Relevant bibliographies by topics / Aymara Indians

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Aymara Indians'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Aymara Indians"

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Kuenzli, E. Gabrielle. "Acting Inca: The Parameters of National Belonging in Early Twentieth-Century Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (May 1, 2010): 247–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-134.

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Abstract This article focuses on the connection between Aymara indigenous communities, Liberal intellectuals, and the nation-building process in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Bolivia. The Liberal intellectuals’ designs of nation in early twentieth-century Bolivia were shaped in part by the actions and political initiatives of the very “Indians” the intellectuals sought to categorize, define, and contain. Somewhat paradoxically, the national intellectuals and the local Aymara elite unwittingly collaborated in the construction of a preferred Indian identity, the Inca, to create a noble and progressive past for the nation and to marginalize the undesirable, non-elite Aymara indigenous population in the wake of the 1899 Civil War between Liberals and Conservatives. The process of narrating the native past was of importance to national intellectuals as well as to native peoples. Several types of sources inform these late nineteenth and early twentieth-century discourses of nation building, including judicial court cases, archival documentation, and theatrical performance. The narrative of the indigenous past and the role of the actual Indian population within the Bolivian nation in the early twentieth century was a site of negotiation located at the center of national politics, establishing the foundation for a nation that would maintain differentiated constructions of Indian identity at its core.
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Williams, D., D. Heath, J. Gosney, and J. Rios-Dalenz. "Pulmonary endocrine cells of Aymara Indians from the Bolivian Andes." Thorax 48, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/thx.48.1.52.

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de Meer, Kees. "Mortality in children among the Aymara Indians of Southern Peru." Social Science & Medicine 26, no. 2 (January 1988): 253–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(88)90246-8.

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HEATH, D., D. WILLIAMS, J. RIOS-DALENZ, M. CALDERON, and J. GOSNEY. "Small pulmonary arterial vessels of Aymara Indians from the Bolivian Andes." Histopathology 16, no. 6 (June 1990): 565–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2559.1990.tb01161.x.

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Bjorland, J., R. T. Bryan, W. Strauss, G. V. Hillyer, and J. B. McAuley. "An Outbreak of Acute Fascioliasis Among Aymara Indians in the Bolivian Altiplano." Clinical Infectious Diseases 21, no. 5 (November 1, 1995): 1228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clinids/21.5.1228.

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Llop, Elena, Hugo Henríquez, Mauricio Moraga, Mario Castro, and Francisco Rothhammer. "Brief communication: Molecular characterization of O alleles at the ABO locus in Chilean Aymara and Huilliche Indians." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 131, no. 4 (2006): 535–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.20462.

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Duran, Valeria. "Diferentes interpretaciones sobre el katarismo. Discusiones desde una perspectiva indianista." Pelícano 4 (August 28, 2018): 044. http://dx.doi.org/10.22529/p.2018.4.03.

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Different Interpretations about Katarismo. Discussions from an Indianist PerspectiveResumenKatarismo e indianismo son dos expresiones políticas indias que emergen en Bolivia a principios de la década del '60 (indianismo) y del '70 (katarismo). Su peculiaridad consiste en que se constituyen como dos corrientes políticas creadas específicamente por indios aymaras y quechuas –con mayor participación de los primeros respecto de los segundos–. Son varios los autores que coinciden en afirmar que el surgimiento de ambas corrientes se encuentra vinculado a un proceso de resistencia y lucha india, cuyo origen data de la dominación colonial y se extiende hasta la actualidad (Mamani, 2017; Mamani y Cruz, 2011; Portugal y Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).Las interpretaciones del katarismo relacionadas a la figura del líder indio Tupak Katari, son las más numerosas y conocidas. Sin embargo, esto no significa que haya claridad a la hora de distinguir entre las diferentes perspectivas ideológico-políticas que asumen el nombre de Katari como referente de lucha. Por este motivo, propongo dialogar con algunas perspectivas que estudian el katarismo, con el fin de mostrar la diversidad de interpretaciones difundidas sobre esta corriente.El objetivo de esta investigación apunta a analizar, desde una perspectiva crítica, algunas interpretaciones históricas sobre el katarismo que tienden a encubrir o invisibilizar la influencia del indianismo dentro del proceso político del katarismo. En este sentido, considero importante indicar que realizaré un abordaje de la temática propuesta desde una perspectiva indianista.AbstractKatarism and Indianism are two Indian political expressions that emerge in Bolivia at the beginning of the 1960s (Indianism) and the 70s (Katarism). Its peculiarity is that they are constituted as two political currents created specifically by Aymara and Quechua Indians -with more participation of the first ones than the second ones-. There are several authors who agree that the emergence of both traditions is related to a process of Indian resistance and struggle, whose origin dates from colonial domination and extends to the present (Mamani 2017, Mamani and Cruz, 2011; Portugal and Macusaya, 2016; Reinaga, 2012[1970a]; Velásquez, 2016).The intepretations of Katarism related to the indian leader Tupak Katari figure, are the most numerous and known. However, this doesn‟t mean that there is clarity when it comes to distinguish between the different ideological-political perspectives that assume the name of Katari as a reference of fight. For this reason, I propose to dialogue with some perspectives that study katarism, in order to show the diversity of interpretations spread about this tradition.The objective of this research aims to analyse, from a critical perspective, some historical interpretations about Katarism that tend to cover up or hide the influence of Indianism within the political process of Katarism. In this way, I believe it‟s important to indicate that I will approach the proposed topic from an Indianist perspective.Key words: Katarism, Indianism, Indian political thought.
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May, Roy H. "“I did get along with the Indians:” Joseph Hugo Wenberg, Missionary to the Aymara, Ponca, and Oneida (1901-1950)." Methodist History 61, no. 1 (April 2023): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.61.1.0022.

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ABSTRACT For the first half of the twentieth century Joseph Hugo Wenberg ministered among the Native Americans. He determinedly defended their rights and well-being. He began his ministry as a colporteur of the American Bible Society in Argentina and elsewhere in South America. Early on he was in Bolivia collaborating with the Methodists. He constantly insisted on “Indian work” and called out the racist nature of mission work that concentrated on the minority white population. Notably, while in charge of the Hacienda Guatajata [Huatajata] near Lake Titicaca, he instituted social justice reforms. He finally was dismissed as a missionary of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Returning to the United States, he assumed pastorates in Oklahoma, and then in Wisconsin where for 30 years he served among the Oneida. Wenberg’s life is an example of moral exemplarism, worthy of being emulated.
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Panajew, Paweł, and Andrzej Gałaś. "Stratovolcanoes on the Chilean-Bolivian border as geoatraction." Geotourism/Geoturystyka, no. 3-4(62-63) (January 19, 2023): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7494/geotour.2020.3-4(62-63).47.

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The cluster of stratovolcanoes located on the Chilean-Bolivian border, in the Western Cordillera, is composed of typical, for that part of the Central Volcanic Zone in the Andes, volcanic landforms. The highest volcano is the Nevado Sajama (6,542 m a.s.l.), apparently extinct. The other: Parinacota (6,336 m a.s.l.), Pomerape (6,222 m a.s.l.), Acotango (6,052 m a.s.l.) and Cerro Quisiquisini (5,542 m a.s.l.) were all active in both the Pleistocene and the Holocene. Recently, only the Guallatiri Volcano (6,071 m a.s.l.) is still active. The summits of these mountains are covered with permanent snow or ice caps. On the slopes, there are post-glacial valleys, rocks glaciers and debris avalanches. In the vicinity of volcanic cones, active fumaroles occur, along with hot springs, geysers and high-mountain peat bogs (bofedales), in addition to one of the highest in the world mountain lakes – the Lago Chungará (4,520 m a.s.l.). The unique landform is a huge debris avalanche and was formed during the eruption of the Parinacota Volcano. Small villages settled by Aymara Indians and their cultural monuments complete the extraordinary landscape of the Altiplano Plateau. The values of biotic nature are also unique and deserving of protection on both sides of the state border. Moreover, these sites have been registered into the UNESCO World Heritage List. Modest accommodation facilities located off the main roads satisfy the qualified tourists interested in volcanology. The authors describe the grueling trekking trails, the climbing routes leading to the summits of volcanoes and the other geoattractions, accessible for ordinary hikers.
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Apaza Huanca, Yaneth Katia. "Indio (denominación) = Indian (denomination)." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4165.

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ResumenEl artículo mostrará cómo las distintas denominaciones: indio, pueblo indio o indígena, campesino, comunidad indígena u originaria, etnia, nación y nacionalidad, otorgadas a los aymaras, quechuas (Bolivia) y kichwas (Ecuador) son una deconstrucción histórica social de casi cinco siglos hacia su identidad milenaria e histórica, que causan tres efectos: a) dominación (tutela), b) desestructuración territorial, por ende, desarticulación político-administrativa, económica y social, y c) limitación en su lucha por la emancipación.Así, las distintas denominaciones usadas por los Estados plurinacionales de Bolivia y Ecuador, son un lenguaje hegemónico-histórico deconstructivo por medio de significantes y significaciones que impregnará un “signo” colonial y postcolonial a los jaques, runas, ayllus, markas, suyus, señoríos aymaras, quechuas, y kichwas convirtiéndose a largo plazo en un paradigma de la denominación y dominación.Palabras clave: Aymaras, quechuas, kichwas; paradigma de la denominación y dominación; significante; significación; colonial; postcolonial; deconstrucción; tierra y territorio.Abstract: The article will show how the different denominations: Indian, Indian or indigenous people, peasant, indigenous or native community, ethnicity, nation and nationality, granted to the Aymaras, Quechuas (Bolivia) and Kichwas (Ecuador) are a social historical deconstruction of almost five centuries towards its millenarian and historical identity, which causes three effects: a) domination (guardianship), b) territorial destructuration, therefore, political-administrative, economic and social disarticulation, and c) limitation in its struggle for emancipation.Thus, the different denominations used by the Plurinational States of Bolivia and Ecuador, are a hegemonic-historical deconstructive language by means of signifiers and significations that will impregnate a colonial and postcolonial "sign" to the jaques, runas, ayllus, markas, suyus, señoríos Aymaras, Quechuas, and Kichwas become a paradigm of denomination and domination over the long term.Keywords: Aymaras, Quechuas, Kichwas; paradigm of denomination and domination; significant; significance; colonial; postcolonial; of construction; land and territory.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Aymara Indians"

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Johnsson, Mick. "Food and culture among Bolivian Aymara symbolic expressions of social relations /." Uppsala : Stockholm, Sweden : [Uppsala University] ; Distributed by Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18245908.html.

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Montenegro, Elena Carmen Raquel. "On the road towards empowerment : Ayllu-community values and practices in an urban setting, the case of the community of urban Aymaras of Pampajasi, La Paz, Bolivia /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/7778.

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Céspedes-Aguirre, Patricia. "Insiders and outsiders in the light of the book of Ruth." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.

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Spedding, Alison. "Wachu Wachu : cocoa cultivation and Aymara identity in the Yunkas of La Paz (Bolivia)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245145.

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Perrier, Marietta Ortega. "By reason or by force : Islugueno identity and Chilean nationalism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273073.

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Chamani, Demetria. "Les sans-terre en Bolivie (1952-2011) : les pénuries des enfants de la "Pachamama" et les oubliés de l'"Ivy Imarãa"." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA078.

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La thèse tente de démontrer et d’expliquer le problème des grandes confrontations entre les propriétaires traditionnels amérindiens, dépossédés de la « Pacha Mama » comme les oubliés de l’ « Ivy Imarãa », et les grands propriétaires terriens. Ces indigènes aymaras, quechuas et tupis guaranis ont oeuvré en tant que groupes de pression dans le but d’obtenir la propriété de la terre, d’abord en tant que classe sociale, puis en tant que groupe ethnique. Dans leur détermination d’être reconnus politiquement et économiquement, ils se sont soulevés lors des mouvements indigènes contre les propriétaires terriens. S’organisant ainsi en groupes de pression afin d’obtenir l’accès à la terre et plus généralement à l’ensemble des ressources naturelles.Le début de la thèse s’intéresse aux recherches historiques sur toutes les pénuries que les indigènes des hautes terres et des basses terres de la Bolivie subirent, et qui mirent en péril leur survie.Ensuite, nous nous introduirons dans l’évolution précoloniale, coloniale et surtout dans la république, où se sont déroulés des luttes de pouvoir pour l’appropriation des terres et de leur richesse, allant jusqu’à déclencher des conflits internationaux. A ces guerres s’ajoutent les guerres civiles intérieures pour la conquête et la possession des mines, comme celles s’opposant aux barons de l’étain Patiño, Hochschild et Aramayo. En conséquence, nous assisterons à la naissance et à l’évolution des gouvernements libéraux et de divers partis politiques mus par la soif du pouvoir.Par ailleurs, la thèse tente de démontrer le problème que suscita la culture de la feuille de coca dans les années soixante dix à cause du narcotrafic et de la position forte des Etats Unis dans la politique interne bolivienne.Puis, il s’agira d’aborder le problème du financement économique dans lequel se trouvent certains territoires autonomes à cause de la répartition inégale des richesses de certains départements et régions.Nous nous attacherons par la suite au rôle important qu’exerce la femme dans la vie politique, économique et sociale, notamment dans la lutte pour l’obtention des terres et dans le processus visant à l’égalité des genres.Enfin, nous démontrerons qu’en dépit du gouvernement populiste et indigéniste d’Evo Morales, le problème de la répartition des terres n’a pas encore trouvé de solution adéquate
This thesis tries to explain the problem of the great confrontations between the traditional native Indians who was spoiled of their lands known as the « Pacha Mama » like the forgotten of the « Ivy Imaraa » and the big landowners.These native Aymaras, Quechuas and Tupis Guaranis worked as a pressure group in order to obtain the property of lands first as a social class then as an ethnic group. In their will to be recognised politically and economically they rise up during the natives movements against landowners of national lands and multinational companies. That’s why they organised themselves in pressure groups to get the access to land as well as the whole natural resources.At the beginning we will see the historical research about all the shortages that indigenous highlands and lowlands of Bolivia suffered, threatening their survival.Then we are going to look at the pre-colonial, colonial and especially republic evolution where took place the struggle for power and for the appropriation of lands and the wealth they contain and that can produce internationals wars like the war of Chaco for the oil. To these wars were added civil wars for the conquest and possession of mines such as the ones opposing the tin barons like Patiño, Hochschild and Aramayo.Therefore, we assist to the born and evolution of liberal governments and political party which craving for power. Besides that, the thesis attempts to demonstrate the problem aroused the coca leaf in the seventies because of the drug trade and the strong position of the US in Bolivian internal policy.Then we will address the problem of economic financing in which there are some autonomous territories because of the unequal distribution of wealth of some departments and regions.Thereafter we will focus in the important role exercised by women in the political, economic and social life, especially in the struggle for land and in the process of gender equality.Finally, we will demonstrate that despite the populist and nativist government of Evo Morales, the problem of land distribution has not yet found an adequate solution
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Tavel, Iván. "Religion und Politik in der Ethnie Aymara /." München : Tuduv-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36660671n.

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Ströbele-Gregor, Juliana. "Dialektik der Gegenaufklärung : zur Problematik fundamentalistischer und evangelikaler Missionierung bei den urbanen Aymara in La Paz (Bolivien) /." Bonn : Holos-Verl, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36210453f.

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Alvizuri, Palenque Verushka Mariela. "La fabrique de l'aymarité : constructions intellectuelles et pratiques sociales contemporaines en Bolivie." Toulouse 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008TOU20037.

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Au cœur de mon étude, j'ai placé le concept central d'aymarité entendu comme expression d'une construction intellectuelle sur l'Indien aymara de Bolivie. Toutefois, ce n'est pas le stéréotype ethnographique qui m'intéresse au premier chef mais bien l'acteur social qui contribue à l'élaboration de l'identité aymara. Ce faisant, je suis amenée à esquisser une histoire culturelle des intellectuels engagés dans la promotion de l'aymarité, à étudier les ressorts inspirant cette action militante et à démystifier le concept en restituant la fabrique de cette puissante représentation sociale. Dans la rhétorique nationale, l'aymarité incarne la «figure nationale de l'Indien». Elle est la matière première du chercheur intéressé par l'indianité bolivienne. Le sens de l'aymarité dépend beaucoup des appareils conceptuels privilégiés : biologisation, décolonisation, ethnicisation … Produit culturellement complexe l'aymarité s'élabore à partir d'un savoir universitaire international, légitimé par des intellectuels dotés des ressources matérielles ou symboliques. Ce matériau est ensuite réinterprété et adapté par les intellectuels boliviens proclamés «indianistes» ou «activistes aymaras» qui engagent leur identité sociale comme preuve empirique du caractère tangible de l'aymarité
The central concept of this work is Aymaraness as an intellectual construction about Aymara Indians of Bolivia. Of particular interest are those intellectuals involved in fomenting the construction of Aymara identity. This work develops a cultural history of intellectuals involved in fomenting the construction of Aymara identity, with the purpose of understanding their motivations. Fundamental to this research is the demystification of Aymaraness at several levels. First studying the rhetoric of Bolivian identity and the central role Aymara Indians play in their discourse of Bolivian identity. Second, understanding the role of researchers who use Aymaraness as their raw research material, and exploring some of their theories to understand how these constructions acquire legitimization. Third, identifying and understanding some Bolivian activist scholars who use their own identity as a material fact of Aymaraness
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Weig, Berthold. "Indianische Weisheit des Volkes in den Hochanden Lateinamerikas /." Regensburg : S. Roderer, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36677626q.

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Books on the topic "Aymara Indians"

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den, Berg Hans van. Bibliografía Aymara. Cochabamba: Universidad Católica Boliviana, 1994.

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Llanque, D. Medicina aymara. La Paz, Bolivia: Hisbol, 1994.

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Eagen, James. The Aymara of South America. Minneapolis: Lerner Publications Co., 2002.

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institutionen, Göteborgs universitet Socialantropologiska, ed. As though we had no spirit: Ritual, politics and existence in the Aymara quest for decolonization. Göteborg: Social Anthropology, School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg, 2009.

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Llanque, D. Ritos y espiritualidad aymara. La Paz, Bolivia: ASETT, 1995.

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Arteaga, Vivian. La mujer aymara urbana. La Paz: Centro de Promoción de la Mujer Gregoria Apaza, 1990.

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1934-, Albó Xavier, ed. Raíces de América: El mundo Aymara. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1988.

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Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo. Lingüística aimara. Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolomé de Las Casas", 2000.

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Arias, Andrés. Pueblo aymara: Realidad vigente. Cusco: Instituto de Pastoral Andina, 1991.

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Bellido, José Huidobro. La verdadera escritura aymara. 2nd ed. La Paz: Asociación Socio Economíca de Productores Indígenas del Tawantinsuyo "A-Sepiita", 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Aymara Indians"

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Penry, S. Elizabeth. "The Resilience of the Común and Its Legacy." In The People Are King, 200–220. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195161601.003.0010.

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Although colonial Spanish- and Republican-era governments tried to undercut comuneros’ political philosophy of popular sovereignty, the común has persevered. Racist conclusions about Indians tarred comuneros as backward and pre-modern. To “modernize” them, comuneros’ lands were privatized and auctioned off, and laws officially eliminated ayllus. Comuneros gained the right to vote with the 1952 Bolivian revolution, many moved to cities, but most failed to prosper economically. They were officially “campesinos,” or peasants—a euphemism for race. Late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century anthropologists’ ethnographies show that reducción towns and annexes still exist, and the cabildo and civil-religious hierarchy still function. In 2005 Evo Morales, a self-identified Aymara, was elected president of Bolivia with comunero support. Bolivia’s 2009 constitution incorporates Aymara ideas of gender complementarity, gave legal personhood to Pachamama (Mother Earth), promotes collectivities as ethically superior to capitalist individualism, and recognizes legal pluralism. Many of these ideas echo the late colonial comuneros.
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Breslin, Patrick. "11 The Technology of Self-Respect: Cultural Projects Among Aymara and Quechua Indians." In Direct to the Poor, 155–65. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781685858568-012.

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"Lettered Aymara." In The Lettered Indian, 70–109. Duke University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.8618107.6.

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"Lettered Aymara." In The Lettered Indian, 70–109. Duke University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478027560-003.

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Shifting from urban metropole to rural hinterland, chapter 2 resituates the social meaning of Indigenous education in the context of escalating legal battles between Aymara communities and the oligarchic state over communal landholding rights. Borrowing the ethnographic concept of “situated literacy,” the chapter insists that the currency of rural schooling was leveraged by the inflationary value of the “scriptural economy,” as Aymara communities, caciques, and their scribes mobilized the legal defense of ancient land titles and bombarded the government with letters and petitions. Aymara communities coveted literacy and the “alphabet school” as a site of communal self-empowerment in their struggle to communicate their ideas, protests, and demands within Bolivia's dominant political and public spheres. In the 1910s and 1920s, a new generation of Indigenous letrados and schoolteachers began establishing isolated rural schools, and Aymara intellectuals crafted utopian manifestos demanding communal land, social justice, and political inclusion for Bolivia's “Indian race.”
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"2. Lettered Aymara." In The Lettered Indian, 70–109. Duke University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781478027560-004.

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Briggs, Lucy Therina. "15. Dialectical Variation in Aymara." In South American Indian Languages, 595–616. University of Texas Press, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/775923-016.

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"Epilogue." In The Lettered Indian, 315–37. Duke University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478027560-009.

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The epilogue reflects on the long shadows cast by the revolutionary state as the first generation of educated Aymara youth came of political age during the 1960s and 1970s. The resurgence of ethnic politics and collective memory found multiple expressions during the final three decades of the twentieth century in the rise of a radical Aymara student movement and its searing anticolonial critique of Bolivia's discriminatory public school policies in the 1970s; in Bolivia's halting (and ambivalent) turn toward a postcolonial pedagogy of bilingualism, racial inclusion, and ethnic pluralism in the late 1980s and 1990s; and in the public redemption of Warisata as a multivalent symbol of Indigenous education, cultural identity, and self-determination in Bolivia's long internal war against racial oppression.
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Hardman, M. J. "16. Aymara and Quechua: Languages in Contact." In South American Indian Languages, 617–43. University of Texas Press, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/775923-017.

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9

"Instigators of New Ideas." In The Lettered Indian, 192–228. Duke University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478027560-006.

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Abstract:
Borrowing loosely from the Gramscian notion of “organic intellectual,” chapter 5 focuses on the interplay between peasant activism, political knowledge, and circuits of oral and written communication that flourished in the 1940s. Tracking several peasant organizers, this chapter shows how Bolivia's most consequential educative and cultural sphere flourished on the margins—in the informal spaces of the peasant assembly, agrarian union, regional congress, and incipient leftist political party. Myriad forms of popular education nurtured this postwar generation of Aymara-and Quechua-speaking political activists and teachers, who adapted their strategies and messages to postwar conditions and its hopeful possibilities. Grassroots rural mobilization culminated in the cascade of events surrounding the 1945 National Indian Congress and its prolonged and bitter aftermath.
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10

"To Civilize the Indian." In The Lettered Indian, 23–69. Duke University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478027560-002.

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Anchored in La Paz during the early 1900s, chapter 1 lays the foundations of internal colonialism as the city of La Paz transformed into an internal metropole intent on expanding the liberal oligarchic state into the rural Aymara hinterlands. It explores how Bolivian statesmen, scientists, and pedagogues diagnosed the “Indian problem” and tried to craft public school reform (governed by a racialized “national pedagogy”) to solve it. Debates were colored by theories and schemes advancing the civilizers' goals of Indian racial uplift and cultural assimilation, agricultural workforce training, and the inculcation of good habits and hygiene. By 1920, Bolivia's official pedagogy for the Indian had settled on a contradictory logic of racial assimilation and labor subjugation: Indian youth would be trained in farm-schools that would civilize them and train them as efficient farmhands. This geo-racial logic would rationalize Bolivia's discriminatory state policies toward rural education for the next half century.
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