’Hydropathe, Le Chat Noir, La Plume et Le Mur – whose creators organize literary gatherings or shadow theater shows in different venues designed for this purpose : cafés, small auditoriums in the Latin Quarter, and cabarets in Montmartre. Nomad students « settle down », create new texts, and decorate the walls, and this work becomes a very important part of their identity. However, one will be surprised to discover similar concerns in the work of a solitary writer, who did not particularly like to speak in public. Stéphane Mallarmé is indeed a writer, as Jacques Rancière says, « infinitely aware of his time ». We shall see that both Mallarmé and the avant-gardes studied in this dissertation produce democratic performances which atttempt to transpose the irreducible contradictions of modern times into exemplary figures. In a joyful, carnivalesque way mostly, the staging of fragmentary writing and of artistic frames invites us visibly to imagine communities
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Cicali, Ilaria. "Alexander Archipenko (1909-1914) : une oeuvre au carrefour des expériences de la sculpture moderne." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100094.

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Dès son arrivée à Paris en 1909, jusqu’au déclanchement de la guerre en 1914, Alexander Archipenko réalise environs cinquante sculptures, qu’il présente lors des salons des Indépendants et d’Automne, à l’occasion des manifestations cubistes, ainsi que dans deux expositions personnelles organisées en Allemagne, à Hagen et Berlin. Son nom apparaît souvent dans les comptes-rendus des salons publiés dans la presse de l’époque. Indiqué à la fois comme ‘sculpteur cubiste’ ou ‘novateur élégant’ (à savoir, à l’esprit décoratif), il participe avec son travail à ce croisement de chemins qui caractérise, au début du XXe siècle, le développement de la sculpture moderne. Cependant seulement une partie de cette production majeure est aujourd’hui connue, plusieurs œuvres ayant été dispersées ou retravaillées au cours du temps. Le but de la thèse a été celui de reconstituer ce corpus dans son état d’origine ainsi que son parcours d’exposition, afin de replacer l’œuvre d’Archipenko à l’intérieur de la scène artistique parisienne de l’avant-guerre pour la faire dialoguer avec celle de ses collègues, peintres et sculpteurs. Cela a été possible par le biais d’une analyse formelle pointue et d’un travail croisé sur la presse et les catalogues d’exposition de l’époque, et grâce au dépouillement de plusieurs fonds d’archives. Parmi lesquels, celui de la revue « Der Sturm » (Staatsbibliothek, Berlin), ainsi que les archives de la Archipenko Foundation (Bearsville, NY), et les Archives of American Art (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.). Il en sort le portrait d’un artiste qui, avec sa recherche, a pleinement embrassé l’esprit de découverte propre à son temps
Between his arrival in Paris in 1909, and the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Alexander Archipenko created nearly fifty sculptures, which he presented at the Salon des Indépendants, the Salon d’Automne, numerous cubist exhibitions, as well as two personal exhibitions organized in Germany (Hagen and Berlin). His name appeared often in the reviews of the Salons that were published in the press. Considered as both a ‘cubist sculptor’ and a ‘novateur élégant’ (in the decorative sense), Archipenko actively participated in both of these artistic currents, which together led to the development of modern sculpture. Despite his importance, only part of his artistic production from this period is generally known today, many of the works were lost or re-worked at a later date. The aim of this thesis is to reconstitute his corpus of work in its original state, as well as document his participation in expositions, in order to place Archipenko’s artwork within the Parisian antebellum artistic scene, and in doing so, create a context in which his work may be compared to that of other sculptors, colleagues, and painters of the epoch. This work is based upon an attentive formal analysis of these works, and thorough review of the exhibition catalogue of the period. And also, by the analysis of different archives, among which the “Der Strum” archives (Staatsbibliothek of Berlin), the Archipenko Foundation’s ones (Bearsville, NY) and those of American Art (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.). From this research emerges the portrait of an artist who fully embraced the spirit of discovery of his times
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6

Christófoglou, Mártha-'Ellī. ""Avant-gardes" et politisation dans l'art néohellénique (1965-1975)." Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA010508.

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Le principal objectif de cette thèse est de contribuer à l'examen de la réalité culturelle de la Grèce contemporaine. La période: 1965-1975, a été choisie pour son exemplarité: c'est pendant cette décennie que le rapport art-politique acquiert une importance fondamentale dans la vie artistique grecque. La place des formes d'art dites d'avant-garde, dans l'art néohellénique, doit être évaluée par rapport à certains facteurs propres à la culture grecque. Ces facteurs sont: 1. Le rôle idéologique et esthétique des modelés tirés de la tradition locale. 2. L'influence de l'art moderne occidental et, plus particulièrement, parisien. 3. L'émigration des artistes. 4. L'engagement politique très apparent pendant les années 1960 et 1970, c'est à dire avant, pendant, et après la dictature de 1967-1974. 5. La prédominance de l'individualisme des artistes grecs, qui défavorise les mouvements collectifs. L'étude de ces problèmes devrait permettre l'approche d'un aspect important de la culture grecque d'aujourd'hui.
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7

Ricaud, Lucy. "Esprit d'avant-garde, esthétique et idéologie du vorticisme." Bordeaux 3, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997BOR30044.

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Il s'agit d'etablir le vorticisme comme un mouvement d'avant-garde. Merite-t-il cette appellation? car il ne suffit pas que le vorticisme soit le contemporain d'autres mouvements d'avant-garde pour dire qu'il en est un. Pour etablir de tels parametres trois approches s'imposent. La premiere est qu'une etude du vorticisme doit se developper a la lumiere constante et permanente des autres mouvements d'avant-garde. Une comparaison constante s'impose pour deceler les deviations du vorticisme par rapport aux criteres definis. Il sera donc question de mouvements contemporains du vorticisme tels que le postimpressionnisme ou l'imagisme, ou legerement en amont, des mouvements tels que l'expressionnisme, le fauvisme, le dadaisme, le suprematisme ou le rayonnisme. Ou encore en aval des mouvements tels que le surrealisme ou l'unanimisme. Mais il s'agira surtout des ennemis fetiches du vorticisme, deux mouvements a peu pres contemporains, le futurisme et le cubisme. Avec ces mouvements, le vorticisme partage l'esprit belliqueux, ne de l'etymologie du terme avant-garde, et le sens de l'experimentation artistique, inspire par les developpements technologiques du monde moderne de son contexte historique. Cependant, une fois l'emballage ultramoderne defait, un oxymore incontournable se presente : le vorticisme est un mouvement d'avant-garde reactionnaire. Sous ses facades d'experimentation artistique et d'esprit moderne se cache une ideologie autoritaire et antidemocratique qui nage a contre-courant, qui ne veut pas avancer, etre d'avant-garde, mais qui veut remonter le temps. L'experimentation stylistique du vorticisme reflete, a travers sa preoccupation avec la geometrie et la forme pure de l'abstraction, l'ideologie intolerante et antihumaniste du mouvement. Cet antihumanisme se traduit tout particulierement a travers l'attitude des vorticistes envers la femme, les homosexuels, l'homme de la rue et le lecteur lui-meme et egalement a travers le style d'indifference qui caracterise la production des membres de ce mouvement. En fait, le vorticisme, debarrasse de son maquillage avant-gardiste exterieur, est loin de pouvoir se ranger dans les parametres des theoriciens de l'avant-garde ce qui ne fait qu'aggraver la confusion generale qui entoure deja ce mouvement peu connu. Cette etude est suivie d'un volume iconographique contenant des reproductions des tableaux, dessins
This thesis aims at determining to what extent the vorticist movement can be considered to be an avant-garde movement. Does it indeed merit this title? for, it is not enough for it to be merely contemporary in time with other movements, that do comply with the definition of the avant-garde, for us to be able to affirm that vorticism complies too. The movement must thus be considered from three essential standpoints. First, our study of vorticism must be developed with the characteristics and practices of other avant-garde movements in mind. There will therefore be a discussion of movements that are contemporary with vorticism, like imagism or post-expressionism, or those that precede vorticism, such as expressionism, fauvism, dada, suprematism or rayonism. Or again, movements that follow on from vorticism, like surrealism and unanimism. Above all, the discussion will involve the two pet hates of vorticism, two other roughly contemporary movements, futurism and cubism. With these sister movements, vorticism shares a sense of aggresivity, which results no doubt from the military etymology of the term avant-garde, and with this a sense of artistic experimentation at all costs, insipred by the technological developments of the historical context of the time. However, beneath this apparently ultra-modern wrapping a central oxymoron becomes clear : vorticism is a reactionary avant-garde movement. Beneath its avant-garde facades and posturing lies an authoritarian and anti-democratic ideology which runs against the tide, which refuses to go forwards, in true avant-garde style, butwhich wants to go back in time, to an art of strict classical formalism accompanied by a corresponding political theory. The stylistic experimentation of the vorticists, their obsession for the formal exactitude and severity of a geometric style and of abstraction, reflects the intolerance and anti-humanism of their political and moral standpoint. This anti-humanism is aimed particulary against, first women, then homosexuals, and finally the common man and the common reader. It is expressed not only through the contents of the pamphlets and philosophical essays of the members of the group, but also through the feeling of indifference that dominates their portraits or character portrayl. We can thus conclude that the desire to include vorticism within the defined bounds of a rigourous study
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Le, Tellier Hervé. "L'Oulipo : langages et esthétique de la complicité." Paris 7, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA070062.

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L'Oulipo ouvroir de littérature potentielle, est née en 1960 fondé par Raymond Quenau et François Le Lionnais. Ni école, ni mouvement, ni avant-garde, cette co-commission du Collège de Pataphysique regroupe des écrivains et des mathématiciens, des écrivains-mathématiciens, des mathématiciens-écrivains, et des érudits. Sa pierre de touche sera l'exploration du lien entre mathématique et littérature, un lien qui va se décliner autour de notions diverses, évolutives, mobiles, en quarante ans d'existence : structure, contrainte, consigne, axiomatique, manipulation, combinatoire, procédé, procédure, etc. Son projet est de "penser, classer" les contraintes. Mais du point de vue du lecteur, ce projet peut s'envisager sous un angle triple : celui d'une connivence immédiate (complicité passive), d'une complicité cuturelle (propre à toute écriture), enfin de la constitution d'un "lecteur oulipien", lecteur auquel il est demandé un véritable effort, qui dépasse le cadre "naturel" du contrat passé entre un lecteur et un auteur. Mais la complicité oulipienne s'étend ainsi bien au-delà des seules oeuvres et des différents travaux des ses membres, voire du choix commun (pourtant chaque fois tout personnel) de recourir à des "contraintes". Elle va jusqu'à définir, insensiblement, à travers les jeux de la forme et du langage, un rapport au monde à la fois grave et facétieux, où la sagesse va de pair avec le coix accepté du dérisoire, et dont la tradition ancienne, voire antique, loin d'une "modernité" en permanente agonie, loin d'un post-modernisme taxinomisme et illusoire, s'ancre tout simplement dans ce qu'il faut bien appeler par son nom : l'humanité
The oulipo, Ouvroir de littérature potentielle, was born in 1960, and founded by Raymond Queneau and François Le Lionnais. Neither school nor movement, nor avant-garde, this co-commission of the College of Pataphysique regroups writers and mathematicians, writers who are also mathematicians, mathematicians who are also writers. For forty years and still now, its touchstone is the exploration of the link between mathematics and literature, a link that can be described through various notions, evolutive and changing : structure, constraint, order, axiomatic, manipulation, combinatory, process, procedure, etc. Its project is to "think / classify" constraints. But, from the reader's point of view, this project can also be understood under a triple angle where complicity is involved : the connivance can be immediate (passive complicity), cultural (as, truly, for all writing), or lead to the construction of an "oulipian reader". "This oulipian reader" must be ready to carry out a real effort, that exceeds from far the natural and conventional contract between the reader and the author. But oulipian complicity spreads thus far beyond the mere works of its members. It surpasses the common choice (nevertheless entirely individual) to resort to constraints. It defines imperceptibly, through the games induced by forms and language, a relationship to the world, a simultaneously serious and facetious relationship. Wisdom often walks along with derisory. This ancient tradition, perhaps even antique, far from a permanently agonizing modernism and any taxinomist and illusory post-modernism, simply anchors Oulipo in what may be called by its name : humanity
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9

Archer-Straw, Petrine. "Negrophilia Paris in the 1920's : a study of the artistic interest in and appropriation of, Negro cultural forms in Paris during that period." Online version, 1994. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/34427.

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Marçot, Jean-Louis. "La belle utopie : la France, son avant-garde et l'Algérie (1830-1848)." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0401.

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L'Algérie française - c'est-à-dire l'annexion d'une partie de l'Afrique et sa francisation par implantation massive d'une population européenne-, relève d'un projet colonial nouveau. Ce projet, dont l'expédition d'Egypte sous le Directoire a posé les jalons, n'a pu se réaliser sans une dimension sociale que seul le socialisme, alors naissant, était capable de lui apporter. La thèse analyse cet apport, reconstitue jusqu'en 1848 l'histoire de ce premier socialisme et de ses diverses composantes, dans le contexte d'une "question algérienne" étudiée pas à pas
French Algeria - that is to say the annexation of part of Africa and its Gallicization by means of massive settlings of european population -, is the result of a new colonial project. This project, for which the Egyptian Expedition under the directoire have paved the way, could not achieved without a social dimension that only the springing up socialism was able to give it. The thesis analyzes this contribution, reconstruct until 1848 the hizstory of this (first) socialism and its diverse components in the light of the "Algerian question" studied step by step
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Books on the topic "Avant-garde (esthétique) – France – Paris (France)"

1

Cubism in the shadow of war: The avant-garde and politics in Paris 1905-1914. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998.

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Bibliothèque Kandinsky (Paris, France). Fonds Paul Destribats, ed. Le Fonds Paul Destribats: Une collection de revues et de périodiques des avant-gardes internationales à la Bibliothèque Kandinksky. Paris: Éditions du Centre Pompidou, 2011.

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Thyssen-Bornemisza, Sammlung. The European avant-gardes: Art in France and Western Europe 1904-1945. London: Zwemmer, 1995.

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Delanoë, Nelcya. Le Raspail vert: L'American Center à Paris, 1934-1994 : une histoire des avant-gardes franco-américaines. Paris: Seghers, 1994.

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Esprit de corps: The art of the Parisian avant-garde and the First World War, 1914-1925. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1989.

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Silver, Kenneth E. Esprit de corps: The art of the Parisian avant-garde and the First World War, 1914-1925. London: Thames and Hudson, 1989.

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Marx-Scouras, Danielle. The cultural politics of Tel quel: Literature and the left in the wake of engagement. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996.

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The time of theory: A history of Tel Quel (1960-1983). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995.

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Picasso, Pablo. Picasso: The Vollard Suite : Pablo Ruiz Picasso, Spain, France, 1881-1973. Canberra: National Gallery of Australia, 1997.

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Anne, Baldassari, Musée Picasso (Paris France), and Art Gallery of Ontario, eds. Picasso: Masterpieces from the Musée National Picasso, Paris. Paris: Musée National Picasso, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Avant-garde (esthétique) – France – Paris (France)"

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Roust, Colin. "Boeuf sur le Toit and the Ballets Russes." In Georges Auric, 63–88. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190607777.003.0004.

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The phenomenon of Les Six and Auric’s role in Paris Dada positioned Auric at the center of the avant-garde between 1921 and 1925. His name even appeared in advertisements for Le Boeuf sur le Toit, the bar at which the Parisian avant-garde met and debated. This privileged position was reinforced by five commissions from Serge Diaghilev for the Ballets Russes. As a pianist, he played in the premiere of Stravinsky’s Les noces. As a music critic, he was also offered his first regular column in Les nouvelles littéraires. As life in Paris grew increasingly demanding for him, he increasingly sought refuge in southern France during the summers.
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Hecker, Sharon. "The Artist’s Experience of Migration." In Moment's Monument. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520294486.003.0006.

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This chapter looks at the shift in Medardo Rosso's position from an outsider in his own country to a foreigner in France. Rosso's move to Paris belongs to the wider phenomenon of increased migration by artists to the principal metropolis of modern art toward the end of the century. It also confirms his awareness of a new kind of transnational mobility. Tracing Rosso's trajectory as a form of self-exile characteristic of cultural anarchists, the chapter examines his hopeful but obstacle-ridden expatriation and his struggle to make avant-garde sculpture in the epoch and city dominated by Rodin. Paris at the end of the nineteenth-century offered Rosso new opportunities, such as a vibrant art scene, a burgeoning market for serial sculpture, and a network of sophisticated artists, collectors, and critics.
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Roust, Colin. "Withdrawing from the Parisian Music Scene." In Georges Auric, 89–112. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190607777.003.0005.

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After a dispute with Diaghilev over money and after a long-standing feud with fellow music critic Emile Vuillermoz, Auric abruptly made several shifts in his career in the late 1920s. He briefly moved out of Paris into the suburbs. He began collaborating frequently with avant-garde theatre companies and, beginning in 1930, would compose his first three film scores. He also dreamed of composing major works of absolute music, resulting in his 1930–31 Sonate en fa. In 1930, he married the painter Nora Vilter and the two settled in Hyères, in a home given to them by Charles and Marie de la Noailles. As the Great Depression settled into France, the Aurics struggled financially and his career reached its lowest point.
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Feinstein, Amy. "Conclusion." In Gertrude Stein and the Making of Jewish Modernism, 181–96. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066318.003.0008.

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The conclusion explores the ways that Stein’s identity as a Jewish and modernist writer was a potent symbol of collaboration and resistance in Vichy France and today. The chapter addresses and historicizes concerns over Stein’s Jewish identity and alleged Nazi-collaboration as raised by Alan Dershowitz and others in the popular press in 2012, when the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City opened the exhibition, “The Steins Collect: Matisse, Picasso, and the Parisian Avant-Garde.” Although Stein had translated the speeches of Pétain, Vichy’s head of state, her translations were never published and the origins and conclusion of the project remain unknown. In any case, the translation project must be considered alongside Stein’s numerous contributions to publications of the intellectual resistance. Popular claims of Stein’s Nazi collaboration are largely unsubstantiated, historically obtuse, and prone to reading Stein out-of-context, such as a widely-cited passage about being “conservative” in her 1939 memoir Paris France. In their determination to know about Stein’s wartime experiences and writings, the popular media have, nonetheless, affirmed the importance of Jewish identity and modernist style to Stein’s legacy as a writer. This book affirms that too.
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White, Eric B. "Excavating the ‘Readies’: The Revolution of the Word, Revised." In Reading Machines in the Modernist Transatlantic, 118–61. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474441490.003.0004.

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Bob Brown’s reading machine was a mechanised speed-reading system that scrolled micrographically-printed, highly visual texts called ‘readies’ under a magnifying screen. Although Brown’s work is now celebrated by critics, the current scholarly consensus is that the invention itself never worked. Drawing on previously-unknown archival evidence, this chapter presents a major revision of the reading machine’s foundation narrative, from its origins in WWI-era Greenwich Village, to its first working prototype built by the American artist-engineer Ross Saunders in France in 1931. The chapter focuses on three key cultural nodes that contributed to the evolution of Bob and Rose Brown’s reading machines: avant-garde writers of ‘The Revolution of the Word’, who fostered Brown’s project in transatlantic journals including transition, The Morada and The New Review; expatriate publishers such as the Black Sun and Hours Press (and trade journals including The Publishers’ Weekly); and American expatriate newspapers such as The Paris Tribune. In his cross-formational strategy he identified technology and technicity as points of convergence between these diverse groups. This chapter recontextualises Brown’s project by analysing the readies through these channels using a techno-bathetic framework. In doing so, it reveals both the complexities of that project, and its vast cultural reach and significance.
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