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1

Danesi, Serena. "Accusative Subjects in Avestan: ‘Errors’ or Non-Canonically Marked Arguments?" Indo-Iranian Journal 57, no. 3 (2014): 223–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-05703017.

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In Avestan, recurrent idiosyncrasies, mostly attested in the Young Avesta, are found in the case marking system: one of the most frequent anomalies is the accusative used in place of the nominative. This non-canonical marking of the subject is obviously relevant both for the study of the Avestan language and for historical-comparative linguistic studies, since accusative-marked subjects are found in several ancient Indo-European languages. Despite the fact that this phenomenon is regularly mentioned by Avestan grammars, it has not been properly investigated so far, either by philologists or by linguists. It has been tacitly assumed that such anomalous accusatives are errors due to the tortuous transmission of the Avestan texts. This article reconsiders the data reported in Avestan grammars and adds further examples to the bulk of the relevant data. As a result, a new interpretation based on both a linguistic analysis and an Indo-European comparison is proposed. Thus, it is argued that the accusatives found in place of a nominative cannot be taken as trivial mistakes since their distribution obeys certain principles. On the contrary, Avestan accusative subjects represent a linguistic phenomenon, only occasionally registered in the written texts and taking place under specific semantic and pragmatic conditions.
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2

Panaino, Antonio. "Parthian moγ and Middle Persian moγ/mow in Light of Earlier Eastern and Western Iranian Sources." Iran and the Caucasus 25, no. 3 (August 25, 2021): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20210303.

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The present article analyses the historical importance assumed by Parthian and Middle Persian moγ/mow (and related words) in the framework of the religious and administrative language of Late Antiquity despite its seemingly absolute absence in the Avestan Sprachgut. Although moγ should be reasonably considered as a word of (prominent) Western Iranian derivation, i.e. from Median and Old Persian magu-, the progressive phonetic evolution toward a spelling, such as that of early Parthian and Middle Persian *moγ(u)- created a fitting resonance with a rare Avestan word (in its turn probably nonexistent in the older strata of the language, if not even a Western loanword itself), specifically moγu-°, which is attested only in the Y.Av. compound moγu.tb̰ iš-. The rising weight assumed by the priestly college of the Magi in secular activities already during the Achaemenian period promoted the preservation of this title also after the diffusion of the Avestan liturgy in Western Iran. This development also ensured that the designation of *moγ(u)- became extended to the whole family of the Zoroastrian priests following the Avestan tradition.
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3

Hale, Mark. "Tmesis and movement in Avestan." Indo-Iranian Journal 36, no. 1 (1993): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000093790083920.

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AbstractA comparison of the facts described above for Younger Avestan with those uncovered in the discussion of Gathic Avestan reveals that tmesis in Avestan was the result of either (1) a fronting of the preverb or (2) the application of rules governing the placement of the clitics (especiallycā andvā). The fronting rule allowed movement of the preverb to a limited set of positions, normally initial position in the sentence, second position if initial position was taken up by an element in COMP, and, in metrical texts, to a major metrical boundary. Thus the relationship between a preverb and its verb was easily recoverable by the native speaker.This close relationship between tmesis and fronting is likely to be very old. The majority of hte Vedic and Greek examples can be analyzed as ‘preverb-fronting’,15 compare also Watkins (1963) for Celtic. It seems likely that the fronting of preverbs at least originally implied some emphasis on the semantics of the preverb, such emphasis being the normal function of fronting in the Proto-Indo-European clause. Tmesis without demonstrable preverb fronting is not found in the Avestan corpus, nor in Vedic prose, but it is not sufficiently rare in the Rigveda (given our current understanding of Rigvedic clause structure) to allow us to say that tmesis and preverb fronting were one and the same process for that language. The Avestan evidence surveyed here will thus prove crucial to the development of a comprehensive account of the diachronic development of tmesis in Indo-Iranian, and, therefore, in the Indo-European language family as a whole.
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4

Lubotsky, Alexander. "Young Avestan pašne and its etymology." Acta Linguistica Petropolitana XVIII, no. 1 (2022): 216–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/alp23065737181216225.

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5

Hale, Mark. "Tmesis and movement in Avestan." Indo-Iranian Journal 36, no. 1 (January 1993): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00903074.

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6

Danesi, Serena, Cynthia A. Johnson, and Jóhanna Barðdal. "Between the historical languages and the reconstructed language." Indogermanische Forschungen 122, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 143–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0007.

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Abstract The “dative of agent” construction in the Indo-European languages is most likely inherited from Proto-Indo-European (Hettrich 1990). Two recent proposals (Danesi 2013; Luraghi 2016), however, claim that the construction contains no agent at all. Luraghi argues that it is a secondary development from an original beneficiary function, while Danesi maintains that the construction is indeed reconstructable. Following Danesi, we analyze the relevant data in six different Indo-European languages: Sanskrit, Avestan, Ancient Greek, Latin, Tocharian, and Lithuanian, revealing similarities at a morphosyntactic level, a semantic level, and to some extent at an etymological level. An analysis involving a modal reading of the predicate, with a dative subject and a nominative object, is better equipped to account for the particulars of the construction than the traditional agentive/passive analysis. The proposal is couched within Construction Grammar, where the basic unit of language is the construction, i. e. a form-function correspondence. As constructions are by definition units of comparanda, they can be successfully utilized in the reconstruction of a proto-construction for Proto-Indo-European.
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7

Kümmel, Martin. "Vaan, Michiel de, The Avestan Vowels." Indo-Iranian Journal 50, no. 3 (September 2007): 273–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10783-008-9068-z.

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8

Kryukova, V. "Sraosha and Night in the Avestan Videvdat." Oriental Studies 2021, no. 88 (December 30, 2021): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/skhodoznavstvo2021.88.211.

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9

Perdih, Anton. "Linguistic Distances Based on Counting of Equal Sounds in Numerals from 1 to 10 in Different Language Groups." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 5 (August 13, 2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i5.4451.

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The relative frequency of equal sounds in pairs of adjacent numerals from 1 to 10 in languages of eleven language groups is a basis for calculation of linguistic distances. By this criterion, the Slavic languages form a cluster separated from all other tested languages. Of other languages, Avestan and Sanskrit are the closest to them. The Germanic languages form another cluster but this cluster is within the space of other tested languages, which are widely dispersed. This is an additional indication that the aboriginal Proto-Indo-European was Proto-Slavic and their speakers were the aboriginal Europeans: mainly the Y Chromosome haplogroup I, mtDNA haplogroup U people. In contact with newcomers of other language groups either the newcomers turned to Proto-Slavic, or the previously Proto-Slavic speakers lost their Proto-Slavic at all, or they turned the non-Indo-European newcomers into Indo-European. A novel time line for Nostratic studies is proposed.
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10

Ezdejini, Azin. "Controversial Avestan Compounds Relating to the Fire Cult." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 6, no. 10 (October 1, 2016): 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0610.15.

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One of the most significant issues in the study of avestan language is the analysis of compounds which contain an extensive grammatical chapter concluding numerous sub-categories. In the other words, the juxtaposition of two words so as to construct a compound has an active and productive structure with different aspects and could be analyzed from different perspectives based on the grammatical category of the first and second part of the compound as well as the effect of each part on the other one. In various cases, the mere grammatical and structural analyses of a compound would not lead us to decipher its exact signification; hence, our target compounds āsitō.gātu- and dāitiiō (.) gātu- should be examined in different contexts which could probably indicate the implication of various crucial ceremonies and rituals concerning fire, its purification and preparation, as an important element in zoroastrian beliefs.
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11

Fortson, Benjamin W. "The double reflex of *ai in Avestan*." Indo-Iranian Journal 39, no. 1 (January 1996): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00155006.

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12

Rosół, Rafał. "“The Messengers are Called Sangandai”: the Greek σαγγάνδης and its Relationship to ἀσγάνδης/ ἀστάνδης." Philologia Classica 16, no. 1 (2021): 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2021.104.

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This article examines the Greek noun σαγγάνδης ‘messenger’ which is attested in two lexica, dated to the Roman or early Byzantine periods: the Cambridge Rhetorical Lexicon by an anonymous author and Difficult Words in the Attic Orators by Claudius Casilo. In both works, σαγγάνδης appears together with three words of likely Iranian provenance: ὀροσάγγης ‘benefactor of the Persian king; bodyguard’, παρασάγγης ‘parasang; messenger’ and ἄγγαρος ‘messenger, courier; workman, labourer’. The word σαγγάνδης is analysed in comparison with ἀσγάνδης/ ἀστάνδης ‘messenger’ occurring for the first time in Plutarch’s works and closely linked to the Achaemenid administration. According to the hypothesis put forward in the present paper, both σαγγάνδης and σγάνδης (with its secondary variant στάνδης) are connected to Manichaean Middle Persian/Parthian ižgand ‘messenger’, Sogdian (a)žγand/(ɔ) žγand/ž(i)γant ‘id.’, Jewish Aramaic ʾîzgaddā ‘id.’, Syriac izgandā/izgaddā ‘id.’, Mandaic ašganda ‘helper, assistant, servant; the Messenger’, and go back to Old Persian *zganda- or to early Middle Persian/early Parthian *žgand- (or *zgand-) with the original meaning ‘mounted messenger’. The reconstructed noun is derived from the Proto-Iranian root *zga(n)d- ‘to go on, gallop, mount’, attested in Avestan (Younger Avestan zgaδ(/θ)- ‘to go on horseback, gallop’) and in some Middle and Modern Iranian languages. The original form of the loanword in Greek was probably *σγάνδης which then underwent certain transformations.
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13

Peschl, Benedikt. "Avestan-Middle Persian tense mismatches in the Zand and the Middle Persian “performative preterite”." Indogermanische Forschungen 128, no. 1 (September 4, 2023): 9–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2023-0002.

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14

Grieco, Beatrice. "The Sanskrit Auxiliary sthā- ‘stand’, with a Note on Avestan stā-." Indo-Iranian Journal 67, no. 2 (March 4, 2024): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06702001.

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Abstract Traditional grammars of Sanskrit briefly address the periphrastic use of the verbs i- ‘go’, car- ‘move’, ās- ‘sit’ and sthā- ‘stand’ plus participle or gerund, which convey the meaning ‘to be continually/habitually x’ (x = participle or gerund), but an in-depth analysis of this set of auxiliaries remains a desideratum. This paper specifically addresses the periphrasis formed with the posture verb sthā- ‘stand’. I will investigate the diachronic development of this construction from the Rig-Veda to the Late Vedic period, and I will additionally offer a brief overview of the construction in the Epic Sanskrit language. On the basis of a large diachronically-oriented corpus, I will show that the Rig-Veda does not provide clear evidence of periphrases, whereas in Late Vedic periphrases with sthā- have unambiguously emerged. Furthermore, the data will be compared with the Avestan stā- periphrasis, showing that these two periphrases share certain affinities. This analysis aims to show that there exists a close relationship between this set of periphrases and the intensive category.
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15

Ghalekhani, Golnar, and Mahdi Khaksar. "A Thematic and Etymological Glossary of Aquatic and Bird Genera Names in Iranian Bundahišm." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 62 (October 2015): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.62.39.

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The purpose of this study is to present a thematic and etymological glossary of aquatic and bird genera names which have been mentioned in Iranian Bundahišn. In this research, after arranging animal names in Persian alphabetic order in their respective genus, first the transliteration and transcription of animal names in middle Persian language are provided. Afterwards, the part of Bundahišn that contains the actual animal names and the relevant translations are mentioned. The etymology of every animal name is described by considering the morphemic source. Finally, mention is made of the mythology connected to the animal and the animal category in Iranian Bundahišn (if available), and the way in which the words have changed from Old Persian up to now. Changes in the name of every animal from the ancient languages such as Indo-European, Sanskrit, Old Persian and Avestan to middle languages such as Pahlavi, Sogdian, Khotanese, and Chorasmian and how the name appears in new Iranian languages and dialects such as Behdini (Gabri), Kurdi, Baluchi and Yaghnobi are also referred to.
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16

Peschl, Benedikt. "Rašn Yašt. The Avestan Hymn to ‘Justice’, written by Leon Goldman." Indo-Iranian Journal 60, no. 3 (2017): 285–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06003004.

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17

Gorshkov, Andrey. "Persian theme in Plutarch’s works based on the episode from the treatise “On Isis and Osiris”." Litera, no. 8 (August 2021): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2021.8.36326.

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The object of this research is the cultural ties between Greeks and Persians, while the subject is the image of Persia and Persian in Plutarch's treatise “On Isis and Osiris”. The author carefully examines such aspects of the topic as the problem of barbarism, Zoroastrianism as the foundation of Persian worldview, Persians from the perspective of Plutarch, description of Persian religious rites and traditions. Special attention is turned to the problems of borrowing Persian words into the Ancient Greek language (Avestan lexemes are being modified in the Ancient Persian language, and then adapted in the Ancient Greek language). It is noted that Greek language has been influenced by the barbarian languages due to deepening ties of the Greeks with other peoples. The conclusion is made that Plutarch was sincerely fascinated with Persians and certain aspects of their worldview; he compares the sayings of the Greek philosophers and poets with Persian ontology — contrary to the stereotypical perception of the Persians as barbarians, standing below the Greeks in their development. The author’s special contribution consists in juxtaposition of the Zoroastrian doctrinal provisions with the rites and practices of the Persians described by Plutarch. The novelty of this research consists in the advanced hypothesis that explains the rich spirit in the lexeme Ὡρομάζης. The relevance this work lies in examination of interaction between the Greek and Persian worlds, which has not received due attention in the Russian philological science.
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18

Sommer, Sommer. "Artemis Orthia." Indogermanische Forschungen 127, no. 1 (October 1, 2022): 307–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0014.

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Zusammenfassung The goddess Orthia, whose name is attested by different variants in inscriptions mainly at her sanctuary at Sparta, and who was at some point identified with Artemis, is the subject of an ongoing debate in various fields of ancient studies. As the textual mythology of the goddess is meagre, the etymology of this theonym is of primary importance in bringing to light possible mythological concepts associated with the deity. Drawing on earlier attempts proposed in the literature, the Greek adjective ὀρθός (ved. ūrdhvá- ‚upright‘) is identified as the natural derivational basis for the name, which can in turn be traced back to the PIE root underlying ved. vrādh- and av. uruuad-. In Vedic, ūrdhvá- is used in describing the epiphany of Uṣas. Orthia can therefore be considered to be a descendant of the PIE dawn goddess. Via its etymology, the name of Orthia is related to the Avestan theonym Arəduuī (and probably to Celtic Ardvinna as well). The abundantly documented mythological profile of the Iranian goddess matches up well with the proposed origin of the name, thereby cross-validating the linguistic and mythological origin of Orthia.
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19

Sadovski, Velizar. "A Step Forward in Reaching toward the Indo-Iranian Background of the Avestan and Vedic Liturgies." Indo-Iranian Journal 66, no. 2 (June 22, 2023): 149–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06602005.

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Abstract This survey discusses a series of achievements in comparative Indo-Iranian studies, on the occasion of the appearance of a new representative volume. The presentation of these achievements aims to trace existing and new directions of scholarly co-operation between Vedists, Avestologists, specialists in Achaemenid and Sassanian studies, as well as, more generally, between Indo-Europeanists, philologists and scholars of history of culture and religions with the aim to continue the reconstruction of Indo-Iranian sacred texts and religious practices.
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20

Cantera, Alberto. "Fire, the Greatest God (ātarš … mazišta yazata)." Indo-Iranian Journal 62, no. 1 (March 20, 2019): 19–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06201004.

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Abstract The lack of evidence for the existence of fire temples in ancient Iran has been used as an argument for the absence of the concept of the “eternal fire” in the Avestan texts. However, a new analysis of the final section of the Long Liturgy shows that the fire was usually removed from the sacrificial area before the recitation of Yasna 62.7 and transported back to the “house of men” from which it had been taken. As such, the Long Liturgy partly appears as a functional equivalent of the bōy dādan ceremonies performed for the feeding of the fire at the fire temples in later times. This new reading of the final section of the liturgy is the result of a re-evaluation of the manuscripts, highlighting the shortcomings of previous editions of the Long Liturgy. Furthermore, the new interpretation approaches the Long Liturgy from a non Yasna-centric perspective, taking into account the Yasna as well as the Visperad (and other variants).
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21

Nikolaev, Alexander. "Iranian *zganda- ‘mounted messenger’, *zgad- ‘to ride’ and Greek σφαδᾴζω." Philologia Classica 16, no. 2 (2021): 222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2021.204.

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This article argues that Greek σφαδᾴζω ‘struggle, toss one’s body about’ is etymologically related to Proto-Iranian *zgad- ‘to ride, gallop’ and *zganda- ‘messenger’, the source of loanwords σαγγάνδης and ἀσγάνδης in Greek. Iranian nominal stems *zgandá - ‘rider, mounted messenger’ and *zgánda- ‘riding’ (reflected in Sogdian non-finite forms) suggest the reconstruction of a Proto-Iranian root *zgand-, the zero-grade form of which is found in tudáti-type verbal stem *zgadá-ti ‘rides, gallops’ (*zgad- < *zgn̥ d-). The correspondence between Greek σφ- and Iranian *zg- is unproblematic, since these are regular reflexes of PIE *sgwh- in both languages, compare Younger Avestan zgərəsna- ‘round, circular’ vis-à-vis Greek σφαῖρα ‘sphere, ball, globe’. Importantly, in its earliest attestations Greek σφαδᾴζω is used to refer to horses that are prancing, struggling, and moving violently: the application of the verb to human agony is demonstrably secondary. The Greek verb is best analyzed as a denominative *σφαδαι-ιζωderived from an unattested adjective *σφάδαιος, itself made from a nominal stem *σφάδη or *σφαδή, cf. ματᾴζω ‘speak foolishly’ ← μάταιος‘foolish’ ← μάτη ‘foolishness’; the underlying unattested noun, whether *σφάδη ‘kicking, tossing’ or *σφαδή ‘kick, toss’, is based on a thematic verbal stem *σφαδε/ο- ‘to kick, toss, move swiftly (of horses)’ identical in origin with Proto-Iranian *zgadá-ti. On the basis of these forms, a new PIE root *sgwhend- / *sgwh ̥n d- ‘to move quickly (of horses)’ can be reconstructed.
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Nikolaev, Alexander. "YAv. Spitiiura- and the Compositional Form of PIE *u̯r̥h1-en- ‘Lamb’ in Indo-Iranian." Indo-Iranian Journal 64, no. 2 (May 27, 2021): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06402003.

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Abstract This paper argues that the second member of the Avestan compounded personal name Spitiiura- goes back to the Indo-Iranian word for ‘lamb’: Ved. úran-, Mod. Pers. barra. The name ‘having shining white lambs’ can be shown to have mythopoetic parallels in other Indo-European traditions. It is argued that the expected second member *-u̯r̥h1n-ó- formed from simplex *u̯r̥h1en- with a thematic suffix was analogically remodeled as *-u̯r̥h1-ó- in pre-Indo-Iranian times: the model was provided by second members of compounds made from n-stems which lost the nasal due to the so-called “ašnō-rule”, e.g. Ved. víparva- made from *péru̯on- or YAv. ka-mərəda- made from *ml̥h3dhon-. Similar analogical remodeling is found in Ved. aṣṭavr̥ṣá- from vr̥ṣán- and many other cases. The compound further underwent a laryngeal loss by the so-called “νεογνός-rule” (cf. Ved. tuvigrá- ‘swallowing much’ < *-gwr̥h3-ó-) and the resulting sequence *-u̯r̥o- was resyllabified as *-uro-. Therefore, Av. ºura- can represent a “compositional form” of PIE *u̯r̥h1en- ‘lamb’ and Bartholomae’s analysis of Spitiiura- as ‘having shining white lambs’ may still carry the day.
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Э.Б., САТЦАЕВ,, and АБДОЛЛАХИ, М. "FORMATION AND FEATURES OF THE GENDER CATEGORY IN IRANIAN LANGUAGES." Известия СОИГСИ, no. 46(85) (December 19, 2022): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2022.85.46.013.

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Род – грамматическая категория, она свойственна разным частям речи и состоит из распределений слов или форм по двум или трем классом, которые называются: мужской, женский и средний. Семантика родовой классификации размыта и неясна, лишь в части существительных можно наблюдать отражение реальных половых различий. Наличие рода – характерная особенбьность грамматики многих языков, в том числе индоевропейских. Однако степень сохранности рода в разных европейских языках различна. Это связано во многом с устойчивостью синтетизма в системе словообразования. Древние индоевропейские языки (санскрит, авестийский, древнегреческий, латинский и др.) показывают трехродовую систему. Однако в более древнем по сравнению с ними хеттском языке наблюдаем лишь два рода – общий (одушевленный) и средний. Хеттский же язык является первым в истории индоевропейским языком с письменной фиксацией. Среди современных индоевропейских языков встречаются как трехродовые, так и двухродовые, в число которых входят и некоторые иранские языки. Система рода свойственна и семитским языкам. Род отсутствует в тюркских, финно-угорском, монгольском, нахско-дагестанском, картвельском и других языках. Кавказские языки вместо рода используют именные классы, которые, как правило, более богаты, чем родовые различия. Род при это может существовать как автономная подсистема в пределах одного из именных классов. Количество классов доходит до сорока. Происхождение классов, как и рода, неясно. В большинстве современных иранских языков род как грамматическая категория утрачен. В древнеиранских языках существовало три рода – мужской, женский и средний. В среднеиранскую языковую эпоху в части иранских языков категория рода исчезла. В среднеперсидском и парфянском языках система рода не прослеживается. Что касается восточноиранских языков, то здесь категория рода сохранилась хорошо. Это согдийский, хотаносакский и хорезмийский языки. Письменный материал аланского и бактрийского языков не может однозначно ответить, существовал в них род или нет. В новоиранских языках также система рода сохранилась неодинаково. Во многих из них категория рода исчезла. Лучше всего система рода сохранилась в курдском (курманджи), шугнанском и особенно афганском (пушту) языках. В осетинском языке категории рода нет, однако наблюдаются некоторые реликты в плане ономастики, что говорит о наличии рода в скифском языке. Gender is a grammatical category; it is characteristic of different parts of speech and consists of the distribution of words or forms into two or three classes, which are called male, female and middle. The semantics of the generic classification is vague and unclear, only a part of nouns reflects real gender differences. The presence of gender is a characteristic feature of the grammar of many languages, including Indo-European. However, the degree of preservation of the gender in different European languages is different. This is largely due to the stability of synthetism in the system of word formation. The ancient Indo-European languages (Sanskrit, Avestan, Ancient Greek, Latin etc.) show a three-tier system. However, in the more ancient Hittite language compared to them, we observe only two genders – common (animate) and middle. The Hittite language is the first in the history of Indo-European languages with written fixation. In modern Indo-European languages there are both three-gender and two-gender, which include some Iranian languages. The gender system is also characteristic of Semitic languages. The genus is absent in Turkic, Finno-Ugric, Mongolian, Nakh-Dagestan, Kartvelian and other languages. Caucasian languages use noun classes instead of gender, which tend to be richer than gender distinctions. In this case, the genus can exist as an autonomous subsystem within one of the named classes. The number of classes reaches forty. Origin of the classes, as well as of the genus, is unclear. In most modern Iranian languages gender as a grammatical category has been lost. In ancient Iranian languages, there were three genders – masculine, feminine and neutral. In the Middle Iranian language epoch in part of the Iranian languages the gender category disappeared. In Middle Persian and Parthian languages the gender system is not traced. As for the Eastern Iranian languages, the gender category is well preserved there. These are Sogdian, Khotanosak and Khorezmian. The written material of the Alanian and Bactrian languages cannot unequivocally answer, whether a genus existed in them or not. In new Iranian languages the gender system also was not preserved in the same way. In many of them the gender category has disappeared. The gender system is best preserved in Kurdish (Kurmanji), Shughni and especially in Afghan (Pashto) languages. There is no category of gender in Ossetian language. However, there are some relics in terms of onomastics, which indicates the presence of a gender in Scythian language.
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Campanile, Enrico. "Réflexions Sur La Reconstruction De La Phraséologie Poétique Indo-Européenne." Diachronica 10, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.10.1.02cam.

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SUMMARY Indo-Iranian poetic phraseology has been the subject of quite a number of contributions which have resulted in the identification of numerous formulas of poetic language. These results have effectively been facilitated by the fact that not only Vedic and Gathic culture, but also the lexicon of the texts are extremely conservative, so much so that their comparison permits the reconstruction of entire verbal strings which could be attributed with certainty to the common phase of Indo-Iranian. The present study attempts to show that, among these formulas, there are a great number which could be traced back to the poetic lexicon of Indo-European, and this to the extent where they are attested not only in Vedic and Avestan, but in other Indo-European languages as well. This presupposes that one considers at the same time the phenomena of lexical renewal and lexical variation which manifest themselves in the history of every language and even in Indo-European. All this means that the reconstruction of the poetic formulas of Indo-European should be based not on the identity of signifiers, but on that of the signifieds. RÉSUMÉ La phraséologie poétique de l'indo-iranien a fait l'objet de bien des contributions, qui ont abouti à l'identification de nombreuses formules du langage poétique; et cela a été objectivement facilité par le fait que non seulement la culture, mais aussi le lexique des textes védiques et gathiques sont extrêmement conservateurs, si bien que leur comparaison permet de reconstruire sans difficulté des séquences verbales que l'on peut attribuer avec certitude à la phase commune de l'indo-iranien. Notre étude se propose de montrer que, parmi ces formules, nombreuses sont celles qu'on peut faire remonter au lexique poétique de l'indo-européen, dans la mesure où elles sont attestées non seulement en védique et en avestique, mais aussi dans d'autres langues indo-européennes, pour peu que l'on prenne en compte les phénomènes de renouvellement lexical et de variation lexicale qui se sont manifestés dans l'histoire de chaque langue et même dans l'indo-européen. Cela signifie que la reconstruction des formules poétiques de l'indo-européen doit se fonder non pas sur l'identité des signifiants, mais sur celle des signifiés. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Indo-iranische poetische Phraseologie ist bisher schon Objekt vieler Bei-trage gewesen, die zur Identifikation einer groBen Anzahl von Formeln poeti-scher Sprache geführt haben. Diese Ergebnisse sind nicht zuletzt dadurch mög-lich geworden, daB nicht nur die vedische und gathische Kultur, sondern auch das Lexikon dieser Texte ziemlich konservativ sind, und zwar so sehr, daB deren Vergleich ohne Schwierigkeit die Rekonstruktion ganzer Verbalfolgen erlaubt, die mit Sicherheit der gemeinsamen indo-iranischen Phase zugeschrie-ben werden konnen. Die vorgelegte Arbeit versucht zu zeigen, daB unter diesen Formeln sich eine groBe Anzahl befindet, die auf das poetische Lexikon des Indo-Europaischen zurückgeführt werden können, und dies soweit sie nicht nur fur das Vedische und Avestische, sondern auch für andere indoeuropaische Sprachen attestiert sind. AU dies setzt freilich voraus, daß man ebenfalls Phä-nomene lexikalischer Erneuerung und lexikalischer Variation mitberücksichtigt, die sich in der Geschichte einer jeden Sprache manifestieren, sogar im Indo-Europäischen. All dies bedeutet, daß sich die Rekonstruktion poetischer Formeln des Indo-Europäischen nicht auf die Identität der Bezeichnenden, sondern der Bezeichneten stützen muß.
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Widmer, Paul. "Satzspaltung im Avestischen und Altpersischen (mit einem Ausblick auf das Mittelpersische)." Indo-Iranian Journal 55, no. 2 (2012): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/001972412x620178.

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AbstractThis paper investigates the formal and functional properties of cleft sentences in Avestan and Old Persian, a construction whose existence has not been recognised in these languages hitherto. In Avestan, cleft sentences mainly function as focussing device, whereas in Old Persian, their principal function consists in the structuring of information on a text level. It is, furthermore, pointed to the fact that the usage of cleft sentences increases considerably in Middle Persian where this construction developed a much wider range of formal and functional properties as compared to the older stages of Iranian.
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Ittzés, Máté. "The augment of vowel-initial roots and vṛddhi–derivation in the Indo–Iranian languages." Indogermanische Forschungen 119, no. 1 (November 1, 2014): 355–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2014-0018.

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Abstract The augment of vowel-initial roots in Old Indo-Aryan consists in the vṛddhi grade of the initial vowel of the verbal stem. Although the origin of this feature can basically be explained in phonological terms, as described by Lubotsky (1995) and others, it is pointed out that the analogy of verb stems with full or lengthened grade root might have played a role as well. On the other hand, in absence of relevant forms in Avestan and Old Persian, the parallelism between the augment and vṛddhi‑derivation has to be taken into account if we want to describe the augment of vowel-initial roots in the Old Iranian languages. It is argued that the vṛddhi‑derivation in Old Persian was similar to the situation in Avestan, i. e. simple vowels were replaced by short diphthongs (not by long ones, as in Old Indo-Aryan) and this has to be assumed for the Old Persian augment of vowelinitial roots as well.
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Ardakany, Poorchista Goshtasbi. "Construction Analysis of “Srōš Bāǰ”: The Opening Part of the Zoroastrian Prayer." Asian Culture and History 15, no. 1 (May 30, 2023): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n1p111.

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The present study examines the structure of Srō&scaron; Bāǰ Avesta, which forms the first part of the Zoroastrian prayer, in order to determine its different parts and how to construct it. The Zoroastrian prayer was created by Zoroastrian religious leaders, and over time Zoroastrian religious leaders added things to it or subtracted things from it. In this research, it will be determined from which part of the Avesta each part of Srō&scaron; bāǰ was taken and which parts were made by Zoroastrian religious leaders and included in this Avesta. In this article, both Iranian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ and Indian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ will be examined and analyzed in order to determine the structure of each one from which part of the Avesta it is taken from. Based on the findings of this research, Indian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ has parts of Avesta that Iranian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ does not have. Also, Indian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ has two parts in Pārsī Gujarātī language and Iranian Srō&scaron; Bāǰ has a part in Persian language. The results obtained from this research show that Pārsīs of India read Srō&scaron; Bāǰ in a different way at the beginning of their prayers, and Pārsī religious leaders have added parts to it to complete Srō&scaron; Bāǰ.The author of this article is one of the Iranian Zoroastrians and is fully acquainted with the prayers of the Pārsīs of India and the Pārsī Gujarātī language.
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Zlatanov, Ilya. "Turkish Culinary Terminology in Bulgarian. A Historical Approach." Chuzhdoezikovo Obuchenie-Foreign Language Teaching 50, no. 1 (February 21, 2023): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/for23.141turs.

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This article describes the origin of a number of culinary terms that penetrated the Bulgarian language through Turkish mediation. The Ottoman Turkish language contains a significant layer of Arabic and Persian vocabulary, which has also entered the Bulgarian language. Some of the Arabic vocabulary was inherited from Aramaic, the language of Jesus Christ, and from the Akkadian language of Babylon and Assyria, and Persian - from the language of the Zend Avesta. As a result, Bulgarian culinary terminology preserves an ancient heritage.
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Zulyeno, Bastian. "Sastra Sufistik Persia; Citra Kehidupan dalam Masnawi Maknawi Karya Jalaluddin Rumi." EDUCULTURAL: International Journal of Education, Culture and Humanities 1, no. 1 (August 21, 2018): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33121/educultur.v1i1.28.

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Persian literature has been developing since hundreds of years BC, this can be seen from the Zoroastrian or "Avesta" holy books. This book contains mostly about the praise and greatness of the Lord "Ahuramazda" written in the form of poetry. The name Avesta itself comes from the name of the writing and the language used in this book, therefore the researchers named this holy book with the name Avesta. Avesta is the root of ancient Persian before Parthi, Soghdi and Pahlavi. One of the scientific traditions inherited by the Persians is the science of Tasawwuf and Sufistic literature is the biological child born of him. Persian land has long been fertile with Sufism thought with its typical eastern imagination. One of the Persian maestros whose thinking was global was Jalaluddin Muhammad ibn Sultan al Ulama Bahauddin Muhammad ibn Huasain ibn khatibi Bakri Balkhi who was better known as Rumi and all the works he left behind used Persian. Sufistic or mystical literature is a work produced by Sufi poets or a wise person whose poetry is based on his Sufistic experience. This paper discusses the main theme based on several verses of poetry contained in the Masnawi Maknawi of the great works of the great Persian Sufi of the 13th century.
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Khkalay, Ajmal, and Shafiqullah Amirzay. "Study of Gender in Pashto Grammar." Randwick International of Education and Linguistics Science Journal 4, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 544–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rielsj.v4i3.791.

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According to female perspective the male mentality about them in culture, is the mentality based on narcissism, which is a social reality. On this basis, we can also study languages that, according to women perspective or feminist theory, retain their gender and differentiate between word meanings and grammatical rules based on gender. In these languages, there used to be Avestian and Persian, which now leaves behind gender in the language. now it is Pashto, which still retains gender and differentiates linguistic rules and trends based on gender. In Pashto, gender is dominated by two areas: One in independent concepts and the other in grammatical variations. In Pashto, there is a gender difference in the price of nouns, adjectives, numbers, and adverbs, as well as in the case of verb descriptions. However, in all these contexts, the source is masculinity, from which the feminine derives, so there are two ways: from the most common masculine to feminine.
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Abdulloyev, Shukhrat. "UZBEK TRANSLATIONS OF AVESTA: PROBLEMS AND REASONING." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 16, no. 2 (August 30, 2019): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2019-16-11.

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This article is devoted to the oldest written source of the peoples of Central Asia - the Avesta, and the options for its translation into the Uzbek language (M. Iskhakov, A.Kayumov, E. Rtveladze, B. Jalalov, A. Makhkam). It shows the originality of translations,methods of using terms, i.e. their similarities and differences, as well as some situations that arose when using these translations as source
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de Blois, François. "“Freemen” and “Nobles” in Iranian and Semitic Languages." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 117, no. 1 (January 1985): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00154899.

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It has been recognized for a long time that the Iranian word āzāta- covers what would seem to us to be two distinct ideas: “free” (not a slave) and “noble” (not a commoner). Avestan has āzāta-, “noble” hvāzāta-, “very noble”; Old Persian *āzāta- is attested by the phrase ’zt šbqtky bmwty, “I free you (a slave girl) at my death”, in an Aramaic document from Elephantine dated in the 38th year of Artaxerxes (427 B.C.). Early Middle Iranian forms are reflected by Hesychius' glosses , i.e. *āzāt-īh, = “freedom”, and i.e. *āzāta- with the Greek plural suffix “the intimates of the (Persian) king”. That the Arsacid Parthians used one and the same word for “free” and “noble” is evident from two passages where Josephus refers to the Parthian élite troops as “free men”. In Middle Persian and Sasanian Parthian texts āzād is extensively attested in both senses, “free” and “noble”, as are numerous derivatives. From Parthian come Armenian azat, “free, noble” and Georgian azat'i, “free”. Sogdian ”z't means “noble”, “free”, and “clear”. Khotanese has āysāta-, “well born” and “free born”. In Neo-Persian, however, āzād has become restricted to “free”, while āzāda is used for “noble”; Persian āzād (ozod, etc.) has been borrowed into most other Neo-Iranian languages, but an independent form has survived in Kurdish aza, “brave”; Ossetic azat, “free”, is perhaps borrowed from Georgian.
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Vertiienko, Hanna V. "Understanding the Names and Functions of Mythical Fishes in the Avesta." Вопросы ономастики 17, no. 2 (2020): 166–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2020.17.2.022.

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Vaan, Michiel. "Cantera, Alberto, Studien zur Pahlavi-Übersetzung des Avesta." Indo-Iranian Journal 50, no. 1 (March 2007): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10783-007-9031-4.

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Mahalakshmi, R. "Gods, rituals and religious ideas: An exploration of the Avesta and the R. gveda." Studies in People's History 5, no. 2 (October 12, 2018): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448918795736.

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This article seeks to study the earliest textual traditions in the Iranian and Indian contexts in a comparative perspective. It focuses on certain key ideas such as heaven and hell, as reflected (or their absence, as the case might be) in the Avesta and Ṛg Veda, to expose the cultural distinctiveness that the religions may reveal.1 Both of these texts are understood to belong to the same time periods, and there is much in the language cultures that suggest common origins. However, it appears that some earlier ideas, specifically in the Proto-Iranian context, may have affected the religious orientation and ritual beliefs of the people in the region. By focusing on these indicators of cultural variance and adaptation, this article seeks to trace the evolution of specific forms of language cultures, where the shared linguistic affinities are not supported by other cultural traits.2
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Jamison, Stephanie W. "Sociolinguistic Remarks on the Indo-Iranian *-ka-Suffix: A Marker of Colloquial Register." Indo-Iranian Journal 52, no. 2-3 (2009): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/001972409x12562030836615.

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AbstractThe widespread Indo-Iranian *-ka suffix (also widely distributed elsewhere in Indo-European) is generally characterized as a diminutive or deprecatory marker, shading into pleonastic meaninglessness. However, it is easier to account for its extremely varied distribution and diverse functions by interpreting it as a sociolinguistic marker of colloquial or informal speech. The explosive growth of the suffix in the "middle" period languages of both Iranian and Indo-Aryan results in part from the greater representation of vernacular speech in those languages, but also from the convenience of the suffix as a means of staving off word-final phonological erosion. The suffix is also associated with speech by and about women from the ancient period (Vedic Sanskrit and Avestan) onwards. is association results from the fact that women are typed as colloquial speakers throughout these texts, lacking access to high-register grammatical forms and styles, and therefore paying attention to women's speech in ancient texts may give us a window on the colloquial register that is otherwise unavailable to us in these elite products.
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Timuş, Mihaela. "Breaking the Rules: Considerations on Zoroastrian Terminology Related to the Idea of Heresy." Numen 66, no. 2-3 (April 10, 2019): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341540.

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AbstractThe present article is a part of a wider project devoted to the Zoroastrian Middle Persian terminology often translated in European languages as “heresy” or “heretic.” I offer here an analysis of the Middle Persian ahlomōγ according to only one text of the exegetical literature of this religious tradition, written down after the Arab conquest of Iran, namely Dēnkard 7. I propose a hypothesis according to which the majority of the contexts in which this term is used refers to Mazdak and the Mazdakites, suggesting that the author of Dēnkard 7 here draws a historical scheme of this sectarian movement. Other meanings, though not so many, can be found, such as “apostasy.” Among the methodological considerations, one finds that the same notion may have slightly changed meaning from one text to another, from one period to another. The Avestan ašǝmaoγa, for which the Middle Persian ahlomōγ is a translation, does not clearly lead to the idea of heresy, understood as schism or sect.
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RUSSEL, J. R. "Scythians and Avesta in an Armenian Vernacular Paternoster and a Zok Paternoster." Le Muséon 110, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.110.1.525802.

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39

Stausberg, Michael. "Der Zoroastrismus als iranische religion und die Semantik von ,Iran' in der zoroastrischen religionsgeschichte." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 63, no. 4 (2011): 313–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007311798293575.

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AbstractZoroastrianism, one of the three recognized religious minorities in the Islamic Republic, can claim a specific linkage with Iran since the Avestan Vendidād and its other primary religious documents were written in Iranian languages and its history has for the most part unfolded in Iran (in a larger geographical sense). The term Aryan is used in inscriptions by the Achaemenian king Darius I as a way to gloss the name of the deity Ahura Mazdā (the 'God of the Aryans'). In the Sasanian period, Iran became the name of the empire. Zoroastrian literature written under Islamic rule, reaffirms the idea of a unity between kingship and (Zoroastrian) religion, but transposes its realization into the eschatological future. After centuries of decline and discrimination, twentieth-century modernization entailed the prospect of societal reintegration for Zoroastrians; an unachieved hope under the Pahlavis, this prospect has become even more remote under the political conditions imposed by the Islamic Republic, where Zoroastrians now use the vocabulary of martyrdom to express their commitment to their homeland.
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Tavakoli, Helia. "1771 et au-delà : comment la France est passée de la persanerie au persanisme?" Oriente Moderno 96, no. 2 (November 18, 2016): 316–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340108.

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This article summarizes the birth and evolution of Persian studies in France. The year 1771 marks the beginning of Persian studies in Europe. In that year the major translation of the holy book Avesta by Anquetil-Duperron appeared in French, while A Grammar of the Persian Language by William Jones was published in England. Focusing on the knowledge of and allusions to Persian culture and literature in France from 1771 on, the study offers to answer these questions: How did the publication of these two major works contribute to the genesis of Persian studies in France? What changes emerged after the appearance of these two books in France? Was the nineteenth century also influenced by the work of these two scholars, or was their effects limited to the eighteenth century?
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Loma, Aleksandar. "*Rěc', *slovo, *besěda: Etymology and semantic prehistory." Juznoslovenski filolog, no. 64 (2008): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi0864199l.

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Common Slavic words *r?c', *slovo and *bes?da all came to express, in different Slavic languages, the linguistic notion of 'word, speech', but each of those apparent synonyms has a (pre)history of its own. That of *r?c' is the least complicated: as a verbal noun from *rekti 'to say', it stands in the closest relationship to its object, which may explain the semantic development to 'thing'. *Slovo goes back to PIE *kl?uos 'fame', which is also the prevalent meaning of its cognates in IE languages. As an exception Avestan sravah- does not mean 'word', as it had been taken for granted for a long time, but rather 'eulogy, hymn'. Not unlike it -and Homeric Pl. kl?a andr?n- Pre-Christian *slovo seems to have been a solemn, especially commemorative speech, a funeral lamentation, an epic poem. In translating the Holy Scripture into Slavonic it apparently met Greek logos in the rhetorical part of its semantic field, and only secondarily expanded onto the lexical one. As for *bes?da, its proper sense is 'a speech in public', which developed from 'a meeting(-place) in the open'; it is convincingly analyzable as *bez-s?da, 'sitting outside', a compound etymologically matched, in Old Indian, by the adjective bahih-sad- meaning the same (used of a gambler).
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Dabiri, Ghazzal. "Historiography and the Shoʿubiya Movement." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341247.

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Abstract This article examines the ways in which Iranian mytho-history was woven into the narratives of Islamic history. It argues that the inclusion of narratives such as the ones that equate several of the earliest Iranian mytho-historical kings to the earliest Koranic prophets or claim that Persian was the language of the prophets from Ādam to Esmāʿil, reflects the concerns of the Shoʿubiya movement. The paper also analyzes the ways in which these Iranian kings are represented in the Avesta as paradigmatic rulers and how their essential function as good rulers is retained in the later mythos and, hence, texts so that they are equatable to the prophets. The paper argues that these narratives reflect not only a concern for equality among Iranians as Muslims, but also the ways in which intellectuals negotiated the interstitial spaces between culture and politics.
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43

Mulinacci, Roberto. "O Atlas Submerso: por uma história da Tradução como História da Não-Tradução." Cadernos de Tradução 41, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 15–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7968.2021.e78123.

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Indo aparentemente na contramão de uma tradição disciplinar que, aliás, só em tempos recentes parece ter chegado a atribuir a merecida relevância à história da tradução, opresente trabalho visa agora a reler essa história através da categoria de “não-tradução”, cujo balizamento conceitual tem demonstrado não só a óbvia inter-relação com o seu oposto (sendo, afinal, a tradução e a não-tradução as duas faces da mesma moeda), como também a legitimidade heurística de complementar uma abordagem histórica da tradução com essa espécie de perspectiva às avessas.
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44

POLAT, Mahmut. "Dini Metin ve Geleneklerde Mitra Kültü ve Mitraizm Üzerine Bir İnceleme." International Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 33 (February 11, 2024): 361–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.8.33.23.

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The cult of Mitra, which is related to the cult of the Sun, was active in Anatolia, India and Iran. The name and cult of Mitra has been widely used in Indian and Iranian religious texts and rituals. It still continues in the Zoroastrian tradition. The religious tradition of Mithraism, which bears the same name, emerged in the Roman period in the 1st century BC in the form of the religion of mystery, and continued its existence in Anatolia and Roman lands until the 5th century. Mithraism, which was adopted by Roman soldiers and merchants, spread to Europe and North Africa under the rule of Rome, and took various forms by mixing with local cults. Mithraism, which was banned and subjected to oppression when Christianity became the official religion of Rome, declined and its temples were destroyed. Mithraism survived among the Gnostics and disappeared into history. Keywords: Mithra, Mithraism, Rigveda, Avesta, Greek-Roman Mythology
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45

Pozdniakov, K. O. "Accentuation types of noun word forms in Old Persian." MESSENGER of Kyiv National Linguistic University. Series Philology 25, no. 2 (March 14, 2023): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.2.2022.274926.

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The article deals with the problems of accentuation types of noun word forms in Old Persian. The materials from Old Persian glossaries were used to form the register with 202 noun word forms in volume. Using traditional methodology that is accepted in Iranian comparative linguistics the author distributed available lexicon to seven accentuation types, each of them consisting of noun word forms with a stressed syllable of the same quality. In addition, some word forms that show unusual accentuation patterns because of the etymological uncertainty, sporadic appearance or possible orthographical mistakes in original cuneiform texts were referred to a separate accentuation type. According to the position of the stressed syllable in a noun word form every accentuation type was divided into accentuation models, the total number of which is 20 units. The author gives a special linguistic commentary within each accentuation type that explains the conditions of the functioning and diachronic evolution of its type. In addition, this paper shows accentuation influence on morphology and morphophonology of Old Persian nouns. Besides Old Persian lexicon, the article deals with Avestan and Pahlavi noun word forms, which are closely related to Old Persian. The use of lexicon of related languages assists in more accurate diachronic analysis of accentuation processes and better demonstrates Indo-European lingual universals within the Old Persian lexicon.
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46

Witczak, Krzysztof Tomasz. "O kilku możliwych śladach duale tantum w językach indoeuropejskich." LingVaria 13, no. 26 (November 16, 2018): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lv.13.2018.26.04.

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On Some Possible Traces of Duale Tantum in Indo-European LanguagesThe paper is devoted to three selected Indo-European nouns that can be considered as dualia tantum. On the basis of lexical data preserved in historical Indo-European languages, I have reconstructed three probable archetypes:(1) IE. *ḱelī- (< PIE. *ḱel-ih1) f. duale tantum ‘two-component body of a human or animal’ is precisely attested in Avestan sairi f. du. tant. ‘two solid components of the human and animal body, i.e. the skin together with meat and bones; body, dead body, corpse’. The primitive dual form seems to appear in Old Indic (Vedic) śárīram n. ‘body, body frame, solid parts of the body, pl. bones’, also ‘a dead body’ (a derivative noun created by means of the suffix -ra- < IE. *-lo-), cf. also Pali sarīra- n. ‘body’, Prakrit sarira- n. ‘id.’; West Pahari sarīr, Old Gujarati saïra, sayara n. ‘body’.(2) IE. *agu̯ sī- f. sg. ‘axe’ (< PIE. *h2egu̯ s-ih1 f. du. tant. ‘double axe, two-edged battle-axe’) can be seen not only in the Germanic languages (e.g. Gothic aqisi f. ‘axe’, Old High German acchus ‘id.’, English axe ‘id.’), but also in some Greek-Latin derivatives (see Greek ἀξῑ́νη f. ‘double axe, twoedged battle-axe’, Modern Greek αξίνα f. ‘hoe, mattock, pickaxe’, Latin ascia f. ‘axe, trowel’). The original meaning ‘double axe, two-edged item’ is firmly confirmed by the Greek data.(3) IE. *oldhī- f. sg. ‘a kind of boat’ (< PIE. *h3eldh-ih1 f. du. tant. ‘a primitive boat built from two troughs’ ← *h3eldh- f. ‘trough’) is reflected in Tocharian AB olyi ‘boat’, Lithuanian eldijà f. ‘a canoe, a boat hollowed out from one trunk’, dial. aldijà f. ‘id.’, Old Church Slavic ladija f. ‘πλοῖον, σκάφη / navis, navicula’, also alъdija ‘id.’, Old Czech lodí f. ‘ship, boat’, Polish łódź f. ‘boat’ and so on. The basic noun *h3eldh- ‘trough’ is securely attested in the Germanic languages, cf. Norwegian alde f. ‘wooden trough’, Danish olde ‘id.’ (< Proto-Germanic *aldōn- f.).
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47

Дзиццойты, Юрий Альбертович. "TOPONYMY AS SOURCE OF ETHNIC HISTORY: OSSETIAN SÆNA / RUSSIAN SONI." Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology, no. 3(29) (December 14, 2020): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6119-2020-3-102-114.

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В настоящей статье на основе этимологического анализа осетинской и грузинской топонимии Дарьяльского ущелья предпринята попытка реконструкции этнической истории региона. Особое внимание уделено названию горы Казбек — Sæna, совпадающему с названием населения Дарьяльского ущелья, проживающего у подножия этой горы. Затрагивается также вопрос о возможной связи с данной группой слов этнонима санары (цанары), представленного как в античных, так и в средневековых арабских и персидских источниках. По мнению автора, в основе этих и других топонимов Осетии лежит древнеиранская глагольная основа *san- ‘подниматься; возвышаться’, не сохранившаяся в осетинском языке в свободном употреблении. Одним из производных от данной основы является топоним Sænæg (название реки), находящий точное соответствие в авестийском языке — sanaka- ‘устье реки’. In the present article on the basis of the etymological analysis of the Ossetian and Georgian toponymy of the Darial gorge is an attempt of reconstruction of the ethnic history of the region. Particular attention is paid to the name of the mountain Kazbek — Sæna, coinciding with the name of the population of the Daryal gorge, living at the foot of this mountain. Also discusses possible connections with the group of words of the ethnonym sanars (tsanars), presented in antique and in medieval Arabic and Persian sources. According to the author, the basis of these and other place names of Ossetia is the ancient Iranian verbal stem *san- ‘to rise’, not preserved in the Ossetian language in free use. One of the derivatives of this stem is the toponym Sænæg (name of the river), which has an exact match in the Avestian language — sanaka- ‘mouth of the river’.
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48

Bondar, Maria N. "Sources of Ferdowsi’s poem “Shahnāma”." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 25, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 724–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2020-25-4-724-733.

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The article explores one of the central problems of Ferdowsi Shahnāma (10th century) studies, e.g. its sources. In modern Iranian studies coexist different points of view and continues a discussion between the disciples of the theory of Ferdowsis use of prose sources and those who consider the poet rather a brilliant compiler and innovator, who transformed epic tales about kings and heroes (folklore oral poetry in the middle Persian language) into the new Persian language (dari). The discovery and accumulation of philological arguments indicating that the middle Persian epic poetry is hidden in the poem under the cover of the new Persian verse belongs to the current problems of Shahnāma studies, since this poetry was not recorded and original texts have not survived till nowadays. The arguments of supporters of both points of are briefly presented. To test the theory about the possible reliance of the Ferdowsi epic on the oral poetic tradition, a certain number of lines of the poem containing the name Ahriman were selected and analyzed using the Parry - Lord oral theory, and as a result the formulaic rhyme was discovered. The stability of rhymes and formulaic expressions in which the word Ahriman occurs in the poem allows to conclude that, apparently, there was an oral tradition of describing the Evil Spirit, dating back to the times of Ancient Iran and the creation of the Avesta, which survived until the time of Ferdowsi. This analysis supports the idea that Ferdowsis epic is based on the oral poetic tradition.
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49

Gaibullaev, Otabek. "Development processes of language and philosophical views in Central Asia." BIO Web of Conferences 65 (2023): 10023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/bioconf/20236510023.

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In the history of human society, the territory of Central Asia attracted the peoples of the world as a place for the development of the Turkic language, where its own culture and values were formed. This region is rightfully considered a place of cultural life, embodying the literary heritage of our people, and worldviews, one of the first centers of spirituality, and a testing ground where social and philosophical ideas were born. In it, literature about language and philosophy created in different periods, the characters of works based on reality, and the expression of philosophical thinking in our national culture are embodied in literary genres. They reflect the processes of formation of linguistic and philosophical views in the hearts of the young generation on a value basis and reveal the national image of the ideas of goodness and justice in our history. The Central Asian region, as a settlement where a rich intellectual potential has long been formed, is characterized by rich philosophical masterpieces of our ancestors, ancient oral and written sources, narratives that reflect the image of national heroes, and traditions that have merged with the earth. Of particular importance in them are the way of life, art, and culture of the Turkic peoples, the world of philosophical thought, a subtle aesthetic worldview, and the moral values of representatives of other peoples. Harmonization of ideas based on the Turkic language, formed on this earth, with divine beliefs, and views on the creation of being, earth, and heaven in “Avesto” are elements of a specific philosophical thought. The unity of a noble word, a noble thought, and a noble deed in this work is considered the main idea in ensuring the eternity of life, in enriching the immortality of the language. The processes of parallel development of philosophical views in Central Asia and language not only served as the basis for later periods but also contributed to the development of spiritual treasures in the world.
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50

Ledovskikh, Antonina. "Performative Function of Voice in Early Speech Acts." Ideas and Ideals 13, no. 3-2 (September 30, 2021): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.3.2-313-323.

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This study is aimed at the early practice of speech (or speech acts) as a functional tool in performative constructions, which can be considered as an integral part of the cultural heart and the reflection of an important semantic and pragmatic connection between the intentions and actions in mythical thinking. This way of thinking created images on the interpretation of the world as a system determined by supreme forces (gods). Communication of people with higher forces as an early speech practice of Indo-European cultures is traced in ancient prayers, rituals, incantations, spells, etc. They not only reflect the fixed language formulae which are a base of a cultural matrix but also offer a whole picture of the mythical thinking functioning. The following fundamental cultural phenomena are noted: the power of the word, as a primary vocal image; the act of assigning a name as giving birth to a creature (what is not named, does not exist), voice as a ritual constitutive force in prayers, and in the tabooing. The study of performative constructions in ancient Indo-European language data (Avesta, Upanishads, Edda, Old /New Testaments, Old Church Slavonic, and Anglo-Saxon spells) has revealed a strong relation of the functional power of voice to the ritual actions, which reflect in the traditional performative constructions - first person singular verbs: 1) prayers - I pray, I ask; 2) naming - I name, I give a name; 3) actions taken during incantation - I stretch out [my hands], I order; 4) and also the representation of voice as a divine being, which reflects in the concept of true godly knowledge and corresponds with the physical ability to attract attention and ask to follow with voice. In early performative practice, to legitimize the action it must be followed with words said out loud properly. And this interdependent phenomenon forms the heart of culture.
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