Journal articles: 'Babeuf'

1

Mazauric, Claude. "Babeuf et la République." Cahier des Annales de Normandie 24, no. 1 (1992): 513–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/annor.1992.4109.

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George, Jocelyne, Jean-Marc Schiappa, Rene Bidouze, and Claude Willard. "Gracchus Babeuf avec les Egaux." Le Mouvement social, no. 159 (April 1992): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779502.

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ROSE, R. B. "Babeuf and the Class-struggle." Australian Journal of Politics & History 22, no. 3 (2008): 367–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1976.tb00922.x.

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BIRCHALL, IAN H. "Babeuf and the oppression of women*." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 20, no. 1 (2008): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1997.tb00207.x.

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Chen, Zhi, Yi Long Xie, Jin Xing Qiu, and Zhong He Chen. "Similar and Different: Effect of Substitution Pattern on the Aggregation-Induced Emission Property of [4'-(bisphenylamino)[1,1']biphenyl]methylene Fluorenes." Advanced Materials Research 859 (December 2013): 329–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.859.329.

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Three isomers, [4'-(bisphenylamino)[1,1']biphen-2-yl]methylenefluorene (BAB2MF), [4'-(bisphenylamino)[1,1']biphen-3-yl]methylenefluorene (BAB3MF) and [4'-(bisphenylamino)[1,1']biphen-4-yl]methylenefluorene (BAB4MF), were synthesized through Suzuki coupling. The substitution pattern exerts a dramatic influence on the optical property. BAB3MF and BAB4MF are hardly emissive either in the solution or as solid state. On the contrary, BAB2MF emits strongly, especially in the aggregate state with a high fluorescent quantum yield of 69%. Furthermore, BAB2MF shows an aggregation-induced enhanced emission behavior. BAB2MF solid emits at 488 nm, about 60 nm blue-shifted from its solution.

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Roza, Stéphanie. "Social rights and duties in Babeuf and the neo-Babouvists (1786–1848)." French History 33, no. 4 (2019): 537–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz091.

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Abstract This article examines the conception of social rights found in the writings of François-Noël Babeuf in the late eighteenth century and those of his followers, the neo-Babouvists, in the first half of the nineteenth. Both believed that social rights were to be based on natural needs, which they categorized as physical and moral: while physical needs necessitated the right to subsistence, moral needs encompassed the right to education. Babeuf and the neo-Babouvists also believed that social rights were inseparable from principles of equality and the reciprocity of rights and duties among society’s members. The neo-Babouvists developed this notion of reciprocity into the view that labour laws and the right to work constituted the legitimate and reciprocal counterparts of the property rights of employers. This balancing of property rights and workers’ rights was to be provisional, however, pending the transformation of society towards a community of goods.

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Roza, Stéphanie. "Deux conceptions de l’histoire en révolution : Barnave et Babeuf." Actuel Marx 59, no. 1 (2016): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/amx.059.0184.

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Chepurina, Maria. "Once again on Babeuf: a new book by Claude Mazauric." Annual of French Studies 53 (2020): 405–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/0235-4349-2020-1-53-405-413.

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Mazauric, Claude. "Philippe Riviale, Gracchus Babeuf, Robespierre et les tyrans suivi de Du système de dépopulation ou la vie et les crimes de Carrier par Gracchus Babeuf." Annales historiques de la Révolution française, no. 367 (March 1, 2012): 223–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ahrf.12383.

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Chalmin, Ronan. "La République populicide : relire Du Système de dépopulation de G. Babeuf." Dix-huitième siècle 43, no. 1 (2011): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dhs.043.0447.

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Roza, Stéphanie. "Comment la révolution a transformé l’utopie : le cas de Gracchus Babeuf." Annales historiques de la Révolution française, no. 366 (December 1, 2011): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ahrf.12219.

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Maillard, Alain. "La génération communiste de 1840 et la mémoire de Gracchus Babeuf." L Homme et la société 111, no. 1 (1994): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/homso.1994.3372.

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Birchall, Ian. "On Alain Maillard's La Communauté des égaux; Philippe Riviale's L'impatience du bonheur: apologie de Gracchus Babeuf; and Jean Soublin's Je t'écris au sujet de Gracchus Babeuf." Historical Materialism 11, no. 1 (2003): 223–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920603321624839.

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Sánchez Quiñones, Luis. "De hombres del Reino a República de hombres. Colectivización, comunidad y poder en Harrington y Babeuf." Estudios de Deusto 68, no. 2 (2020): 293–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ed-68(2)-2020pp293-321.

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El pensamiento utópico ha sido una constante en la formulación de los movimientos políticos así como en la configuración de los derechos individuales. Las revoluciones de los siglos XVII y XVIII ofrecieron notables ejemplos de sociedades articuladas a través de ideas elevadas en las que la redistribución de la riqueza y una mayor participación política eran signo común. Sin embargo, esas aparentes coincidencias escondían diferencias de planteamiento y de concepción, como exponemos en el análisis de las ideas de James Harrington y Gracchus Babeuf. Recibido: 05.12.2020Aceptado: 21.12.2020

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Chalmin, Ronan Y. "Éthique et rhétorique de la Révolution chez Gracchus Babeuf et Toussaint Louverture." MLN 130, no. 4 (2015): 836–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2015.0058.

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Bajou, Pascal. "Gracchus Babeuf & postface par André Bellon, Le manifeste des plébéiens." Humanisme N° 291, no. 1 (2011): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/huma.291.0123.

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Bertran de Balanda, Flavien. "Robert « Émile » Babeuf et le <i>Nain tricolore</i>." Histoire et civilisation du livre 18 (December 14, 2022): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/hcl18_235-253.

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Roza, Stéphanie. "Comment l’utopie est devenue un programme politique : Morelly, Mably, Babeuf, un débat avec Rousseau." Annales historiques de la Révolution française, no. 378 (December 1, 2014): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ahrf.13373.

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Karam, Nicole. "The Last Revolutionaries: The Conspiracy Trial of Gracchus Babeuf and the Equals by Laura Mason." MLN 137, no. 4 (2022): 841–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2022.0059.

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Furet, François, and Ran Halévi. "L'Année 1789." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 44, no. 1 (1989): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1989.283574.

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L'historien qui découpe la Révolution française en séquences et en régimes non seulement distincts, mais contradictoires, s'expose à être réfuté moins par des arguments proprement historiques que par l'espèce d'évidence qu'a possédée l'événement dans la conscience nationale : l'affrontement qui a si longtemps mis aux prises partisans et adversaires de la Révolution a bien eu son centre, et dans les deux camps, dans une perception unitaire de ce qui s'est passé en France entre 1789 et Bonaparte. L'idée du « bloc » fait d'abord partie de la pensée contre-révolutionnaire avant d'être l'objet d'une réappropriation républicaine, après Thermidor. Pourtant, elle est très tôt décomposée, dès Thermidor aussi, par une autre évidence : celle de la pluralité de l'héritage révolutionnaire. Dès 1796, Constant cherche à terminer la Révolution sur les acquis de 1789, Babeuf veut la reprendre sur l'exemple de 1793.

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Caron, Jean-Claude. "Claude MAZAURIC, Babeuf. Écrits. Textes choisis de Gracchus Babeuf, introduction nouvelle, annotations, sources et travaux par Claude Mazauric, Pantin, Le Temps des cerises, 2009 (1965), 418 p. ISBN : 978-2-84109-800-2. 20 euros." Revue d'histoire du XIXe siècle, no. 40 (July 15, 2010): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rh19.4001.

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Magrin, Gabriele. "Se Babeuf è democratico. Attualità di una riflessione storica e teorica sul potenziale illiberale della democrazia diretta." Diacronìa, no. 2 (2022): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.12871/97888331811583.

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Deranty, Jean-Phillipe, Felipe Ribeiro, Izabela Loner Santana, and Pedro Casalotti Farhat. "Redistribuição e reconhecimento do ponto de vista da igualdade real: Anderson e Honneth através das lentes de Babeuf." Cadernos de Filosofia Alemã: Crítica e Modernidade 25, no. 3 (2020): 159–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2318-9800.v25i3p159-184.

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Neste artigo, meu objetivo é enfrentar os problemas relacionados à redistribuição por meio de uma apropriação crítica do paradigma distributivo. Vou partir dos escritos de dois dos mais importantes críticos do paradigma distributivo na filosofia política contemporânea, Elizabeth Anderson e Axel Honneth, cujos argumentos se sobrepõem de várias maneiras. A concepção de igualdade democrática ou relacional de Anderson partilha uma série de elementos conceituais chave com a teoria do reconhecimento e da liberdade social de Honneth. Os dois autores oferecem pontos de referência eminentes e convergentes para elucidar criticamente problemas de redistribuição em relação a problemas de reconhecimento. Nas seções 1 e 2, apresento os autores a partir de um triplo ponto de vista: como suas respectivas teorias do reconhecimento se sobrepõem e se afastam uma da outra; quais são as implicações disso para os problemas de redistribuição; qual é a contribuição de suas concepções de “igualdade real”. Na seção 3, abordo os dois autores criticamente, do ponto de vista da “igualdade real”, tomando por base as tradições a que eles se referem para elaborar suas respectivas afirmações. Questionando, por fim, a leitura que Anderson faz de Babeuf, o utilizo para levantar diversas questões críticas às versões do igualitarismo apresentadas por ela e por Honneth.

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Elbe, Joachim V., and Ethem Coban. "TRANSLATION: The English-Turkish Conflict of Mosul." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 2 (2018): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i2.448.

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This article is the English translation of Der englisch-türkische Mossulkonflikt by Dr. Joachim v. Elbe, a prominent German-American legal expert of the 20th century. The original article in German was published in 1929 in the first issue of Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (Heidelberg Journal of International Law). The aim of translating this article is to present to the readers of Kurdish Studies the perspective of past publications documenting discussion on Kurds and statehood as well breaking language barriers and making such documents accessible to a wider audience. Moreover, this translation hopes to provide policymakers and scholars engaged in this topic with an overview of the legal history.Acknowledgement: This article is translated by Ethem Çoban from the original paper by Joachim v. Elbe published in 1929 with the title “Der englisch-turkische Mossulkonflikt” in Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrech, Heidelberg Journal of International Law ( HJIL ), vol.1, part.2, pp.391-418. Available at http://www.zaoerv.de/01_1929/1_1929_1_a_391_420.pdf, accessed: 01/09/2018.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIDubendiya Îngilîz û Tirkan li ser MûsilêEv babet wergerra înglîzî ya babeteke bi nawnîşana Der engliscih-türkische Mossulkonflikt e û ji layê doktor Joachim v. Elbe ve hatiye nivîsîn, ku pisporekî diyar yê yasaya emerîkî-elmanî yê sedsala bîstem e. Babeta eslî li sala 1929 bi elmanî li jimareya yekem a Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (Kovara Heidelberg bo Yasaya Navdewletî) de hatiye belavkirin. Armanca serekî ji wergêrana vê babetê ewe nêrîna weşan û nivîsarên demên borî ji bo belgekirina guftûgoyên li ser kurd û dewletdariyê bikevine ber bal û nezera xwînerên kovara Kurdish Studies, li gel şikandina rêgirîya zimanî û wisa bibe ku ev belge bikevine ber destê cemawerekî berfirehtir. Ji bilî van, ev werger hêvîdar e nezereke giştî li ser dîroka yasayî bo siyasetmedar û lêkolerên mijarê dabîn bike.ABSTRACT IN SORANIMilmilanêy înglîzî-turkî le MûsillEm babete wergêrranî înglîzîy babetêke be nawnîşanî Der engliscih-türkische Mossulkonflikt we le layen diktor Joachim v. Elbe nûsrawe, ke pisporrêkî diyarî yasayî emrîkî-ellmanîy sedey bîsteme. Babete esllîyeke le sallî 1929 be ellmanî le yekem jimarey Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (Jorrnallî Heidelberg bo Yasay Nêwdewlletî) billaw kirayewe. Amancî serekî le wergêrranî em babete eweye rwangey billawkirawekanî rabirdû bo dokumêntkirdinî giftugokan le ser kurd û dewlletdarî bixirête ber dîdî xwêneranî Kurdish Studies, legell şkandinî rêgirîye zimanewanîyekan we wa bikrêt ew dokumêntane bikewne berdest cemawerêkî frawantir. Cige lewe, em wergêrrane hîwaxwaze têrrwanînî giştî leser dîrokî yasayî bo siyasetmedaran û twêjeran dabîn bikat.

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Monnier, Raymonde. "Philippe RIVIALE, L'impatience du bonheur. Apologie de Gracchus Babeuf, Paris, Payot et Rivages, Critique de la Politique Payot, 2001, 275 p." Annales historiques de la Révolution française, no. 330 (December 1, 2002): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ahrf.3983.

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Gauthier, Florence. "Alain Maillard, Claude Mazauric, Èric Walter éds, Présence de Babeuf. Lumières, Révolution, communisme, préface de M. Vovelle, Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne, 1994, 334 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 52, no. 4 (1997): 929–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900050009.

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Avins, Carol J. "Isaak Babel'’s Tales of Collectivization: Rites of Transition in the New Soviet Village." Slavic Review 64, no. 3 (2005): 560–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3650142.

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Isaac Babel'’s two stories depicting the 1930 collectivization campaign must be placed beside his other story cycles in any effort to understand the writer and his time. The resistance to authority displayed in “Kolyvushka” and the reconciliation reached for in “Gapa Guzvha” have in common an important and hitherto unnoted feature: the implicit adaptation of Orthodox religious ritual to new functions. In both stories the climactic encounter with officialdom shows how vestiges of religious ritual become improvised rites of transition, religious in form but political in content. Placing Babel”s stories in the context of the surrounding cultural and political discourse (including Iosif Stalin's “Dizzy with Success article, but focusing on the pages of Novyi mir, where one of the stories appeared), this article explores links between Babef”s dark depiction of the countryside in crisis and contemporary treatments of collectivization, religion, and literary engagement.

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Martinez Becerra, Pablo Rodrigo, and Francisco Javier Cordero Morales. "Jenaro Abasolo y el liberalismo social: del principio de libertad al principio de asociación." Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas 25, no. 2 (2022): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rpub.79655.

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Este artículo pretende determinar las razones que llevan al filósofo chileno Jenaro Abasolo (1833-1884) a intentar morigerar, desde su enfoque liberal social, el imperio del principio de libertad por medio de la incorporación del principio de asociación. Se comienza reconociendo las bondades de la prioridad que conlleva el principio de libertad para el surgimiento de la individualidad, hasta llegar a determinar los motivos de la necesidad de incorporar otros principios que salven al orden social de la anomia y de la desintegración que son la contraparte negativa de su hegemonía. Así pues, la transición del orden social y político que va del Antiguo Régimen al régimen moderno, según se deja ver, por ejemplo, en diversos críticos socialistas (Babeuf, Saint-Simon, Marx), requiere de una radicalización por medio de la igualdad y socialización de la individualidad. En otras palabras, la vía que se considera adecuada para dar solución ante todo a la iniquidad derivada en buena medida del egoísmo y del espíritu de monopolio, es promover una alta cota de sociabilidad en la sociedad civil por medio de compaginar la libertad individual con la asociación. Parte del artículo está orientado a reconocer que el liberalismo, como es visible en el propio Abasolo, no traiciona sus principios al incorporar la asociación, sino que esta se condice con sus propios fundamentos doctrinales, más si se pone en consonancia con la realización del fin moral de la vida humana (expansión de la personalidad). Por tanto, integrar la asociación, como se sostiene lo hacen, entre otros, Constant, Tocqueville y Laboulaye, si bien en parte puede ser una medida reactiva a las críticas del socialismo, se corresponde perfectamente con la nota social que ha de tener la libertad en el liberalismo si quiere atender a un progreso acorde a la perfectibilidad humana. En última instancia, el artículo muestra que Abasolo se mantiene fiel a los fundamentos krausistas que dieron base al derecho público de Lastarria, aunque, a diferencia de éste, dándole importancia prioritaria a la unidad de los principios sociales y políticos del Estado en tanto posibilitan armonizar la asociación con las metas sociales más altas y con el mismo Porvenir de la humanidad.

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Jongerden, Joost. "Learning from defeat: Development and contestation of the “new paradigm” within Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 1 (2019): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i1.507.

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The ideological reorientation and political reorganisation of the PKK has been a subject of debate. While some authors recognise that significant changes occurred within the PKK, others have dismissed the PKK’s transformation as a communication strategy and window-dressing. Based on interviews with key informants, this article reconstructs debates and developments within the party at the beginning of the 2000s. A main conclusion is that the transformation of the PKK was more than a reorientation involving organisational adjustment; it was no less than the development of a new mindset, one that involved the questioning of historically entrenched gender hierarchies and deeply held political axioms. In the process of this major change, the PKK lost a substantial number of long-time activists and cadres. Although at times it looked as if the movement might fall apart, the result was a transformation that gave the PKK a new impetus.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIFêrbûna ji têkçûnê: Pêşketin û dijberiya "paradîgmaya nû" di nava Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê ya Tirkiyeyê (PKK) deGuherîna îdeolojîk û jinûve rêkxistina siyasî ya PKKyê gelek bûye babeta nîqaşan. Hindek lêkoler qebûl dikin ku guherînên girîng çêbûn di nava PKKyê de, lê hindek lêkolerên din girîngiyeke wisa nedane veguherîna PKKyê û ew bêtir wek stratejiyeke ragihandinê û rûberekê dîtine. Li ser bingeha hevpeyvînên bi agahîderên xwedan rol û girîngî re, ev gotar nîqaş û geşedanên di nava partiyê de yên li serê salên 2000an digihîne hev û vesaz dike. Encameke serekî ku gotar digihê ew e ku veguherîna PKKyê gelek zêdetir bûye ji guherîneke arasteyê û lêanînên rêxistinî; berevajî vê yekê, pêşketina zihniyeteke nû bû, zihniyetek ku hiyerarşiyên dîrokî yên cinsiyetan û bingehên siyasî yên kûr dixistine jêr pirsyaran. Di pêvajoya vê guherîna bingehîn de, PKKyê hejmareke girîng a çalakvan û berpirsên xwe yên kevn ji dest dan. Herçend carinan wisa xuya bûbe ku tevger dibe ku ji hev bikeve, encam bû veguherînek ku lez û dînamîzmeke nû da PKKyê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIFêrbûn le şikist: Geşekirdin û rikaberîkirdinî "paradaymî nwê" lenaw Partî Krêkaranî Kurdistanî Turkiya (PKK)Arastekirdinewey aydiyolojî û rêkxistinewey siyasîy PKK buwete babetî miştumirr. Lekatêkda hendêk nûser dan beweda denên ke gorrankarîy gewre lenaw PKKda rûydawe, hendêkî tir werçerxanî PKK ret dekenewe û be corêk le stratîjîy rageyandin û perdepoşî dadenên. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtin legell hewallgire serekîyekanda, em babete miştumirr û allugorrîyekanî naw PKK le sallanî 2000ekanda daderrêjêtewe. Encamgîrîy serekî eweye werçerxanî PKK le arayîşdanewey peywest be hemwarkirdinî rêkxiraweyî ziyatire, le geşekirdinî cîhanbînîyekî tazeş kemtir nebû, wek ewey ke peyweste be xistine jêr pirsyarî heremeyî cênderî ke cêkewteyekî mêjuyîy heye legell bellge newîste siyasîye rîşe dakutawekan. Le prosey em allugorre serekîyeda, PKK jimareyekî berçawî çalakwan û kadîre dêrînekanî ledest da. Herçende hendêk kat wa derdekewt ke ew cullaneweye renge heres bênêt, derencam werçerxanêk bû ke gurr u tînî tazey daye PKK.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIMexlûbîyet ra dersegirewtiş: averşîyayîş û werenayîşê “paradîgmaya newîye” ya zereyê Partîya Karkeran a Kurdîstanî ya Tirkîya (PKK) deNewe ra oryantasyono îdeolojîk û rêxistinbîyayîşê PKK bîyî babetê munaqeşeyan. Herçiqas ke tayê nuştoxî qebul kenê ke zereyê PKK de vurîyayîşê girîngî qewimîyayî, tayê bînî nê vurîyayîşî sey stratejîya komunîkasyonî û xoxemilnayîşêkê zurayinî nîşan danê. Pê roportajanê ke bi melumatdaranê sermîyanan ameyê kerdene, na meqale munaqeşe û averşîyayîşê ke sereyê serranê 2000an de ca girewtê, înan reyna ana ra çiman ver. Yew netîceyo bingeyên o yo ke vurîyayîşê PKK tena qandê başêrkerdişê rêxistine oryantasyono newe ney, la bi xo averşîyayîşê hişmendîyêka newîye bî. Na hişmendî hîyerarşîyê cinsîyetan ê tradîsyonelî û rastîyê sîyasîyê xorînî fîştî ra gumanî ver. Prosesê nê vurîyayîşê girsî de PKK hûmarêka girînge ya çalakîker û kadroyanê kanan kerde vîndî. Herçiqas wextêk ge-gane wina asayêne ke tevger do parçe bibo, netîce de no vurîyayîş seba PKK bîbî teşwîqêko teze.

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Carden, Patricia, A. K. Zholkovskii, and M. B. Iampol'skii. "Babel'/Babel." Russian Review 56, no. 1 (1997): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131494.

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Pervukhin, Natalia, A. K. Zholkovskii, and M. B. Iampol'skii. "Babel'/Babel." Slavic and East European Journal 40, no. 1 (1996): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/308520.

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Cosmin, Porumb-Ghiurco. "A Touristic Approach of a Literary and Geographical Space: Transylvania." Incursions into the Imaginary 9, no. 1 (2018): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/inimag.2018.9.2.

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FABEIRO FIDALGO, PATRICIA. "EL NUEVO RECURSO DE AMPARO CONSTITUCIONAL." RVAP 102, no. 102 (October 1, 2015): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.102.2015.04.

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En este artículo vamos a constatar cómo a partir de la reforma legislativa del año 2007, el recurso de amparo constitucional queda importantemente transformado en la dirección de hacerse más subsidiario, esencialmente, por haberse acentuado su vertiente objetiva; con esto último resulta, además, una protección distinta de los derechos fundamentales en sede constitucional. Dado que todo ello se hace principalmente introduciendo un nuevo requisito de admisión del amparo, a saber, la especial trascendencia constitucional del asunto, y éste se encuentra formulado en la ley con gran vaguedad, se hace preciso para la efectividad de aquella modificación y para conocer ex ante si hay posibilidad de presentar el recurso de amparo, tratar de despejar el mayor número de problemas interpretativos que el mismo suscita. Artikulu honetan, egiaztatuko dugu nola, 2007an egindako lege-erreformaz geroztik, konstituzio-babeserako errekurtsoa nabarmen aldatu den: subsidiariagoa da, funtsean, areagotu egin delako haren alderdi objektiboa; azken horrekin, gainera, bestelako babesa ematen zaie Konstituzioan dauden oinarrizko eskubideei. Hori, nagusiki, babesa onartzeko beste betekizun bat sartuta egiten da, hots, gaiak konstituzio-arloan duen garrantzi berezia, eta hori legean oso lauso formulatuta dago. Horregatik, aldakuntza hura eraginkorra izateko eta babes-errekurtsoa aurkezteko aukerarik badagoen ex ante jakiteko, beharrezkoa da interpretatzerakoan sortzen diren arazoak ahalik eta gehien argitzea. In this article we are going to find how since the legislative reform of article 2007, the constitutional complaint was importantly transformed so as to make it more subsidiary, essentially, by enhancing its objective side; it offers a different protection of fundamental rights within the constitutional area. As everything is essentially made by introducing a new requirement for the admisibility of the complaint, that is the special constitutional trascedence of the issue, and this is formulated by the act with great vagueness, it is necessary for the effectiveness¿ sake of that amendment and in order to know ex ante whether there is the chance to lodge a constitutional complaint, trying to clear as much the interpretative problems that it triggers.

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KELEKHSAEVA, A. R. "POVERTY AND INEQUALITY IN LATIN AMERICA." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 4, no. 5 (2021): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.05.04.019.

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The article examines poverty and inequality as serious long-term and widespread problems in society. Research on poverty has been mainly conducted from the perspective of economics, now the focus has shifted to psychological aspects with an emphasis on the causes and consequences of poverty. The overall economic disaster that COVID-19 will leave in Latin America and the Caribbean remains to be seen, but its impact on social well-being portends a bleak future. After seven years of slow growth, the region's GDP fell 5,3%, the largest drop in a century. According to a joint report submitted by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the impact of the pandemic could plunge an additional 16 million people into extreme poverty in 2020, resulting in 83,4 million Hispanics will live in complete poverty. These organizations warn that hunger will be the biggest problem facing the region, where 53,7 million people are already surviving severely food insecure. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between poverty and inequality as economic categories in the context of their impact on the countries of Latin America. To do this, the authors examined the key factors affecting poverty and inequality, analyzed trends in poverty and inequality in Latin America and the Latin Basin. The article is based on research on poverty and inequality in macroeconomic theory. In particular, the works of Y. Amiel, F. Cowell, T. Buhard, P. Wizard, the study of socio-economic inequality and the fight against poverty – G. Babeuf, I. Bentham, J. M. Keynes, V. Paret, G. Spencer, L. Erhard, K. Arrow, D. Rocardo, A. Pigou and many others are devoted to the problem of inequality. Significant results of studies of poverty and welfare are given in the works of prominent foreign researchers: P. Townsend, A. Sen, D. Sachs, M. Orshan-sky, T. Marshall, F. Hayek, thanks to which the system of ideas about poverty was formed. The importance of poverty and its impact on government discourses, policies and programs has fueled much research on a Latin American scale. Publications on this topic have been rolled out over the past three decades and have created a veritable battlefield. Poverty reduction is a key development challenge facing Latin America and the Caribbean. Inequality is one of the historical problems in Latin America, one of the factors that most paralyzes the eco-nomic and social aspirations of most countries in the region. Poverty reduction can be understood in both a limited and a broad sense. The first involves a focus on programs and projects that target the poor – vocational training programs for low-income people, food stamps, productivity projects in the informal sector, and care for mothers and children in communities that do not have access to this service, etc. These programs are usually funded from so-called emergency funds and social investments, although they may also be specialized activities of the minis-tries or secretariats that make up the “social sector”. On the other hand, the broader definition of poverty reduction includes economic policies and traditional social policies (especially education and health). One of the main ways to solve this problem in the medium and long term obliges countries to move towards a universal basic income, giving priority to families with children and adolescents, and to maintain universal, comprehensive and sustainable social protection systems, increase their coverage as a central component of the new welfare state. A broad and lasting consensus and political commitment are required to make significant improvements in education, health and well-being. Unfortunately, some Latin American coun-tries have serious governance problems that hinder the effective functioning of democratic systems due to fragmentation and lack of policy consensus. For this reason, stability and continuity of economic and social policies are an indispensable element for the development of nations and the progress of peoples.

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Simon, Claude. "Babel." Cahiers Claude Simon, no. 7 (December 31, 2011): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ccs.813.

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Hofer, Henri. "Babel." L'Autre Volume. 9, no. 2 (2008): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lautr.026.0281.

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Estrada, Pedro Arturo. "Babel." Perseitas 7, no. 2 (2019): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.21501/23461780.3296.

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Natanson, Madeleine. "Babel." Imaginaire & Inconscient 20, no. 2 (2007): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/imin.020.0095.

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Gładziuk, Nina, and Paweł Janowski. "Babel." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 11 (January 30, 2009): 52–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2009.11.03.

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What interests us here is the fact that Babel as a figure of confusion became almost the self-named epithet of 17th-century England. All the participants of the debate that took place during the revolution or the postbellum associated Babel with the conceptual chaos of the civil war. The lively “pamphlet war” then brought a pluralistic forum for public opinion in which all the confused languages of politics were equal. When all could read the Bible, everyone could read the story of Babel in their own way. But nothing could reconcile those who read the divine right of kings in it with those who read the divine right of the people in it. In the 17th century, Babel was seen as a figure of discursive confusion, as the confusion was experienced in the form of fanatical languages of arguing sects. Liberalism, if the English-speaking world is acknowledged to be its cradle, constitutes an attempt to escape the impasse of the discursive Babel via the legalistic means of the state of law. According to Hobbes, the irreversible multitude of languages makes one ask what public order can reconcile nominalism in the sphere of political opinion with the social Diaspora of individuals released from the bonds of status or corporation. How to build a state while one Christian faith is disintegrating into many sects fighting each other? How to build a state in the chronic pluralism of the social world and multifaceted dissociation of the traditional community? This is why Babel as a figure of confusion provides the primary conceptual capacity for the liberal organization of the world.

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Alvarez, Silvio. "Babel." Arquivo Maaravi: Revista Digital de Estudos Judaicos da UFMG 4, no. 7 (2010): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1982-3053.4.7.1.

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Sousa, Júnior Dantas. "Babel." Revista Cronos 20, no. 2 (2021): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21680/1982-5560.2019v20n2id18116.

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Esta obra do sociólogo polonês Zigmunt Bauman, juntamente com o jornalista e escritor italiano Ezio Mauro, tratam de temas contemporâneos como a globalização, a crise econômica, ideologias e da desconfiança das pessoas dos sistemas políticos. Todos estes problemas causados ou vividos na incerteza e na liquidez da modernidade. O atual contexto da era da conectividade, da sociedade em rede, de um momento de enfraquecimento das relações sociais e da decadência da democracia.

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Quezada-Naquid, Moisés, Ricardo Marcelín-Jiménez, and José Luis González-Compeán. "Babel." International Journal of Web Services Research 13, no. 4 (2016): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijwsr.2016100103.

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The Babel File System is a dependable, scalable and flexible storage system. Among its main features the authors underline the availability of different types of data redundancy, a careful decoupling between data and metadata, a middleware that enforces metadata consistency, and its own load-balance and allocation procedure which adapts to the number and capacities of the supporting storage devices. It can be deployed over different hardware platforms, including commodity hardware. The authors' proposal has been designed to allow developers to settle a trade-off between price and performance, depending on their particular applications.

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Bloch, Chana. "Babel." Tikkun 30, no. 3 (2015): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-3149011.

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Porpora, Douglas V. "Babel." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 46, no. 5 (2017): 535–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306117725085c.

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Geraldi, Silvia Maria. "Babel." Conceição/Conception 7, no. 2 (2018): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/conce.v7i2.8654340.

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A Conceição/Conception dedica o presente número a artigos e resenhas inéditos inspirados na temática Babel: Tradições, Traduções e Traições – tema-chave do II Simpósio Internacional “Repensando Mitos Contemporâneos” realizado pelo Programa de Pós-Graduação em Artes da Cena da Unicamp em outubro de 2017. Recorrendo à imagem mítica de Babel e suas reedições no século XXI, as publicações aqui compartilhadas tratam de refletir sobre a problemática da interculturalidade e sua incidência nas artes da cena contemporânea (dança, teatro, performance).

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Léon, Marie. "Babel." Gestalt 35, no. 1 (2009): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gest.035.0057.

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Christoffersen, Erik Exe. "Babel." Peripeti 5, no. 10 (2008): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/peri.v5i10.110801.

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DÍAZ CREGO, María. "Derechos sociales y amparo constitucional." RVAP 94, no. 94 (December 28, 2012): 17–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.94.2012.01.

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LABURPENA: Nahiz eta Espainiako Konstituzioak eskubide sozial sorta handia aitortu, bertako 53. artikuluaren jokoak oinarrizko eskubideak bermatzeko mekanismotik kanpo uzten ditu eskubide sozial horiek. Artikulu horrek zalantzan jartzen baitu eskubide sozial gehienen justiziabilitatea. Eta ez hori bakarrik; gainera, oinarrizko eskubideak Auzitegi Konstituzionalean bermatzeko espresuki eraturiko auzibidetik kanpo uzten ditu, hots, babes-errekurtsotik kanpo. Eskubide sozialen degradazio hori, ohikoa Zuzenbide Konparatuan, saihestu izan da, auzitegi nazional eta nazioarteko askotan, eskubideoi zeharkako babesa ematen dieten estrategien bitartez. Ildo horretan, gaurko azterlan honen xedea da babes-errekurtsoetan ezarritako jurisprudentzia konstituzionala analizatzea, ikusteko zer neurritaraino baliatu den Auzitegi Konstituzionala estrategia horietaz Konstituzioak aitortzen dituen eskubide sozial gehienak babes-errekurtsoek eskaintzen duten aterpetik kanpo uzteko joerari aurre egiteko. RESUMEN: A pesar de que la Constitución española reconoce un importante elenco de derechos sociales, el juego de su artículo 53 les excluye de los principales mecanismos de garantía de los derechos fundamentales. Este precepto no sólo pone en duda la justiciabilidad de la mayoría de los derechos sociales, sino que les excluye de la vía procesal específicamente pensada para garantizar los derechos fundamentales ante el Tribunal Constitucional: el recurso de amparo. Esta degradación de los derechos sociales, habitual en Derecho comparado, ha sido salvada por muchos tribunales nacionales e internacionales utilizando estrategias de protección indirecta de estos derechos. En esta línea, el objeto del presente trabajo es analizar la jurisprudencia constitucional sentada en recursos de amparo a fin de identificar en qué medida el Tribunal Constitucional ha hecho uso de esas estrategias para paliar la exclusión de la mayoría de los derechos sociales reconocidos en la Constitución de la protección que otorga el amparo. ABSTRACT: Although the Spanish Constitution recognizes a remarkable cast of social rights, its article 53 excludes these rights from the mechanisms built to guarantee the protection of constitutional rights. Article 53 brings into question the justiciability of most of the social rights recognized in the Spanish Constitution and deprives most of them from the protection granted by the recurso de amparo, the procedural safeguard specifically designed to protect fundamental rights in case of individual violations before the Spanish Constitutional Court. However, this situation is not so atipical as many other national and international courts face this sort of limits by developing a creative case law in order to protect social rights even when the national constitution or the international treaty they interpretate do not expressly recognize these rights. In this sense, the aim of this paper is to analyse the Spanish Constitutional Court’s case law as to determine to what extent it has made use of the indirect strategies to ensure the justiciability of social rights that other courts have already used.

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Uno, Kei. "Consuming the Tower of Babel and Japanese Public Art Museums—The Exhibition of Bruegel’s “The Tower of Babel” and the Babel-mori Project." Religions 10, no. 3 (2019): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10030158.

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Two Japanese public art museums, the Tokyo Metropolitan Art Gallery and the National Art Museum of Osaka, hosted Project Babel, which included the Babel-mori (Heaping plate of food items imitating the Tower of Babel) project. This was part of an advertising campaign for the traveling exhibition “BABEL Collection of Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen: Bruegel’s ‘The Tower of Babel’ and Great 16th Century Masters” in 2017. However, Babel-mori completely misconstrued the meaning of the Tower of Babel in Genesis 11:1–9. I explore the opinions of the curators at the art museums who hosted it and the university students who took my interview on this issue. I will also discuss the treatment of artwork with religious connotations in light of education in Japan. These exhibitions of Christian artwork provide important evidence on the contemporary reception of Christianity in Japan and, more broadly, on Japanese attitudes toward religious minorities.

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Belardinelli, Sergio. "OAKESHOTT E LA TORRE DI BABELE." Il Politico 254, no. 1 (2021): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2021.565.

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Oakshott si occupa del famoso episodio biblico di Babele in due saggi aventi lo stesso titolo, La torre di Babele, appunto, il primo dei quali, scritto nel 1948, si trova in Razionalismo e politica, il secondo, dal medesimo titolo, e scritto nel 1979, si trova in On History and other essays.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Babeuf'

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