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Journal articles on the topic 'Ayatolah Khomeini'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Mahdavi, Mojtaba. "One Bed and Two Dreams? Contentious Public Religion in the Discourses of Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, no. 1 (September 20, 2013): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429813496102.

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Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati are seen as twin pillars of revolutionary Islam in contemporary Iran. This article contextualizes and compares these radical discourses in three sections. It first problematizes the transformation of Khomeini as a quietist cleric into a revolutionary ayatollah. While Khomeini’s theory of velayat-e faqih was a radical departure from the dominant Shiite tradition, its practice has contributed to a new era of post-Khomeinism. Second, it examines Shariati’s discourse and a new reading of his thought in the post-revolutionary context. Third, it demonstrates that these discourses differ radically on the three concepts of radicalism, public religion, and state. The conclusion sheds some light on the conditions of Khomeinism after Khomeini, and Shariati’s discourse three decades after the revolution. It suggests that Iran has gradually entered into a new era of post-Islamism.

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2

Korneeva, T. G. "ISLAM AS A GROUND OF POLITICAL SYSTEM ACCORDING TO IMAM RUHOLLAH KHOMEINI." Islam in the modern world 14, no. 4 (January 7, 2019): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2018-14-4-115-124.

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The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.

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3

Fadoil, M. Heri. "Konsep Pemerintahan Religius dan Demokrasi Menurut Abdul Karim Soroush dan Ayatullah Khomeini." al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2013): 438–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2013.3.2.438-473.

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Abstract: Abdul Karim Soroush judges that religious rule is incorrect assessment of the application of Islamic jurisprudence. In a religious society, Islamic jurisprudence obtains the right to govern. It is, of course, necessary to establish a kind of Islamic jurisprudence-based religious rule. Soroush firmly rejects it because such interpretation is too narrow. As for democracy, Soroush argues that the system used is not necessarily equal to that of the Western. On the contrary, Ayatollah Khomeini’s thoughts on religious rule are reflected in the so called wilayat al-faqih. It is a religious scholar-based government. Democracy, according to him, is the values of Islam itself, which is able to represent the level of a system to bring to the country’s progress. Principally, there are some similarities between the ideas of Ayatollah Khomeini and those of Abdul Karim Soroush in term of religiosity. They assume that it is able to sustain the religious system of government. The difference between both lies on the application of religiosity itself. Ayatollah Khomeini applies the concept of a religious scholar-based government, while Abdul Karim Soroush rejects the institutionalization of religion in the government or state.Keywords: Governance, democracy, Abdul Karim Soroush, Ayatollah Khomeini

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4

Aziz, T. M. "The Role of Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr in Shiʿi Political Activism in Iraq from 1958 to 1980." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1993): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058499.

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On 8 April 1980, Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr was executed. His execution arousedno criticism from the West against the Iraqi regime, however, because Sadr had openly supported the Ayatollah Khomeini's regime in Iran and because the West was distracted by the turbulence in Iran that followed the revolution. Governments both in the West and in the region were concerned that the Iranian revolution would be “exported,” and they set about eliminating that threat. When Ayatollah Khomeini called upon Muslims in Iraq to follow the example of the Iranian people and rise up against the corrupt secular Baʿthist socialist regime, they interpreted it as the first step in the spread of Islamic radicalism that would eventually lead to the destablization of the whole region.

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Bohdan, Siarhei. ""They Were Going Together with the Ikhwan": The Influence of Muslim Brotherhood Thinkers on Shi'i Islamists during the Cold War." Middle East Journal 74, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/74.2.14.

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By analyzing the interest displayed by the followers of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in writings by members of the Muslim Brotherhood, this article shows how the Shi'i Islamist movement in Iran and Afghanistan was both transnational and influenced by Sunni Islamists in the Arab world. Using mostly Iranian and Afghan sources, this article discusses these influences through the notion of Islamic revolutionary ecumenism. While much attention has been given to Khomeini's call to "export" Iran's Islamic Revolution, this article shows some of the ways his own followers "imported" their ideology.

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6

Brown, L. Carl, and Baqer Moin. "Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 4 (2000): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049860.

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7

Khomeini, Ruhollah. "Five mysticalghazalsby the Ayatollah Khomeini." Iranian Studies 30, no. 3-4 (September 1997): 273–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869708701875.

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8

Corboz, Elvire. "Khomeini in Najaf: The Religious and Political Leadership of an Exiled Ayatollah." Die Welt des Islams 55, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 221–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-00552p03.

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The thirteen years Khomeini spent in exile in the Iraqi shrine city of Najaf is still a little-known page of his life. Based on a collection of published interviews with Iranian clerics, this article explores the social mechanisms of his growing authority, both as a religious scholar and a revolutionary figure. His leadership practices were, the article argues, a mirror of his position of in-betweenness characterized by his physical presence in Najaf and his continued attachment to the home country. The social dynamics at work inside the Iraqi seminaries are explored first to situate Khomeini in his place of exile. While he was kept at a distance by Najaf’s most influential clerical groups, he also had access to a social base of his own, a group of supporters composed mainly of Iranian students and low-ranking scholars. The local and transnational development of Khomeini’s religio-political leadership is addressed next. His scholarly and social activities among Najaf’s community of learning allowed him to consolidate and spread his religious influence. His political activities were less overt than generally assumed; he kept a low profile in Najaf’s public sphere yet maintained a political presence transnationally through his network.

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9

Nurdin, Ahmad Ali, and Ahmad Tholabi Kharlie. "Sunni and Shiite Political Thought of Islam State Relationship: A Comparison between Abdurrahman Wahid of Indonesia and Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v1i1.5.

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This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.

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Riyani, Irma. "Performing Islamic Rituals in Non-Muslim Countries: Wedding Ceremony among Indonesian Muslims in The Netherlands." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v1i1.7.

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This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.

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11

Ravandi-Fadai, Lana M. "QUESTION ON THE WOMEN IDJITIHAD AND RELIGIOUS MENTORSHIP IN RELIGIOUS PRACTICES OF IRANIAN SHIITES." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2020): 218–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-4-218-229.

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The article examines the question of the women religious mentorship in modern Iran. It is shown that Iranian theologians differed in their opinion whether a woman can be a religious mentor (marja): many of them supported it, others agreed to it only if she should mentor other women, and many others, including Ayatollah Khomeini, opposed it. Brief biographies of two most prominent female marjas are given: those of Nesrat Amin and Zahra Sefati. Both of them received a permission to interpret Islamic texts from distinguished Iranian ayatollahs. With theirinitiative and eagernessfor knowledge, they managed to succeed in Shiite theology and their works were highly regarded by Iranian ayatollahs. It is evident that their activities were closely linked to important events that happened in Iranian society during their lifetime: the Constitutional Revolution, anti-religious Shah regime, Islamic Revolution. Currently due to increase in the education and social activity among women, a need arose to officially allow women to become marja. Today, in Iran there works the Women Council on Islamic Law, what allows to expand the role of women in development of Islamic Law

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12

Simonen, Katariina. "Chemical weapons, Ayatollah Khomeini and Islamic law." Global Security: Health, Science and Policy 2, no. 1 (January 2017): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23779497.2017.1351308.

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13

Ebrahimian, Mojtaba. "A Critical Introduction to Khomeini." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 126–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i3.998.

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Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-89) is undoubtedly one of the twentiethcentury’s key international revolutionary figures whose role is definitive tomodern Iranian history. A massive amount of scholarship has been producedin Iran about him; this is not the case, however, in the English-speaking world.This publication by a collection of eminent scholars of Iranian studies, therefore,examines the critical impact of his political thought and religious philosophywithin and beyond Iran.In “Introduction,” editor Arshin Adib-Moghaddam provides a brief summaryof Khomeini’s political life before, during, and after the revolution. Inhis view, the Islamic Republic’s revolutionary discourse not only triggeredunprecedented sociopolitical changes, but also influenced the subjectivity ofIranian citizens. Moreover, he maintains that the two pillars of the ayatollah’spolitical thought were a “strong state” and “independence from foreign influences,”which are still adamantly pursued today (p. 15).Fakhreddin Azimi, in “Khomeini and the ‘White Revolution,’” looks atthe social context of his rise to prominence in the pre-revolutionary decades.With the dissolution of Reza Shah’s autocratic rule in 1941, secular and leftistdiscourses gained enough momentum to threaten the religious establishment.Despite these changes, the leading Shi‘i ulema maintained a quietist stanceuntil the middle of twentieth century (p. 19). During the 1960s, Khomeini initiatedhis rigorous anti-Shah political activity by combining “a stern moralismon gender issues and sociopersonal freedoms” with “forceful professions of ...

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14

Namazi, Rasoul. "Ayatollah Khomeini: From Islamic Government to Sovereign State." Iranian Studies 52, no. 1-2 (January 21, 2019): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2018.1551054.

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15

Siavoshi, S. "Ayatollah Khomeini and the Contemporary Debate on Freedom." Journal of Islamic Studies 18, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 14–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etl042.

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16

KARROUBI, MEHDI. "I Support Ayatollah Khomeini's Republicanism." New Perspectives Quarterly 27, no. 1 (January 2010): 50–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2010.01134.x.

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17

Kamal, Abdol Moghset Bani, and Wahabuddin Ra’ees. "Iran’s Aid Diplomacy in Afghanistan: The Role of Imam Khomeini Relief Committee." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 4 (September 26, 2018): 308–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918795369.

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This study aims at examining the Islamic Republic of Iran’s “aid diplomacy” officially referred to as “support diplomacy” and focuses on the Imam Khomeini Relief Committee (IKRC), a charity organization which is functioning as the main vehicle. The IKRC is highly active in many poor countries and this study focuses on the activities, strategies, and achievements of the IKRC in Afghanistan. The study among others finds that Iran is using rigorous aid diplomacy to penetrate into the downtrodden layers of Afghan society. The foundational principles of the IKRC suggest that this institution is functioning in the direction of Ayatollah Khomeini’s doctrine of “Exporting the Revolution.” In line with this, the IKRC is tasked to nurture Afghan sympathizers for the Islamic Republic of Iran to enhance this country’s soft power in Afghanistan and the relief efforts are heavily influenced by its official ideology that is based on Shia belief system.

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18

Bösch, Frank. "Zwischen Schah und Khomeini." Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 63, no. 3 (July 15, 2015): 319–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/vfzg-2015-0020.

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Vorspann 1978/79 fegte eine Revolution das Regime von Schah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi im Iran hinweg - eine islamische Revolution, an deren Ende ein Gottesstaat unter Führung der Geistlichkeit stand, mit Ayatollah Khomeini an der Spitze. Die Bundesregierung unter Kanzler Helmut Schmidt und Außenminister Hans-Dietrich Genscher befand sich in einer Zwickmühle: Einerseits war der Iran ein wichtiger Erdöllieferant und Handelspartner, andererseits verstörte die Gewalt gegen politische Gegner und Vertreter der westlichen Staatengemeinschaft, die in der Besetzung der amerikanischen Botschaft in Teheran gipfelte. Frank Bösch zeigt auf der Basis neuer Quellen, wie die Bundesregierung auf die islamische Revolution reagierte, zwischen interessengeleitetem Pragmatismus und außenpolitisch gebotener Bündnistreue zu den USA lavierte und so hinter den Kulissen als Vermittler zwischen Teheran und Washington fungieren konnte.

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Zulkarnen, Zulkarnen. "Budaya Struktur Pemerintahan Republik Islam Iran." JURNAL Al-AZHAR INDONESIA SERI HUMANIORA 3, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36722/sh.v3i1.194.

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<p><em>Abstrak</em> - <strong>Kelahiran Republik Islam Iran tidak lepas dari peran Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, pemimpin spiritual ulama, sekaligus pemimpin politik yang sangat dihormati di Iran. Imam Khomeini adalah salah satu tokoh terpenting di balik revolusi Iran dan kelahiran Republik Islam Iran. Karena perannya dalam memimpin revolusi Iran bahwa Imam Khomeini ditunjuk sebagai Pemimpin Revolusi Islam, sebagaimana tercantum dalam konstitusi Iran yang disahkan pada bulan Desember 1979. Salah satu gagasan paling menonjol dalam pemikiran politik Imam Khomeini adalah idenya tentang Wilayatul Faqih (tata kelola faqih) yang pada dasarnya menuntut kepemimpinan pada umumnya, termasuk kepemimpinan politik, harus berada di tangan yang terpercaya. Pemikiran politik Imam Khomeini tentang Wilayatul Faqih yang menjadi bagian terpenting dalam struktur politik Republik Islam Iran adalah menekan imamah yang didefinisikan sebagai kepemimpinan religius dan politis serta dilakukan oleh faqih. Wilayatul faqih merupakan kelanjutan dari doktrin Imamah dalam teori politik Syiah khususnya Shia Imami. Struktur ini bukanlah ide baru dalam pemikiran kalangan Syi'ah. Imam Khomeini yang kemudian mengembangkan dan mempraktikkan wilayatul faqih ke dalam sistem pemerintahan modern Iran. Dalam menerapkan gagasannya, Imam Khomeini berhasil menggabungkan struktur pemerintahan religius dengan institusi demokrasi. Namun, Imam Khomeini memiliki definisi demokrasi yang berbeda dengan demokrasi murni dan demokrasi liberal. Dia mengatakan bahwa kebebasan demokratis harus dibatasi dan kebebasan yang diberikan harus dilakukan dalam batas-batas hukum Islam. Meski demikian dapat dikatakan bahwa konsep Wilayatul faqih merupakan salah satu varian demokrasi. Dalam konsep keseimbangan dan mekanisme penyelarasan (checks and balances) ini harus berjalan, meski lembaga tersebut berada di bawah kewenangan wali faqih. Menurut Imam Khomeini tanpa pengawasan Wilayatul faqih, pemerintah akan lalim. Jika peraturan tersebut tidak sesuai dengan kehendak Tuhan dan jika Presiden dipilih tanpa arahan faqih, peraturan tersebut tidak berlaku. Sistem pemerintahan Republik Islam Iran dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam sistem demokrasi agama, apapun istilahnya diberikan; baik istilah "Teo-Demokrasi" Maududi, "Theistic Democracy" Moh. Natsir "Islamo-Demokrasi" Nurcholis Madjid, Demokrasi, Islam atau apapun yang mencapnya pada dasarnya sama. Sebagai konsekuensi logis, Implikasi struktur gagasan Khomeini tentang demokrasi Islam adalah model dan bentuk pemerintahan alternatif yang bisa menjadi referensi bagi negara-negara Muslim lainnya di masa depan.</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em>Kata Kunci – </em></strong><em>Wilayatul Faqih, Implementasi, Sistem, Struktur</em></p><p> </p><p><em>Abstract</em><strong>-</strong><strong>The birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran can not be separated from the role of Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, a cleric's spiritual leader, as well as a highly respected political leader in Iran. Imam Khomeini was one of the most important figures behind the Iranian revolution and the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Because of its role in leading the Iranian revolution that Imam Khomeini was appointed as Leader (leader) of the Islamic revolution, as listed in the Iranian constitution which was passed in December 1979.One of the most prominent ideas in the political thought of Imam Khomeini was his idea about Wilayatul Faqih (governance of the faqih) which basically calls for leadership in general, including political leadership, should be in trusted hands. Imam Khomeini's political thinking about Wilayatul Faqih who became the most important part in the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran is putting pressure on the Imamat which is defined as a religious and political leadership as well as carried by the faqih. Wilayatul faqih is a continuation of the doctrine of Imamat in Shi'i political theory in particular Shia Imami. This structure is not a new idea in the thinking among the Shi'a. Imam Khomeini who later develop and practice Wilayatul faqih into Modern Iranian system of government.In applying his ideas, Imam Khomeini succeeded in combining the religious government structure with democratic institutions. However, Imam Khomeini has a different definition of democracy with pure democracy and liberal democracy. He said democratic freedoms should be restricted and the freedom granted shall be exercised within the limits of Islamic law. Nevertheless it can be said that the concept Wilayatul faqih is one variant of democracy. In this concept of balance and alignment mechanisms (checks and balances) must be running, although the institution is located under the authority of guardians faqih. According to Imam Khomeini without the supervision of Wilayatul faqih, the government will be despotic. If the rule is inconsistent with God's will and if the President shall be elected without the direction of a faqih, the rule is not valid. System of government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be classified into a religious democratic system, whatever the term is given; either the term "Teo-Democracy" Maududi, "Theistic Democracy" Moh. Natsir "Islamo-Democracy" Nurcholis Madjid, Democracy, Islam or anything that labeled him basically the same. As a logical consequence, Implications of the structure of Khomeini's notion of Islamic democracy is a model and an alternative form of government that could be a reference for other Muslim countries in the future. </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><strong><em>Keyword - </em></strong><em>Wilayatul Faqih, Implementation, System, Structure</em>

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KHAIRULLIN, T. R. "IRANIAN POLITICAL ISLAM AND THE YEMENI CRISIS." Islam in the modern world 15, no. 2 (July 20, 2019): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2019-15-2-135-150.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the features of a rather specifi c project of Islamism promoted by the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iranian Islamism is based on the ideas of Ayatollah Khomeini about the ideal “Islamic state”, in which Islam has close contact with politics, with the government of the country. However, after the death of Ayatollah Khomeini, the country’s new elite became more pragmatic about the mission of spreading the Shi‘ite version of Islam. In particular, emphasis was placed on rapprochement with those countries and groups that showed friendly feelings to Tehran. In many respects this concerned the countries of the Arab region in which the Shi‘a community was present or prevailed. One of these states is Yemen. In particular, Iran’s participation in the Yemeni crisis, in which Tehran is trying to strengthen its own positions and prevent the strengthening of Saudi positions in Yemen by means of the Zaydi group of the Houthi, is being considered.

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Weinberger, Stephen. "Joe Breen, The Ayatollah Khomeni, and Film Censorship." Quarterly Review of Film and Video 26, no. 3 (April 14, 2009): 206–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509200902841650.

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Soltanzadeh, Mehdi, and Mohammad Redzuan Othman. "THE IRAN-IRAQ WAR AND THE ROLE OF AYATOLLAH KHOMEINI." SEJARAH 22, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol22no2.7.

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23

Meir, Hatina. "An Earlier Sunnī Version of Khomeini’s Rule of the Jurist: Mustafā l-Sibāī on Ulamā and Politics." Arabica 57, no. 4 (2010): 455–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005810x519107.

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AbstractThe notion of “the rule of the jurist” is identified exclusively with Ayatollah Khomeini, and was implemented politically following the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979. What was perceived as a revolutionary innovation in Šia Islam, however, was seen as alien in Sunnī Islam. Traditionally, Sunnī Ulamā were identified as “men of the pen”, whose task was to preserve religious knowledge but not to assume state authority. Sunnī Islamic movements of the twentieth century did not alter this traditional viewpoint. Most of their leaders actually criticized the Ulamās submission to secular rulers. Indeed, Sunnī circles—as Khomeini himself—spoke of the urgent need to establish an Islamic government to combat imperialism and Westernization, but did not assign any political function to the religious scholars.The paper focuses on a different view, that of Šayh Mustafā l-Sibāī (d. 1964), of Syrian origin, who asserted in the late 1930s that Ulamā are the best guardians of the nation’s rights. Their entry into politics is neither improper nor deviant, he held, but rather a confirmation of the historic reality in the formative period of Islam. Al-Sibāī’s perception was put into practice with the establishment of the Muslim Brethren in Syria in 1946, but this perception failed to gain momentum.The paper illuminates an interesting episode in modern Sunnī political thought: an early Sunnī version of Khomeini’s “the rule of the jurist”. While the Sunnī version remained a textual idea, the Šīite version turned into living political reality, exposing the asymmetry between the status of Sunnī and Šīite Ulamā in modern times.

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Amirov, E. G. "Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Forming Foreign Policy of Islamic Republic of Iran." Nauchnyy dialog, no. 7 (2019): 209–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2019-7-209-221.

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Rizvi, Kishwar. "RELIGIOUS ICON AND NATIONAL SYMBOL: THE TOMB OF AYATOLLAH KHOMEINI IN IRAN." Muqarnas Online 20, no. 1 (2003): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000045.

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Boroujerdi, Mehrzad. "Reinventing Khomeini: The Struggle for Reform in Iran. By Daniel Brumberg. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001. 306p. $55.00 cloth, $21.00 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 843–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402680463.

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This is a book about a man who may be considered “the twentieth century's last example of a ‘pure’ charismatic leader” (p. 5). With these words, Daniel Brumberg begins to analyze the thoughts and legacy of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–89), who came to power in Iran in February 1979. In his introduction, the author maintains that his study provides “an accurate, objective, yet sociologically empathetic evaluation of the very complex process of ideological change in the Islamic Republic of Iran” (p. 8).

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Siddiqui, M. Haroon. "Ayatollah Ruhullah Al-Musavi Khomeini’s Ultimate Reality and Meaning." Ultimate Reality and Meaning 9, no. 2 (June 1986): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/uram.9.2.117.

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Rakel, Eva Patricia. "Iranian Foreign Policy since the Iranian Islamic Revolution: 1979-2006." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207711.

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AbstractThis article analyzes Iranian foreign policy since the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1979. The main questions to be dealt with are: what influences has the Iranian Islamic revolution had on foreign policy orientation and formulation of the Islamic Republic of Iran? What influences has Shi'ism had on foreign policy formulation in Iran? What impact have Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and the three presidents Hojjatoleslam Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Hojjatoleslam Mohammad Khatami, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had on foreign policy orientation? Have there been major shifts in foreign policy orientation during their tenures or has the overall foreign policy approach that was introduced by Khomeini after the revolution in 1979 remained the same? The article will first discuss the history of Shi'ism in Iran and its impact on politics since the introduction of Islam as state religion in the beginning of the sixteenth century by the Safavid Empire. It will then give an introduction to power relations in Iran since the Iranian Islamic revolution and analyze foreign policy orientation in Iran in four phases: (1) from 1979 to 1989, when Khomeini was the Supreme Leader; (2) from 1989-1997, during the presidency of Rafsanjani; (3) from 1997-2005, during the presidency of Khatami; and (4) since Ahmadinejad's presidency began in 2005.

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Rizvi, Sajjad. "The Making of a Marjaʿ: Sīstānī and Shiʿi Religious Authority in the Contemporary Age." Sociology of Islam 6, no. 2 (June 6, 2018): 165–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00602006.

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Anyone considering the question of religious authority among the contemporary Shiʿa not least in Iraq will recognize the paramount significance of Ayatollah Sīstānī, described as the most important marjaʿ in the world. This paper examines the phenomenon of marjaʿiyya, considers how one becomes a marjaʿ, and traces the rise of Sīstānī to the pre-eminent position that he now holds and juxtaposes his model of leadership with other modern Shiʿi models of religious authority articulated by Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran and Bāqir al-Ṣadr in Iraq. Marjaʿiyya is a multivocal and in many ways a quintessentially modern institution that has proved to be highly resilient and adaptable in the face of challenges coming from globalizing modernity. In Iraq and in the region, Sīstānī has proven to be the most effective non-state wielder of authority and influence not just among believers but more widely in society and constitutes the most successful example of the Shiʿi marjaʿiyya in modern times.

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Kashani-Sabet, Firoozeh. "Freedom Springs Eternal." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 1 (January 27, 2012): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001322.

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Revolutions are chaotic affairs. In February 1979, when Ayatollah Khomeini and his followers declared victory, Iran's future seemed uncertain. After a long night of hostility and bloodshed, an eerie silence fell on Tehran, and in some corners fear supplanted exhilaration. Those of us who witnessed these historic events did not fully fathom what Islamic politics augured. Within weeks, on the occasion of International Women's Day, it became clear that women had become targets of the regime's cultural indoctrination. Other matters remained murky for months and would play out gradually in the first decade after the revolution.

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Kassem, Hashim. "Lebanon's Ayatollah: an interview with al-sayyid Muhammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallāh." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802588648.

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In this compilation of two interviews (one previously unpublished), Hāshim Qāsim speaks with Lebanon's ayatollah Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallāh – an internationally recognized Muslim scholar, independent thinker, sometimes ‘iconoclast’ faqīh, mufassir and marjaﺀ al-taqlīd whose influence has transcended borders and spanned decades and generations. Faḍlallāh's prolific writing has included not only works on Islamic jurisprudence, politics, thought and tradition, but also a complete exegesis of the Qurﺩān as well as diwans of Islamic poetry. Peer, associate, friend and student of some of the greatest minds and most influential figures of the Shīﺀite world including Khomeini, Abū-l-Qāsim al-Khoei, Muaḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr, and Mūsā al-Ṣadr, Faḍlallāh has mentored and influenced countless Muslims and important personages, including senior members of Ḥizb Allāh, for over half a century. In this interview Faḍlallāh discusses major issues and touches upon many important recurrent themes of his overall discourse from issues faced by Muslims – including the hijab, Zionism and Islamic fundamentalism, to globalization, to world justice.

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Moslem, Mehdi. "Ayatollah Khomeini's role in the rationalization of the Islamic government." Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 8, no. 14 (March 1999): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10669929908720141.

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Barkhordari, Aref. "Systematization and the Model of Political Management in Contemporary Iranian Thinker’s Idea." Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 2 (May 30, 2020): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v7i2.16937.

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The present article, with its analytical-descriptive method, will consideration the thought of the most prominent systematization thinkers of Iran in the contemporary era. Examining the opinions of some thinkers throughout history, it will be shown that some of them have always sought political systematization and a model of political management for the societies. Their goal and aspiration from the past to the present was achieve the societies and human beings to the happiness. The efforts of thinkers such as Plato, Aristotle, Farabi, Khajeh Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, Moore, Will Durant, Kant, Hegel, Marx, Popper, Russell, etc., indicate this situation. Among Iranian thinkers of the contemporary era also many efforts were made to achive the political systematization and the model of political management. Akhundzadeh, Malek Khan, Talibuv Tabrizi, Ayatollah Mirza Naeini, Ahmad Kasravi, Mohammad Ali Foroughi and Ayatollah Khomeini are among the thinkers who have theorized in this field and each of them has provided a model of political management for Iranian society. In the following, their thoughts will be investigated.

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Moslem, Mehdi. "WILFRIED BUCHTA, Who Rules Iran? The Structure of Power in the Islamic Republic (Washington Institute for Near East Policy and Konard Adenauer Stiftung, 2000). Pp. 255. $19.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 642–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801364073.

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Arguably, the most distinguishing facet of Iran's post-revolutionary regime has been the plethora of institutions and competing power centers. The myriad religious and revolutionary bodies are constitutionally empowered to subdue and duplicate the functions of the central government and the republican institutions. This structural enigma is exacerbated by the existence of political factions dispersed throughout the Iranian polity. Although they maintain their allegiance to the tenets of the Islamic Revolution and the ideological legacy of Ayatollah Ruhallah Khomeini, factions provide divergent renditions on policies in different realms. For this reason, political outcomes in the Islamic Republic of Iran depend largely on the faction that controls the relevant organization or ministry.

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Reza Ghods, M., and Thomas W. Foster. "Conversation with a Revolutionary." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 36, no. 1 (2002): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400044047.

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Dr. Ebrahim Yazdi, who played a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution of 1979, and who is today a leading figure among Iran’s liberal political dissidents, visited the US in early November 2000 and spoke at several American universities, including Ohio State University. During his visit, we hosted a small reception for Dr. Yazdi at a home in central Ohio and had the opportunity of engaging him in an extended conversation about the events of the revolution, his personal relationship with the Ayatollah Khomeini, his views on the current political situation in Iran, and his thoughts on the future of Iran’s relationship with the US.

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Habibis, Daphne. "Millenarianism and Mahdism in Lebanon." European Journal of Sociology 30, no. 2 (November 1989): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600005877.

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The image of the Ayatollah Khomeini is inextricably bound up with the popular conception of Islam today. This view of Islam as a religion of fanaticism and violence ignores the existence of a powerful mystical strand in the form of Sufism in which a philosophy of love is central. Between 1980 and 1981, as part of my doctoral research, I spent six months in the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli, living with the pupils of a Sufi sheik. This group had millenarian beliefs which acted, not as a means of violent insurrection, but rather as a means of reconciling the contradictory and often violent forces to which they were subjected.

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Simpson, George L. "Seeking Gandhi, finding Khomeini: How America failed to understand the nature of the religious opposition of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in the Iranian Revolution." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 8, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2017.1368825.

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Kulyushin, Nikolay. "Political and Religious Leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini: an interpretation of political leadership in modern Iran." Islamology 1, no. 1 (February 4, 2008): 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.01.1.05.

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39

Amirpur, Katajun. "Ayatollah Khomeini and the Anatomy of the Iranian Revolution: Toward a Theory of Prophetic Charisma." Iranian Studies 51, no. 5 (September 3, 2018): 809–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2018.1502121.

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40

Gholizadeh, Shadi, and Derek W. Hook. "The Discursive Construction of the 1978-1979 Iranian Revolution in the Speeches of Ayatollah Khomeini." Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 22, no. 2 (May 10, 2011): 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/casp.1095.

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41

YAZDANI, MINA. "The Islamic Revolution's Internal Other: The Case of Ayatollah Khomeini and the Baha'is of Iran1." Journal of Religious History 36, no. 4 (December 2012): 593–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.2012.01233.x.

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42

MATSUNAGA, Yasuyuki. "Revisiting Ayatollah Khomeini’s Doctrine of Wilāyat al-Faqīh (Velāyat-e Faqīh)." Orient 44 (2009): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient.44.77.

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43

Taremi, Kamran. "Iranian Strategic Culture: The Impact of Ayatollah Khomeini's Interpretation of Shiite Islam." Contemporary Security Policy 35, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2014.884341.

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44

Millett, Richard L. "The Aftermath of Intervention: Panama 1990." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 1 (1990): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166127.

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It was hardly surprising that the December 1989 US intervention in Panama received strong public support. General Manuel Antonio Noriega had replaced Muammar al Qadaffi and the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini as the foreign leader the US public most loved to hate. In addition, the Bush administration was quickly able to proclaim its intervention in Panama a virtually unqualified success, confidently asserting that the stated goals of protecting US lives, capturing General Manuel Antonio Noreiga and sending him to the United States for trial, defending the Panama Canal Treaties, and “restoring democracy” to Panama had all been met (Christian Science Monitor, 1990). The US military is involved in helping form the new “Panamanian Public Force” (PPF) to replace General Noriega's Panamanian Defense Forces (PDF) and US advisors are working to rebuild the economy.

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45

Lux, Abdullah. "Yemen's last Zaydī Imām: the shabāb al-muʾmin, the Malāzim, and ‘ḥizb allāh’ in the thought of Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn al-Ḥūthī." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 369–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903106084.

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Excerpted from the manuscript of a forthcoming book project, this article provides essential English-language source material on Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn al-Ḥūthī and an alternative framework to that of the mainstream media for exploring what are likely the genuine causes and nature of the wars against Ṣaʿdah, Yemen, undertaken with backing and technical assistance from the United States, if not direct complicity in the name of then President George W. Bush's administration's ‘war on terror’. In addition to shedding light on the voluminous Malāzim of Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn and providing analysis of its various influences including Khomeini and Lebanon's Ḥizb Allāh, while at the same time demonstrating a lack of evidence for direct support by either Ḥizb Allāh or Iran, the article examines the distinct Jārūdī Zaydī nature of the only contemporary Zaydī political discourse and formulation of its kind, which is distinct from Twelver Shīʿism and antithetical to the ‘wilāyat al-faqīh’ in Iran. The article examines the origins of the Lebanese group known as al-Shabāb al-Muʾmin that would later evolve into Ḥizb Allāh and the history of Yemen's Tanẓīm al-Shabāb al-Muʾmin from which al-Ḥūthī would draw his core group of supporters, and it aims to decipher the nature of the relation between al-Ḥūthī's thought and Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in Iran as well as its grounding in the Jārūdī Zaydī sect and the Zaydīyah at large. The article includes excerpts from an interview with Ayatollah Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallah on the subject, new statements from the Office of ʿAbd al-Mālik al-Ḥūthī in Ṣaʿdah, and in-depth analysis of the Malāzim with exhaustive citations in translation – all never before published – all of which provide essential reading for understanding the objective historical conditions as well as the political, cultural, tribal, ideological, and sectarian dimensions of the wars against Ṣaʿdah.

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Bisley, Nick. "Book Review: Baqer Moin, Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999, 352 pp., £20.00 hbk.)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 29, no. 1 (January 2000): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298000290010437.

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Fuchs, Simon Wolfgang. "Faded networks: the overestimated Saudi Legacy of anti-Shi‘i sectarianism in Pakistan." Global Discourse 9, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 703–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15718899714223.

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This article questions the often-assumed centrality of Saudi Arabia for the development of anti-Shi‘i sectarianism in Pakistan. I argue that those groups and individuals who have been most vocal about the Shi‘i ‘threat’ since the 1980s lacked (and continue to lack) any strong lineages with the Kingdom. Instead, their local polemics in Urdu foregrounded Pakistan as a political idea and global promise for Islam. This status of Pakistan’s self-view was acutely threatened by the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the subsequent establishment of a religious state under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini. Consequently, Pakistani sectarian scholars transcended earlier Salafi-inspired arguments and tried to render Sunni Islam ‘fit’ to compete with powerful Shi‘i symbols. In doing so, they displayed a remarkable willingness to appropriate and rework Shi‘i concepts, something that is far from the mind of Saudi clerics.

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Rzepka, Marcin. "Religion, diplomacy and identity. Some remarks on the ayatollah Khomeini’s letter to Gorbachev." Orientalia Christiana Cracoviensia 5 (December 3, 2013): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/ochc.1034.

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Friedman, Jeremy. "The Enemy of My Enemy: The Soviet Union, East Germany, and the Iranian Tudeh Party's Support for Ayatollah Khomeini." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 2 (June 2018): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00815.

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This article examines the strategy of the Iranian Tudeh Party in concert with its Soviet and East German patrons and allies during and after the Iranian revolution of 1979. The article assesses the thinking behind the Tudeh's strategy of unwavering support for Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his Islamist allies, even after other major leftist parties had begun fighting the new Islamic regime. This strategy was a product of the international Communist movement's model of revolution in the developing world that envisioned new states following a “non-capitalist path of development.” In Iran, this was compounded by the use of Allende-era Chile as a model for the politics of revolutionary Iran, as well as a deep conviction that Islamism could not provide an effective model of governance in the twentieth century and therefore would collapse of its own accord within months after the Islamists seized power.

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Trương Thị, Thu Thanh. "NHÂN VẬT NỮ TRONG TRUYỆN NGẮN “TRE RỪNG” CỦA LYNH BACARDI." SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL OF TAN TRAO UNIVERSITY 3, no. 5 (December 8, 2020): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.51453/2354-1431/2017/133.

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Thế kỷ XXI phát triển với những thành tựu của khoa học kỹ thuật, sự phổ biến của máy tính, cách mạng mạng hóa, mạng xã hội, viễn thông hoá, cùng những đại sự kiện xã hội như: Đánh sập bức tường Berlin, vụ ám sát tổng thống Mỹ Jonh F. Kennedy, vụ giáo chủ Iran Ayatollah Khomeini tuyên bố tử hình vắng mặt nhà văn Salman Rushdie, sự cố Holocaust… Tất cả đã tạo nên hỗn mang và mất niềm tin vào đại tự sự của con người hậu hiện đại. Trong xã hội ấy hiện lên những con người “dửng dưng với tất cả những gì đang diễn ra xung quanh mình”, cô đơn, lạc lõng. Nhưng trong sâu thẳm họ vẫn khát khao được yêu thương, được trân trọng, được bình đẳng (đặc biệt là phụ nữ). Và ở nơi ấy, tình người vẫn còn đang hiện hữu.

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