Relevant bibliographies by topics / Ayatolah Khomeini

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Academic literature on the topic 'Ayatolah Khomeini'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Ayatolah Khomeini"

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Mahdavi, Mojtaba. "One Bed and Two Dreams? Contentious Public Religion in the Discourses of Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, no. 1 (September 20, 2013): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429813496102.

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Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati are seen as twin pillars of revolutionary Islam in contemporary Iran. This article contextualizes and compares these radical discourses in three sections. It first problematizes the transformation of Khomeini as a quietist cleric into a revolutionary ayatollah. While Khomeini’s theory of velayat-e faqih was a radical departure from the dominant Shiite tradition, its practice has contributed to a new era of post-Khomeinism. Second, it examines Shariati’s discourse and a new reading of his thought in the post-revolutionary context. Third, it demonstrates that these discourses differ radically on the three concepts of radicalism, public religion, and state. The conclusion sheds some light on the conditions of Khomeinism after Khomeini, and Shariati’s discourse three decades after the revolution. It suggests that Iran has gradually entered into a new era of post-Islamism.
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Korneeva, T. G. "ISLAM AS A GROUND OF POLITICAL SYSTEM ACCORDING TO IMAM RUHOLLAH KHOMEINI." Islam in the modern world 14, no. 4 (January 7, 2019): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2018-14-4-115-124.

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The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.
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Fadoil, M. Heri. "Konsep Pemerintahan Religius dan Demokrasi Menurut Abdul Karim Soroush dan Ayatullah Khomeini." al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2013): 438–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2013.3.2.438-473.

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Abstract: Abdul Karim Soroush judges that religious rule is incorrect assessment of the application of Islamic jurisprudence. In a religious society, Islamic jurisprudence obtains the right to govern. It is, of course, necessary to establish a kind of Islamic jurisprudence-based religious rule. Soroush firmly rejects it because such interpretation is too narrow. As for democracy, Soroush argues that the system used is not necessarily equal to that of the Western. On the contrary, Ayatollah Khomeini’s thoughts on religious rule are reflected in the so called wilayat al-faqih. It is a religious scholar-based government. Democracy, according to him, is the values of Islam itself, which is able to represent the level of a system to bring to the country’s progress. Principally, there are some similarities between the ideas of Ayatollah Khomeini and those of Abdul Karim Soroush in term of religiosity. They assume that it is able to sustain the religious system of government. The difference between both lies on the application of religiosity itself. Ayatollah Khomeini applies the concept of a religious scholar-based government, while Abdul Karim Soroush rejects the institutionalization of religion in the government or state.Keywords: Governance, democracy, Abdul Karim Soroush, Ayatollah Khomeini
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Aziz, T. M. "The Role of Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr in Shiʿi Political Activism in Iraq from 1958 to 1980." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1993): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058499.

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On 8 April 1980, Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr was executed. His execution arousedno criticism from the West against the Iraqi regime, however, because Sadr had openly supported the Ayatollah Khomeini's regime in Iran and because the West was distracted by the turbulence in Iran that followed the revolution. Governments both in the West and in the region were concerned that the Iranian revolution would be “exported,” and they set about eliminating that threat. When Ayatollah Khomeini called upon Muslims in Iraq to follow the example of the Iranian people and rise up against the corrupt secular Baʿthist socialist regime, they interpreted it as the first step in the spread of Islamic radicalism that would eventually lead to the destablization of the whole region.
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Bohdan, Siarhei. ""They Were Going Together with the Ikhwan": The Influence of Muslim Brotherhood Thinkers on Shi'i Islamists during the Cold War." Middle East Journal 74, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/74.2.14.

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By analyzing the interest displayed by the followers of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in writings by members of the Muslim Brotherhood, this article shows how the Shi'i Islamist movement in Iran and Afghanistan was both transnational and influenced by Sunni Islamists in the Arab world. Using mostly Iranian and Afghan sources, this article discusses these influences through the notion of Islamic revolutionary ecumenism. While much attention has been given to Khomeini's call to "export" Iran's Islamic Revolution, this article shows some of the ways his own followers "imported" their ideology.
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Brown, L. Carl, and Baqer Moin. "Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 4 (2000): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049860.

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Khomeini, Ruhollah. "Five mysticalghazalsby the Ayatollah Khomeini." Iranian Studies 30, no. 3-4 (September 1997): 273–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869708701875.

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Corboz, Elvire. "Khomeini in Najaf: The Religious and Political Leadership of an Exiled Ayatollah." Die Welt des Islams 55, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 221–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-00552p03.

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The thirteen years Khomeini spent in exile in the Iraqi shrine city of Najaf is still a little-known page of his life. Based on a collection of published interviews with Iranian clerics, this article explores the social mechanisms of his growing authority, both as a religious scholar and a revolutionary figure. His leadership practices were, the article argues, a mirror of his position of in-betweenness characterized by his physical presence in Najaf and his continued attachment to the home country. The social dynamics at work inside the Iraqi seminaries are explored first to situate Khomeini in his place of exile. While he was kept at a distance by Najaf’s most influential clerical groups, he also had access to a social base of his own, a group of supporters composed mainly of Iranian students and low-ranking scholars. The local and transnational development of Khomeini’s religio-political leadership is addressed next. His scholarly and social activities among Najaf’s community of learning allowed him to consolidate and spread his religious influence. His political activities were less overt than generally assumed; he kept a low profile in Najaf’s public sphere yet maintained a political presence transnationally through his network.
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Nurdin, Ahmad Ali, and Ahmad Tholabi Kharlie. "Sunni and Shiite Political Thought of Islam State Relationship: A Comparison between Abdurrahman Wahid of Indonesia and Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v1i1.5.

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This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.
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Riyani, Irma. "Performing Islamic Rituals in Non-Muslim Countries: Wedding Ceremony among Indonesian Muslims in The Netherlands." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v1i1.7.

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This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ayatolah Khomeini"

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Back, Carl Magnus. "Ayatollah Khomeini : I ljuset av imam Alis esoteriska läror om rättvisa och politisk makt, i Nahjul Balagha." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-197238.

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The gathered texts and letters from Ali Ibn Abi Talib, found in the book Nahjul Balagha,constitute one of the most important writings of Shiite Islam, next the hadits and the Quran.Imam Ali´s ethics and moral approach in Nahjul Balagha, is considered by imam Ali, to beseen as a guideline for both individual purposes as for any kind of governance. The esotericteachings, about truth and justice in Nahjul Balagha, should therefore probably have been of agreat concern to Ayatollah Khomeini and the Islamic revolution.This essay will from an deductive approach, on a relatively contemporary historic event, try toanalyze Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini´s interpreting on imam Ali´s texts and preaching inNahjul Balagha. The Islamic revolution, as the Islamic Republic of Iran, led by AyatollahKhomeini, was confirmed as both brutal and violent. My ambition in this essay, will there forconcern a possible interpreting on justice and political rule, from Ayatollah Khomeini and theIslamic Republic of Iran, on imam Ali´s teachings in Nahjul Balagha.
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Naser, Davodi. "Ayatollah Khomeini : De rättslärdas styre." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-245781.

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A large part of the Iranian population resented the west, in particular USA and Great Britain, during the Islamic revolution in Iran 1979. The people were also resenting the adverse effects of the trumped up frame made in Iran. The last shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was detested by many in Iran for its west-oriented regime. The resentment among many Iranians is a consequence of the violations of e.g. the lack of political and civil rights, there were no existing legal security in the society, there were no economic distribution and the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah violated the human rights. The resolution from an Iranian perspective for riot is not new, during the last centuries the abomination against the despotic kings have been existing varyingly and big riots have been raised.  The Islamic revolution in 1979 was new because the revolution added adverse effects of west, the population detested west and expressed it by protesting through demonstration.  The significance of the revolution in 1979 was also attributable to Islam. The statements and onsets that raised against west by the citizens of Iran was not merely support of the regime from the west, nevertheless to the same extent also for the western culture and civilization. The proponents of the Islamic revolution were Islamic in spirit, and were against western values, culture, and civilization.  The proponents claimed that the Iranians should not inquire for western civilization. The ideals projected went back in time, namely to the beginning of Islam. The recent government hoped to deviate from the regime of the shah, the new government should be comprised by the divine laws. The thesis will depict why Khomeinism was growing fiercly and in addition illustrate the religious and theological doctrines of Khomeini.
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Taffazoli, Parasto. "Khomeini and Sufism : Ayatollah Khomeini’s influence on the oppression against Sufi Orders in the Islamic Republic of Iran." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-106476.

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Since the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran many Shia Sufi Orders, who are religious groups that exercise the mystical and spiritual elements of Shia Islam, have been forced to exile due to oppression from the government. The largest Sufi Order, The Nematollahi Soltan Alishahi Gonabadi are still in the country, but are oppressed by the Islamic regime; From an arson attack in central Tehran in 1980; The Iranian government being blamed to have imprisoned 11 members of the Soltan Alishahi Order for peaceful activities in 2013 (HRW, 2013); To the odd arrests and physical abuses of the Order’s members in March 2014. The oppression against this Sufi Order has thus been continuing in the Republic, although it is in contradiction to the written documentations that have been declared in the constitution. Ayatollah Khomeini’s view on Sufism may be a reason to why the Sufi Orders today are oppressed and not perceived as formal citizens of the Republic, since it is his ideology as the founding father and the Supreme Leader that is the map the Republic governs through. The definition of who is a formal citizen in Iran goes under Article 12, 13 and 41; where The Soltan Alishahi Order are members of the Twelver Shia Religion, can be understood as with regard to their treatment by the Iranian government, neither formal nor approved citizens in the eyes of Islamic Republic. A critical discourse analysis have been made from the 21 volume anthology of Khomeini’s speeches, messages, interviews, decrees, religious permissions and letters that are texts written by Khomeini himself. The contexts of the words ‘Sufi’, ‘Dervish’, ‘Gnostic’ and ‘Mystic’ have been the focal point, which are extended words of Sufism.From the result found, it is evident that Khomeini’s perception of Sufism could be a possible reason to why Sufi Orders are oppressed; the words ‘Sufi’ and members of Sufi Orders ‘Dervishes’ are negatively described by Khomeini, whilst ‘Gnostic’ and ‘Mystic’ is almost in every case associated with positive ways of approaching God and Islam. This linguistic distinction by Khomeini can therefore be based upon on a personal hostile stance against Sufism and Sufi Orders, which in turn outflows into the Islamic Republic and the Islamic government of Iran
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Neary, Brigitte U. "Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and Ayatollah Khomeini: in Light of Shi'i History." W&M ScholarWorks, 1986. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625376.

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Hedén, Tomas. "Shu'ubiyya taghyiir: Vem har rätt att tolka islam? : En jämförande studie av shu’ubiyya rörelsen på 1000-talet och 1980-talet. Kan AyatollahKhomeini anses tillhöra shu’ubiyya rörelsen, liksom Ibn Garcia gjorde, som den arabiskaeliten hävdar?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Religionshistoria, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-296214.

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The shu’ubiyya movement originates from the early days of Islam. Its main purpose was to challenge the Arabic elite by showing prominent abilities in non-Arabic groups. The movement disappeared in the eleventh century. In the twentieth century a new wave of shu’ubiyya thoughts reappeared called neo-shu’ubiyya. The twist however was that it was used by the Arabs as derogatory term against their rivals. One accused as a shu’ubiyya was Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the Iranian revolution. He never proclaimed to be shu’ubiyya yet the Arabic elite still used it against him. This study compares Ayatollah Khomeini’s speech Message to the Pilgrims from the 1980s with the shu’ubiyya member Ibn Garica’s risala from the eleventh century in al-Andalus. The purpose of the study is to question that Ayatollah Khomeini can be seen as a true shu’ubiyya. By examining their messages the study tries to understand how the shu’ubiyya discourse has evolved in fields such as the sacred, traditions, history and the surrounding world. The result shows that part of Ayatollah Khomeini’s argumentation is similar to that of Ibn Garcia, but that his main purpose deviates too much to be called shu’ubiyya. Ibn Garcia tries to turn the Arabic “us against them” upside down and show how superior the non-Arabs are in comparison. He argues that this should allow the non-Arabs to join the Arabic culture. Ayatollah Khomeini has no desire to enter the Arabic discourse instead he asks all Muslims to unite in his new discourse for the greater god of Islam. The claims of the Arabic elite that Iran is the enemy in a “us against them” scenario is not true according to Ayatollah Khomeini. He tries to change the established view of the Iranian as “them”, and instead make all Muslims “us” and the Americans “them” by showing their evil interactions in the middle east. He wants all Muslims to join together by the core of Islam. The trend goes from a more cultural approach to be completely theological.
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de, la Camara Andrea. "Women's rights in iran during the years of the shah, ayatollah khomeini, and khamenei." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/538.

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Women's rights have been a historically controversial issue. This is no exception in Iran, where the struggle between modernization and keeping with traditional Islamic values has been a topic of constant disagreement between political leaders. Women in Iran have experienced many changes in their personal rights and freedoms throughout the decades. This research focuses on religion and culture, the policies of the main leaders of Iran in the past decades, and the role of non-governmental organizations as factors that expand or limit the rights and freedoms of women. It attempts to identify which factor is mostly responsible for the position that women have been historically placed in. The intent of this thesis is to research the rights and conditions of women in Iran.In general the question could be proposed as "are the lives of women in Iran better off today than in the past?" In the western world there are many stereotypes that are oftentimes attached to women, such as the notions that they are not allowed to pursue an education or career and that they do not have any legal rights. Evidence shows that these notions are not accurate in contemporary Iran, and that women have made significant strides in gaining their rights and freedoms. Through the analysis of several case studies, literature reviews, and statistical evidence, this thesis seeks to identify the factors that most affect women's rights and freedoms. By analyzing the factors that have historically placed women at a disadvantage in Iranian society, and better understanding their lives, this thesis aims to fight the stereotypes placed upon them as well as raise awareness for the continuing plight of women in Iran today.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
International and Global Studies
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Henderson, Jonathon Case. "Imam, Shah, and Ayatollah: Charismatic Leadership in the Shi'i Tradition, and its Role in Iran's Shi'ite Revolutions." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1276530553.

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Chamankhah, Leila. "The concept of guardianship (wilāya) in the Iranian intellectual tradition from 1800 to 1989, with particular reference to the ideas of Ayatollah Khomeini." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/30606.

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A full study of the conception of wilāya in a variety of juridical trends, theological schools, and mystical doctrines across the Islamic world in general, and in the Shīʿa intellectual history in particular, is too ambitious a project to undertake in one thesis. Therefore, the author has chosen to limit herself to considering a handful of intellectual developments in the Shīʿa world from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. She addresses a number of issues by delving into the conceptions of wilāya through the examination and interpretation of key texts. The main interest of the author is to study the influence of ibn ʿArabī’s mysticism, with regard to the conception of wilāya, on his Shīʿa successors and expositors in later centuries. This research also discusses the development and transformation of the conception of wilāya over two hundred years. In a corresponding approach to Akbarīan mysticism, wilāya occupies a central place in Ṣadrīan ḥikma, and in the thought of the ḥakīms of the Schools of Tehran and Qum, as the crystallization of this discipline of philosophy. Wilāya is inseparable from imamate and from the status of imāms, namely the walī, ḥujja, and ghawth. In the esoteric School of Shaykhīsm, the conception of wilāya is overshadowed by concepts such as ẓuhūr (appearance), qīyāmat (Day of Judgement), intiẓār (expectation), al-Qāʾim, and is finally replaced by the doctrine of Rukn-i Rābiʿ. A study and critical analysis of Ayatollah Khomeini’s theory of wilāyat al-faqīh exposes his fascination for the mysticism of ibn ʿArabī. However, the politicization of wilāya in Khomeini’s theory can be regarded as the climax of jurisdictional developments dating back to the writings of the jurists of the early Qajar period. Unlike mysticism, jurisprudence underwent significant changes and revisions in a number of terms, such as wilāya in socio-political affairs. Khomeini’s theory was challenged by his student, Ayatollah Muntaẓirī who revisited it, placing more emphasis on the role of people and their rights in the Islamic Government. Muntaẓirī’s reform movement was similarly transformed by Muhsin Kadivar, who finally rejected the theory of wilāyat al-faqīh in favour of a democratic government.
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Al, Hawazi Mo'ayed H. "Shiite School of Iraq and Support for Democracy: Textual Analysis for Statements of Ayatollah Ali Al Sistani." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1205530606.

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Andersson, Jonas. "Is Iran an Islamic State : A Comparison between Shia Islamic Theory of State and Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic Republic of Iran." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-9524.

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The Islamic Republic of Iran‟s alleged pursuit of nuclear missile capabilities is proving in-creasingly problematic for the international community, which places the country in a sig-nificant position in world politics. In turn, the world‟s attention towards the thirty-year-old Republic established by the late Ayatollah Khomeini has resurged. The Republic of Iran based on Ayatollah Khomeini‟s interpretation of Islam has long stood in the spotlight of both public and scholastic scrutiny, particularly due to its perceivably radical manoeuvres on the international stage. However, as the focus of these scrutinizing views has been the Iranian unwillingness to subdue and conform to western norms, the issue of the „Islamicness‟ of the Republic has been overlooked.

Hence, this thesis seeks to draw further attention to this question - whether Iran can truly be regarded as an Islamic State - in order to ensure a deeper and more accurate under-standing of the Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is thus to investigate and re-flect on the theory of Islamic governance promoted by Ayatollah Khomeini and the politi-cal system of the Islamic Republic through the prism of Islamic history. The theory of the Islamic State and the Shia Islamic leadership has been and continues to be central in Aya-tollah Khomeini‟s and the Islamic Republic‟s official rhetoric, being claimed as the sole foundation of the „new‟ Iranian system. In consequence, this paper delves into the Islamic theory of State and the concept of the Imamate in order to critically analyze Ayatollah Khomeini‟s theory and the Islamic Republic. This is aimed at yielding a conclusion whether Iran is justly labeled an Islamic State.

By performing this norm-fulfilling analysis of the subject in question reliant on a qualitative data collection, the thesis has found that the correlation between the two theories of Islam-ic governance is one of considerable disputability. The paper has, based on the investigated material, been able to conclude that the Islamic Republic of Iran holds a political structure lent from non-Islamic sources, but that its personnel and political field of contest can still be considered Islamic. What the paper has thus revealed is that Khomeini‟s reasoning con-stitutes a novel and unique form of Islamic fundamentalism formed in conjuncture with political ideas of modern and non-Islamic nature. Hence, the results of the study suggests that the Islamic Republic of Iran is in need of serious reconsideration as the Iranian model of Islamic governance remains a source of contention because of the significant deviations from what it claims as its sole basis.


Den Islamiska Republiken Irans påstådda strävan att uppnå kärnvapen kapacitet har visat sig vara ett stort problem för det internationella samfundet, vilket har gett landet en bety-dande position i världspolitiken. Detta har i sin tur medfört att Iran återigen har fått värl-dens uppmärksamhet riktat mot sig, endast trettio år efter Ayatollah Khomeinis upprättan-de av den Islamiska Republiken. Irans statsskick, som uteslutet bygger på Ayatollah Kho-meinis egen tolkning av Islam, har länge stått i fokus för både offentlig och akademisk granskning, i synnerhet på grund av dess tillsynes radikala manövrar på den internationella scenen. Men eftersom fokuset för denna granskning har varit Irans ovilja att rätta sig efter västerländska normer så har frågan om Irans Islamiska natur förbisetts.

Utifrån detta så ämnar denna uppsats att uppmärksamma och belysa frågan om Iran verkli-gen kan betraktas som en islamisk stat, vilken är en nödvändighet för en djupare och mer korrekt förståelse av landet. Syftet med denna studie är således att undersöka och reflektera över teorin om Islamiskt styre som Ayatollah Khomeini främjar och hans senare republik genom att jämföra dessa med deras påstådda grundpelare: Islamisk statsteori och dess le-darskap. Islamisk statsteori och det shia Islamska ledarskapet har alltid varit centralt i Aya-tollah Khomeinis och den Islamiska Republikens officiella retorik, där de hävdas vara den enda inspirationen för Irans statsskick. Detta är dock något som denna uppsats ifrågasätter, och den har därav undersökt Islamisk statsteori och dess ledarskap för att i sin tur kritiskt granska Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och den Islamska Republiken Iran. Denna studie har därav gett upphov till en slutsats om Iran är rättvist märkt ‟en Islamisk stat‟.

Denna studie har genom att utföra en norm-uppfyllande analys av ämnet i fråga, vilande på en kvalitativ datainsamling, funnit endast en vag korrelation mellan de två modellerna för Islamiskt styre. Baserat på det undersökta materialet så har studien kunnat konstatera att Iran har en politisk struktur som lånats från icke-islamiska källor, men att dess aktörer och politiska ‟spel‟ trots det är av en islamisk natur. Vad som därav har påvisats i denna uppsats är att Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och stat utgör en ny och unik form av Islamisk fundamen-talism som skapats i konjunktur med moderna och icke-islamiska idéer. Resultaten av den-na undersökning indikerar på så vis att den Islamiska Republiken Iran är i behov av en om-prövning i förhållande till dess Islamiska natur, vilket är speciellt tydligt då Iran visar prov på betydande avvikelser från dess påstådda grundpelare.

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Books on the topic "Ayatolah Khomeini"

1

Ayatollah Khomeini. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1988.

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Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2000.

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Moin, Baqer. Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. London: I.B. Tauris, 1999.

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Moin, Baqer. Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. London: I.B. Tauris, 2009.

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Ayatollah Khomeini: Mit Glossar und Zeittafel. Frankfurt/M: Ullstein, 1986.

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Montazam, Mir Ali Asghar. The life and times of Ayatollah Khomeini. London: Anglo-European Pub., 1994.

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Thoss, Gabriele. Ayatollah Khomeini: Zur Biographie und Hagiographie eines islamischen Revolutionsführers. Münster: WURF, 1991.

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Dānishgāh-i Āzād-i Islāmī. Sāzmān-i Chāp va Intishārāt and Dānishgāh-i Āzād-i Islāmī. Vāḥid-i Khumayn, eds. Khumayn va faʻʻālīyatʹhā-yi siyāsī - ijtimāʻī-i Āyat Allāh Pasandīdah: Khomein and social-political activities of Ayatollah Pasandidah. [Tihrān]: Sāzmān-i Chāp va Intishārāt-i Dānishgāh-i Āzād-i Islāmī bā hamkārī-i Vāḥid-i Khumayn, 2014.

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Barr, David. Rasfanjani's Iran: A survey of the Islamic Republic of Iran since the death of Ayatollah Khomeini from June 1989 to August 1990. London: Gulf Centre for Strategic Studies, 1990.

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Barr, David. Rasfanjani's [sic] Iran: A survey of the Islamic Republic of Iran since the death of Ayatollah Khomeini from June 1989 to August 1990. London: Gulf Centre for Strategic Studies, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ayatolah Khomeini"

1

Bayandor, Darioush. "The United States’ Attempt at Dialogue with Ayatollah Khomeini." In The Shah, the Islamic Revolution and the United States, 347–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96119-4_17.

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Seifzadeh, Hossein. "Ayatollah Khomeini’s Concept of Rightful Government: The Velayat-e-Faqih." In Islam, Muslims and the Modern State, 197–210. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14208-8_9.

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Sieg, George J. "The Esoteric Roots of the Iranian Revolution: The “Wardenship of the Jurist” Through the Metanomian Shi’a of Ayatollah Khomeini (1902–1989)." In Innovation in Esotericism from the Renaissance to the Present, 281–314. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67906-4_11.

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"AYATOLLAH RUHOLLAH KHOMEINI." In Princeton Readings in Islamist Thought, 155–80. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1j6673r.11.

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Dylan, Huw, David V. Gioe, and Michael S. Goodman. "Watching Khomeini." In The CIA and the Pursuit of Security, 197–210. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474428842.003.0012.

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Abstract:
The fall of the Shah of Iran is often quoted as a significant intelligence failure, this chapter focuses on Ayatollah Khomeini and the CIA analysis and assessments of this key individual. The chapter provides a potted biography of Khomeini, including his influence whilst in a series of exiles from Iran, whilst also detailing the misguided CIA analysis at the time of the extent of his influence within Iran, and how they evolved over time. The chapter concludes with a short overview of contact US officials had with Khomeini and his key advisers. Document: The Politics of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
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"Ayatollah Rohallah Khomeini 1902–1989." In The Routledge Dictionary of Twentieth-Century Political Thinkers, 178–205. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203209462-9.

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"Chapter 6 Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini." In Princeton Readings in Islamist Thought, 155–80. Princeton University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400833801-009.

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"Ayatollah Khomeini’s Islamic legacy." In Reconstruction and Regional Diplomacy in the Persian Gulf, 37–45. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203160237-12.

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"The rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini." In The Political Ideology of Ayatollah Khamenei, 3–24. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315748351-1.

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Dabashi, Hamid. "Ayatollah Khomeini: The Theologian of Discontent." In Theology of Discontent, 409–84. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315135519-9.

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