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Journal articles on the topic 'Azusa Street'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Robeck, Cecil M. "The International Significance of Azusa Street." Pneuma 8, no. 1 (1986): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007486x00011.

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2

Pierson, Paul E. "Book Review: Azusa Street and Beyond." Missiology: An International Review 15, no. 4 (October 1987): 547–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968701500411.

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3

Blumhofer, Edith L. "Revisiting Azusa Street: A Centennial Retrospect." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30, no. 2 (April 2006): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930603000201.

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4

King, Gerald. "The Azusa Street Revival and its Legacy." Pneuma 30, no. 1 (2008): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007408x287867.

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5

Michel, David. "The Women of Azusa Street – Estrelda Alexander." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 2 (April 2006): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00060_13.x.

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Blumhofer, Edith L. "The Women of Azusa Street – Estrelda Alexander." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 2 (April 2006): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00060_14.x.

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7

Dove, Stephen. "Hymnody and Liturgy in the Azusa Street Revival, 1906-1908." Pneuma 31, no. 2 (2009): 242–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/027209609x12470371387840.

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AbstractParticipants in the Azusa Street Revival regularly emphasized the nonliturgical nature of their Spirit-led worship. This article argues, however, that while worshippers eschewed traditional devices such as lectionaries and set schedules, they did create their own, unique form of liturgy through hymnody. The liturgical functions served by music at Azusa Street included selecting Scripture readings, ordering services, and providing theological balance. To make this case, the author surveys references to music, singing, and hymn writing in the official publications of the revival and in later accounts of the revival recorded by participants. From these sources, the author identifies three types of music used at Azusa Street: singing in the Spirit, new compositions written in a conventional style, and traditional hymns. The article further demonstrates how these genres served specific functions in the community, one of the most important of which was to emphasize the christological, as opposed to pneumatological, aspects of Pentecostal theology.
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8

Usher, John M. "Cecil Henry Polhill: The Patron of the Pentecostals." Pneuma 34, no. 1 (2012): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007412x621671.

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Abstract Cecil H. Polhill was highly significant for the development of Pentecostalism in Britain and abroad. He is particularly well known for his extensive and strategic financial donations to primary Pentecostal pioneers in Britain and Europe. However, there remains a paucity of information regarding certain periods of his life and philanthropic contributions. While his serious involvement in the Pentecostal movement began on his return to England from Azusa Street in 1908, a number of significant incidents took place during the preceding years. His recently released financial records open up a new source of data regarding both Polhill’s day-to-day life and his philanthropy. Between 1900 and 1908, Polhill was involved in the Torrey-Alexander missions, the Welsh revival, and several Keswick conventions, all of which predisposed him to be sympathetic to the Pentecostal experience that he would eventually receive at Azusa Street in 1908. Polhill’s Azusa Street experience led him to become not only one of the primary Pentecostal pioneers of Britain but also the Patron of the Pentecostals.
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9

McGee, Gary B. "The Azusa Street Revival and Twentieth-Century Missions." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 12, no. 2 (April 1988): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693938801200203.

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10

Petersen, Douglas. "The Azusa Street Mission and Latin American Pentecostalism." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30, no. 2 (April 2006): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930603000203.

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11

Coleman, Creighton D. "What Hath Loyola to do with Azusa Street?" Journal of Pentecostal Theology 27, no. 1 (March 12, 2018): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02701006.

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This paper argues that Ignatian principles for the discernment of spirits appear throughout Amos Yong’s theology of world religions. In an effort to locate a greater Pentecostal relationship to tradition and contribute to ecumenical dialogue, the author points to three examples. First, for both Ignatius and Yong, good and evil spirits exist and interact with human persons. Second, both see divine activity in all people. This argument stems from theological considerations and stands distinct from the metaphysical considerations made in the first point. Finally, both rely on the affective as a genuine source of knowledge in discerning spirits. The argument regarding this latter point will center on a methodological consideration.
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12

Waddell, Robby, and Peter Althouse. "The Promises and Perils of the Azusa Street Myth." PNEUMA 38, no. 4 (2016): 367–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-03804017.

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13

Richie, Tony. "Azusa-Era Optimism: Bishop J.H. King’s Pentecostal Theology of Religions as a Possible Paradigm for Today." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 14, no. 2 (2006): 247–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966736906065457.

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AbstractEven as we celebrate the centennial of the Azusa Street Revival, the ideology and reality of religious pluralism currently challenges Pentecostal Christians to articulate an adequate theology of religions. J.H. King was an important Pentecostal pioneer influenced by the Azusa Street Revival. Well educated and widely traveled, Bishop King had considerable first-hand contact with non-Christian religions and addressed theology of religions often and in depth. King’s theology of religions at its core is characterized by optimism, that is, by a positive and balanced but non-dogmatic sense of hopefulness. Completely consistent with classical Pentecostal values, King’s thought provides important possibilities for a contemporary Pentecostal theology of religions paradigm. This paper surveys salient features of King’s theology of religions before offering suggestions about appropriation and application. Special stress is placed on continuity of Pentecostal heritage with creativity in development of Pentecostal theology of religions today.
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14

McClymond, Michael. "“I Will Pour Out of My Spirit Upon All Flesh”." PNEUMA 37, no. 3 (2015): 356–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-03703001.

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Scholars of Pentecostalism have recently debated pentecostal monogenesis (that is, a single origin) in contrast to polygenesis (or multiple origins). This essay examines contributions to the discussion by Allan Anderson, Michael Bergunder, Cecil Robeck, and Adam Stewart, and argues that polygenetic views find support through new evidence from pre-1900, proto- or paleo-pentecostal movements in diverse localities. Moreover, those who argue today for the importance of the Azusa Street Revival acknowledge this global complexity, and so the mono/polygenesis distinction might now be outmoded. The terminology of “Classical Pentecostalism,” in light of Bergunder’s analysis, confirms a pluralized pentecostal identity. The essay’s second, paradoxical claim is that polygenesis does not diminish the significance of the Azusa Street Revival but enhances it by underscoring the theme of “inclusive origins”—a theme presented here as a theological interpretation of pentecostal origins that builds on Walter Hollenweger’s “black origins” and Allan Anderson’s “global origins”—and yet moves a step further.
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15

Spawn, Kevin L. "Sacred Song and God's Presence in 2 Chronicles 5, the Renewal Community of Judah and Beyond." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 16, no. 2 (2008): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174552508x294198.

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AbstractAfter an overview of his compositional technique in the temple dedication narrative (2 Chronicles 5-7), the Chr's theology of worship in chapter 5 is examined. The Chr's emphasis on the sacred song, God's glorious presence and related themes are traced in this essay. The relevance of this message is explored for: the Chr's community during the reconstruction period, the task of biblical theology and the renewal tradition as it embarks upon another century after the Azusa Street Revival.
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16

Creech, Joe. "Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in Pentecostal History." Church History 65, no. 3 (September 1996): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169938.

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As news of the great Welsh Revival of 1904 reached Southern California, Frank Bartleman, an itinerant evangelist and pastor living in Los Angeles, became convinced that God was preparing to revitalize his beloved holiness movement with a powerful, even apocalyptic, spiritual awakening. Certain that events in Wales would be duplicated in California, Bartleman reported in 1905 that “the Spirit is brooding over our land.… Los Angeles, Southern California, and the whole continent shall surely find itself ere long in the throes of a mighty revival.” In 1906 he speculated that theSan Francisco earthquake “was surely the voice of God to the people on the Pacific Coast.” Bartleman indeed witnessed such a revival, for in early April 1906, this “Latter Rain” outpouring had begun to fall on a small gathering of saints led by William J. Seymour, a black holiness preacher. At a vacant AME mission at 312 Azusa Street, countless pentecostals received the baptism of the Holy Spirit evidenced by speaking in other tongues—a “second Pentecost” replicating the first recorded in Acts 2. Bartleman, who also experienced this, would soon become integral to the revival's growth by reporting the events at Los Angeles within a vast network of holiness and higher life periodicals. As during other religious awakenings, such reports not only generated the perception of widespread divine activity but also provided an interpretive scheme for understanding the meaning of such activity. For Bartleman, Azusa was the starting point of a worldwide awakening that would initiate Christ's return. He reported: “Los Angeles seems to be the place, and this the time, in the mind of God, for the restoration of the church to her former place.”
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17

Sitar, Amy. "Praying for power: Dispositions and discipline in the Azusa Street Revival's Apostolic Faith." Poetics 36, no. 5-6 (October 2008): 450–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2008.06.006.

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18

McCall, Bradford. "The Azusa Street Mission and Revival: The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement." Mission Studies 26, no. 2 (2009): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016897809x12506857701433.

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19

Olson, Roger E. "Pietism and Pentecostalism: Spiritual Cousins or Competitors?" Pneuma 34, no. 3 (2012): 319–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-12341235.

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Abstract Scholars of Pentecostalism typically trace the movement’s roots to the Wesleyan-Holiness movement and the healing revivals of the nineteenth century. Often overlooked is the influence of Pietism on early Pentecostalism. Pietism began as a spiritual renewal movement among Lutherans in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Germany, but its ethos of unmediated spiritual experience of God filtered into the stream of European and North American evangelical Christianity. Outbreaks of speaking in tongues and other ecstatic experiences happened among Scandinavian Pietist immigrants in Chicago and the upper Midwest of North America several years before the birth of Pentecostalism in Topeka and at Azusa Street in the first decade of the twentieth century. Pietists and Pentecostals are spiritual cousins who can learn from each other.
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20

Pugh, Ben. "“Under the Blood” at Azusa Street: Exodus Typology at the Heart of Pentecostal Origins." Journal of Religious History 39, no. 1 (August 12, 2014): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12139.

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21

Cook, G. A., David Bundy, T. B. Barratt, and I. May Throop. "Spiritual Advice to a Seeker: Letters to T. B. Barratt from Azusa Street, 1906." Pneuma 14, no. 1 (1992): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007492x00122.

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22

Sanders, Cheryl. "Wanted Dead or Alive." PNEUMA 36, no. 3 (2014): 407–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-03603044.

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This essay explores the relationship between black theology and renewal theology and assesses the ongoing relevance of black theology to the mission and future of the black churches. Recent writings by Eddie Glaude, Raphael Warnock, James Cone, and Peter Paris are considered in conversation with the works of Brian Bantam, J. Kameron Carter, and Willie Jennings, whose imaginative attention to Christology, pneumatology, and ecclesiology provokes thoughtful engagement of issues of race, gender, power, and privilege in the context of renewal and the global impact of Pentecostalism more than a century after the Azusa Street Revival led by William J. Seymour.
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23

Matikiti, Robert. "Moratorium to Preserve Cultures: A Challenge to the Apostolic Faith Mission Church in Zimbabwe?" Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 43, no. 1 (July 13, 2017): 138–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1900.

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This historical study will demonstrate that each age constructs an image of Jesus out of the cultural hopes, aspirations, biblical and doctrinal interfaces that make Christ accessible and relevant. From the earliest times, the missionaries and the church were of the opinion that Africans had no religion and culture. Any religious practice which they came across among the Africans was regarded as heathen practice which had to be eradicated. While references to other Pentecostal denominations will be made, this paper will focus on the first Pentecostal church in Zimbabwe, namely the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM). Scholars are not agreed on the origins of Pentecostalism. However, there is a general consensus among scholars that the movement originated around 1906 and was first given national and international impetus at Azusa Street in North America. William J. Seymour’s Azusa Street revival formed the most prominent and significant centre of Pentecostalism, which was predominantly black and had its leadership rooted in the African culture of the nineteenth century. Despite this cultural link, when Pentecostalism arrived in Zimbabwe from 1915 onwards, it disregarded African culture. It must be noted that in preaching the gospel message, missionaries have not been entirely without fault. This has resulted in many charging missionaries with destroying indigenous cultures and helping to exploit native populations for the benefit of the West. The main challenge is not that missionaries are changing cultures, but that they are failing to adapt the Christocentric gospel to different cultures. Often the gospel has been transported garbed in the paraphernalia of Western culture. This paper will argue that there is a need for Pentecostal churches to embrace good cultural practices in Zimbabwe.
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24

Sandidge, Jerry L. "Book Review: Azusa Street and Beyond: Pentecostal Missions and Church Growth in the Twentieth Century." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 11, no. 4 (October 1987): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693938701100409.

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25

Anderson, Allan. "The Azusa Street Revival and the Emergence of Pentecostal Missions in the Early Twentieth Century." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 23, no. 2 (April 2006): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026537880602300206.

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26

Smith, James. "What Hath Cambridge To Do With Azusa Street? Radical Orthodoxy and Pentecostal Theology in Conversation." Pneuma 25, no. 1 (2003): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007403765694448.

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Anderson, Allan. "Book Review: The Azusa Street Mission and Revival: The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 31, no. 3 (July 2007): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930703100319.

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28

McClung, Grant. "Explosion, Motivation, and Consolidation: The Historical Anatomy of the Pentecostal Missionary Movement." Missiology: An International Review 14, no. 2 (April 1986): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968601400203.

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In 1986 America's oldest Pentecostal denomination will celebrate its centennial, and the events at Azusa Street in 1906 will be recalled in an eighty-year celebration. It is significant, then, that this article recalls some of the early dynamics of the beginnings of the modern Pentecostal movement. The article demonstrates how the Pentecostal movement was decidedly missionary from its birth and asserts that the history of Pentecostalism cannot be rightly appreciated and understood apart from its missionary vision. Some of the theological motivations which produced the missionary fervor of early Pentecostals are integrated with a synopsis of how the movement eventually was consolidated into more organized missions structures.
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29

Brathwaite, Renea. "Tongues and Ethics: William J. Seymour and the "Bible Evidence": A Response to Cecil M. Robeck, Jr." Pneuma 32, no. 2 (2010): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007410x509119.

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AbstractThe "Bible evidence" doctrine was one of the most significant teachings to emerge first at the Topeka revival and subsequently at Azusa Street. For better or worse, it has come to define classical Pentecostalism. Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. has argued that central Pentecostal pioneer William Joseph Seymour entertained doubts about the doctrine from early on and eventually came to reject it. This paper provides a detailed analysis of the arguments Robeck makes from the evidence he finds in the Apostolic Faith papers and the Doctrines and Discipline. Contrary to Robeck, the paper concludes that Seymour did not entirely reject the Bible evidence teaching; rather, he made certain key clarifications in light of personal and pastoral concerns.
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30

Nel, Marius. "REMEMBERING AND COMMEMORATING THE THEOLOGICAL LEGACY OF JOHN G. LAKE IN SOUTH AFRICA AFTER A HUNDRED YEARS." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 3 (May 12, 2016): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/400.

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John G. Lake visited South Africa in 1908 as part of a missionary team with the aim to propagate the message of the baptism of the Holy Spirit as experienced at the Apostolic Faith Gospel Mission in 312 Azusa Street, Los Angeles under the leadership of William Seymour, son of African-American slaves. Lake’s missionary endeavours that ended in 1913 established the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa and eventually also the African Pentecostal churches (‘spiritual churches’, ‘Spirit-type churches’, ‘independent African Pentecostal churches’ or ‘prophet-healing churches’) constituting the majority of so-called African Independent/Initiated/Instituted (or indigenous) churches (AICs). This article calls for remembering and commemorating Lake’s theological legacy in South Africa in terms of these two groups of churches.
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31

Michel, David. "The Azusa Street Mission and Revival: the Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement ? By Cecil M. Robeck." Religious Studies Review 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2007.00155_3.x.

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32

Calbreath, Donald F. "The Azusa Street Revival and Its Legacy – Edited by Harold D. Hunter and Cecil M. Robeck, Jr." Religious Studies Review 33, no. 4 (October 2007): 320–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2007.00223_7.x.

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33

Poloma, Margaret. "The Spirit Movement in North America at the Millennium: from Azusa Street to Toronto, Pensacola and Beyond." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 6, no. 12 (1998): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096673699800601206.

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Hedlund, Roger E. "Book Review: Azusa Street and Beyond: One Hundred Years of Commentary on the Global Pentecostal/Charismatic Movement." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30, no. 2 (April 2006): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930603000213.

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35

Gitre, Edward J. "The 1904–05 Welsh Revival: Modernization, Technologies, and Techniques of the Self." Church History 73, no. 4 (December 2004): 792–827. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700073054.

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Surveying the short history of pentecostalism in 1925, Frank Bartelman—a consummate “insider historian”—reckoned that although the Azusa Street revival had become “full grown” in Los Angeles, California, it was “rocked in the cradle of little Wales.” In pentecostal historiography much ink has been spilled connecting the causal dots of precedence. From whence did the movement come? Los Angeles? India? Topeka, Kansas? Historians of pentecostalism are cognizant of the 1904–05 Welsh revival; they readily acknowledged that it in some way influenced the Apostolic Faith Mission in Los Angeles. My goal here is not necessarily to argue one way or another but rather to resurrect from the dustbin of history a significant event that deserves its own due. This is a story, argues historian Rhodri Hayward, that “has been largely forgotten.”
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36

McGee, Gary B. "“Latter Rain” Falling in the East: Early-Twentieth-Century Pentecostalism in India and the Debate over Speaking in Tongues." Church History 68, no. 3 (September 1999): 648–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170042.

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Looking back at the events that led up to the Azusa Street revival in Los Angeles, California, the foremost revival of the century in terms of global impact, eyewitness Frank Bartleman announced that the “revival was rocked in the cradle of little Wales … ‘brought up’ in India” and then became “full grown” in Los Angeles, California. To the Pentecostal “saints,” as they commonly called themselves in America, the appearance of “Pentecostal” phenomena (for example, visions, dreams, prophecy, glossolalia, and other charismatic gifts) in India confirmed that what the Old Testament prophet Joel had foretold about the “latter rain” outpouring of the Holy Spirit in the end times (Joel 2: 28–29) was being fulfilled simultaneously in other parts of the world. As one songwriter put it, “The latter rain has come, / Upon the parched ground … The whole wide world around.”
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Studebaker, Steven M. "The Plausibility of the Independent Origins of Canadian Pentecostalism: Winds from the North." Pneuma 33, no. 3 (2011): 417–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007411x592710.

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Abstract Winds from the North showcases the role of early Canadian Pentecostals in the development of the global movement. It adds to the recent polygenetic thesis that challenges the popular notion that Pentecostalism originated largely in American revival centers, principally Azusa Street, and makes the case for diverse global points of origin. Canadian Pentecostalism exhibits unique characteristics, and its leaders made seminal and independent contributions to worldwide Pentecostalism. In addition to presenting a case for the independent origins and unique features, it highlights the role of women leaders in the early phases and spotlights the history of the Oneness and the Latter Rain movements of Canadian Pentecostalism. Though a vital addition to the field of Pentecostal research, the plausibility and necessity of independent origins and autonomous characteristics of the Canadian contribution to global Pentecostalism needs examination.
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Harris, Antipas L. "Emerging African American Pentecostal Sources in Public Theology." International Journal of Public Theology 13, no. 4 (December 9, 2019): 472–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341589.

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AbstractTheological authority is of paramount importance for the future of African American Pentecostal public theology. Largely ignored as authoritative sources by white Pentecostals in the years following the Azusa Street Revival, black Pentecostals were often snubbed by black denominations as well. Consequently, at the traditional table of theological discourse, black Pentecostal pastors have been notably absent. The question of theological authority in black Pentecostalism can be answered, in part, by examining its historically relevant contributions to theology in general, and to black liberation theology in particular. Early social prophetic theologians left a treasure trove of leadership hermeneutics and models for public engagement. This article highlights four pastors who left legacies built on their roles as pioneers in the black Pentecostal movement. The biographic profiles reveal sources of i) historical authority within the broad contours of the black Pentecostal tradition, and, ii). innovative hermeneutics as valid models for engaging public theology.
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Hinck, Joel. "Heavenly Harmony." PNEUMA 40, no. 1-2 (June 6, 2018): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-04001001.

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Abstract While the phenomenon of glossolalia in general has received great attention and various forms of analysis (linguistic, psychological, neurological, and so forth), the practice of corporate singing in tongues, a staple of the Azusa Street Revival, has received little attention or exploration in the literature. This article performs an audio analysis on recorded samples of corporate tongues-singing in order to identify what is happening musically when a group of people sing in tongues together. This analysis reveals several key features that recur across the recordings. Sustained prominent pitches are always present, related in the mathematical ratios of the major scale. In most instances, the pitches form both a tonic chord and dominant chord simultaneously, creating an effect of tension and resolution. These findings point toward the creative possibilities of surrendering autonomy and the deep grounding of the individual within the community and the created order.
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Stewart, Adam. "From Monogenesis to Polygenesis in Pentecostal Origins: A Survey of the Evidence from the Azusa Street, Hebden, and Mukti Missions." PentecoStudies: An Interdisciplinary Journal for Research on the Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements 13, no. 2 (March 27, 2014): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ptcs.v13i2.151.

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41

Irvin, Dale. "'Drawing All Together in One Bond of Love': the Ecumenical Vision of William J. Seymour and the Azusa Street Revival." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 3, no. 6 (1995): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096673699500300603.

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42

Curtis, Heather D. "A Sane Gospel: Radical Evangelicals, Psychology, and Pentecostal Revival in the Early Twentieth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 21, no. 2 (2011): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2011.21.2.195.

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AbstractThis article examines how radical evangelicals employed psychological concepts such as sanity, temperament, and especially the subconscious as they struggled to understand and respond to the rapidly expanding pentecostal movement within their midst. By tracing the growing tensions over ecstatic spiritual experiences that emerged among Holiness and Higher Life believers during the 1880s and 1890s, this article demonstrates that differing assumptions about the importance of consciousness for the religious life presaged reactions to the pentecostal revivals of the early twentieth century. Although their proclivity for rational judgment predisposed Higher Life evangelicals to question the sanity of involuntary phenomena such as speaking in tongues, some prominent leaders within this community appealed to “mental science” in an effort to revise conventional understandings of the spiritual self and its capacities. For participants in the Christian and Missionary Alliance— an organization in which disputes over the propriety of pentecostalism were particularly contentious—notions of temperament and the subconscious articulated in the works of “new psychologists” like William James offered resources for reassessing Higher Life views of authentic spirituality in light of pentecostal revivalism. By analyzing how a particular faction within the radical evangelical movement made use of psychological theories to contend with the challenge of the revivals at Azusa and elsewhere, this article exposes some of the social divisions that exacerbated debates over the validity of pentecostal religious experiences. Exploring the complicated interactions and creative tensions that arose as Higher Life evangelicals appropriated constructs such as the subconscious in the wake of Azusa Street also shows that this influential contingent of conservative Protestants engaged with aspects of the field of psychology in dynamic and inventive ways that involved both selective borrowing and critical resistance. While there is truth in the common observation that radical evangelicals were deeply suspicious of the “new science of Psychology,” this article uncovers a more complex history that expands our understanding of the interplay among scientific discourse, the varieties of evangelical spiritual experience, and the emergence of pentecostalism in the early twentieth century.
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Yong, Amos. "Pneumatology and Theology of the Cross in the Preaching of Christoph Friedrich Blumhardt: The Holy Spirit Between Wittenberg and Azusa Street - By Simeon Zahl." Religious Studies Review 37, no. 3 (September 2011): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2011.01532_46.x.

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Maskell, Caleb J. D. "Pneumatology and Theology of the Cross in the Preaching of Christoph Friedrich Blumhardt: The Holy Spirit Between Wittenberg and Azusa Street - By Simeon Zahl." Reviews in Religion & Theology 19, no. 4 (September 2012): 525–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9418.2012.01140.x.

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Roebuck, David G. "Vinson Synan & Charles R. Fox, Jr., William J. Seymour: Pioneer of the Azusa Street Revival (Alachua, FL: Bridge-Logos, 2012). 355 pp., $16.99 paperback." Pneuma 35, no. 1 (2013): 135–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-12341299.

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Roebuck, David G. "Vinson Synan & Charles R. Fox, Jr., William J. Seymour: Pioneer of the Azusa Street Revival (Alachua, FL: Bridge-Logos, 2012). 355 pp., $16.99 paperback." Pneuma 35, no. 2 (2013): 298–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-12341338.

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47

Reidy, Skyler. "“Holy Ghost Tribe:” The Needles Revival and the Origins of Pentecostalism." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 3 (2019): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.9.

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AbstractIn 1899, a religious revival in Needles, California, included the first recorded instance of tongues-speech in California. The revival was begun by a white Holiness preacher and included a predominantly Native American, but ethnically mixed, congregation. The Mohave Indians at the heart of the Needles Revival had survived in the Southern California borderlands by crossing boundaries and building new communities in the shadow of the modernizing state. As they participated in the Needles Revival, Mohave believers and others combined this pattern of boundary crossing with the theology and praxis of the Holiness movement to develop a local manifestation of the emerging Pentecostal movement. During the early twentieth century, a series of revivals around the world and a network of Holiness groups and missionaries developed into modern Pentecostalism. The most prominent of these revivals took place on Azusa Street in Los Angeles and emphasized speaking in tongues and multiracial community, not unlike the earlier revival in Needles. Taken together, these two revivals show the influence of Southern California on early Pentecostalism. Speaking in tongues enabled early Pentecostals to cross boundaries imposed by California's racial hierarchy, and the multiethnic communities they formed were a testament to the cultural dynamism of the region. As Mohave converts embraced Pentecostalism and eventually assumed leadership of the Needles congregation, they brought their legacy of survival and adaptation to the movement. In the process, they helped to shape modern Pentecostalism.
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Brown, Candy Gunther. "From Tent Meetings and Store-front Healing Rooms to Walmarts and the Internet: Healing Spaces in the United States, the Americas, and the World, 1906–2006." Church History 75, no. 3 (September 2006): 631–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070009867x.

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The centennial of the Azusa Street revivals of 1906 provides us with convenient poles for charting shifts in the landscape of Christian spiritual healing practices during the past century. Alongside unprecedented achievements in medical science, nearly 80 percent of Americans report believing that God supernaturally heals people in answer to prayer. Individuals who need healing, even after trying the best medical cures, readily transgress ecclesiastical, physical, and social boundaries in their quest for health and wholeness. The promise of a tangible experience of divine power, moreover, presents an attractive alternative to seekers disillusioned with what they perceive as the callous materialism of medical science and the religious legalism of traditional Christian churches. This essay calls for new narratives of sacred space that map the ways that pentecostal and charismatic healing practices have proliferated, diversified, and sacralized a growing number and variety of physical, social, and linguistic spaces in the past hundred years. At the turn of the twentieth century, modernist epistemological assumptions that privileged reason over experience encouraged fine intellectual distinctions between the sacred and the secular. In esteeming bodily experience as more trustworthy than disembodied doctrine and in resisting linguistic binaries as culturally constructed, postmodern epistemologies have multiplied the number and range of places available to be endowed with sacred meanings. I argue that boundaries between the sacred and the secular are dissolving at the same time that new boundaries are being established, privileging particular places and defining a new relationship among the United States, the Americas, and the world.
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Watson, Kevin M. "Henry H. Knight III, ed., From Aldersgate to Azusa Street: Wesleyan, Holiness, and Pentecostal Visions of the New Creation (Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2010). x + 371 pp., $42.00 paperback." Pneuma 35, no. 1 (2013): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-12341308.

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Brogdon, Lewis. "Joe Newman, Race and the Assemblies of God Church: The Journey from Azusa Street to the Miracle of Memphis (Youngstown, NY: Cambria Press, 2007). ix + 225 pp., $ 99.95 hardcover." Pneuma 32, no. 3 (2010): 436–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007410x533987.

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