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Journal articles on the topic 'Babylonian Exile'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Kim, Hyun Chul Paul. "‘The myth of the empty exile’: A Comparative Exploration into Ancient Biblical Exile and Modern Korean Exile." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 45, no. 1 (August 24, 2020): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219875157.

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The objective of this study is to undertake a comparative examination of two exilic contexts—ancient Judah under the Neo-Babylonian Empire and modern Korea under the Japanese occupation. We will examine issues related to ‘population change’ and ‘economic impact’ in the context of the hegemony of the colonizing empire. First, we will review the recent scholarly debates concerning Judean history during the Babylonian exilic era. Next, we will examine the historical records and interpretative issues concerning modern Korea during the Japanese occupation era. Finally, the observations and interpretive implications that arise from this comparative study will be explored. This study will emphasize that many intangible factors point to a likelihood of turmoil and hardship for the majority of the people, both those living under occupation in Judah and those exiled to Babylon, despite the evidence indicating that life continued uninterrupted after the events of 587 BCE.

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2

Adelman, Rachel. "The Elusive Ark: Locus of Longing in Exile." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 27, no. 2 (September 20, 2019): 137–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1477285x-12341300.

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AbstractThis paper compares the Babylonian and Palestinian talmudic traditions on the fate of the ark of the covenant—either lost before or during the Babylonian conquest, or buried in the Temple precincts (b. Yom’a 53b–54a; y. Sheqalim 6:1–2, 49c). In the Babylonian Talmud, the ark and the cherubim are described in highly erotic, feminized terms, blurring traditional gender categories of Israel and God. The feminization of the ark serves as a “survival strategy” to counter the defiling gaze of the gentile conqueror, but also preserves the sacred center as a locus of longing for Jews in diaspora.

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3

Bloch, Yigal. "Judeans in Sippar and Susa during the First Century of the Babylonian Exile: Assimilation and Perseverance under Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid Rule." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 2 (November 28, 2014): 119–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2014-0005.

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AbstractThe present study discusses the attestations of persons of Judean origin in Neo-Babylonian cuneiform tablets (of the period between 550 and 490 bce) as possible evidence of some aspects of the social history of the community of Judeans exiled to Babylonia by Nebuchadnezzar II. Although the number of such attestations is very small, it is nonetheless possible to single out two groups which display different patterns of personal name giving across generations. In one instance, a group of merchants in the city of Sippar (belonging mostly to a single family) uses, in part, distinctly Judean personal names in the first generation of the exile, but abandons them completely in favor of Babylonian theophoric names in the next generation. In another instance, a group of individuals active mostly in Susa and probably belonging to the families of royal officials (as suggested by names and patronymics of the type of Beamtennamen – names expressing a pious wish for the well-being of the king) displays the use of Yahwistic personal names even though the fathers of those individuals bore Babylonian theophoric names. It is suggested that the persistence of Yahwistic – hence distinctly Judean – names among royal officials or their direct offspring, even after the previous generation bore Babylonian names, reflects a considerable measure of tolerance toward ethnically foreign elements in the royal administration (the relevant examples date from the period after the establishment of the Achaemenid empire). In contrast, the progressing adoption of Babylonian names among the Judean merchants in Sippar in the first half of the sixth century bce seems likely to reflect assimilation into the native Babylonian society, fostered by the necessity to pursue commercial dealings with the Ebabbar temple of Šamaš and the social circles centered around the temple, which consisted of conservatively minded upper strata of the native Babylonian society. Editions of the cuneiform tablets discussed in the present study are provided in the Appendix.

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4

Bedford, Peter. "DIASPORA: HOMELAND RELATIONS IN EZRA-NEHEMIAH." Vetus Testamentum 52, no. 2 (2002): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853302760013820.

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AbstractEzra-Nehemiah is widely recognized as stressing the separation of Judeans repatriated from Babylonian exile from those they found living in and around Judah at their return. A related theme has received little attention, namely, the on-going relationship between the repatriates and their parent community in the Babylonian-Elamite diaspora. The present article highlights features of this relationship, noting that as a colony of the Babylonian exiles, the community of repatriates remained dependent on the diaspora for leadership and for instruction in religious culture and practice. It is suggested that in tandem with the emphasis on separatism, this view of diaspora-homeland relations reflects a concern current in the mid- to late-fourth century Judah to articulate a Judean identity that reinforced the connection of the Babylonian diaspora to the homeland. In its view of diaspora-homeland relations, Ezra-Nehemiah displays certain features in common with other late-Persian and Hellenistic biblical texts such as Esther and Daniel i-vi.

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5

Lemche, Niels Peter. "WHAT IF ZEDEKIAH HAD REMAINED LOYAL TO HIS MASTER?" Biblical Interpretation 8, no. 1-2 (2000): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851500750119105.

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AbstractThis article works with two different examples of virtual history. The first describes the outcome of the events of 587 bce. What if Zedekiah had not revolted? Then there would have been no Babylonian Exile, no Judaism founded on the idea of an exile, no Christianity founded on Judaism, and no Islam. So perhaps Zedekiah's decision to revolt was the single most important decision made by any persion in the history of Western civilization. Whereas this first scenario is a mock scenario, the second is not. It concerns the virtual history constructed by the biblical historians who, among other things, created the myth of the Babylonian Exile as the foundation myth of their constructed nation, the new Israel. Seen in light of the extent of virtual history found in the Bible, the first scenario could easily—from an historian's point of view—be considered closer to the actual events in the southern Levant of the early sixth century bce.

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6

Hiebel, Janina M. "Hope in Exile: In Conversation with Ezekiel." Religions 10, no. 8 (August 14, 2019): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10080476.

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The question of hope in dark times, though topical, is not new. The Babylonian Exile (597/587–539 BCE) is commonly recognised as perhaps the most profound, yet also most fruitful crisis in biblical (Old Testament) times. It involved the total breakdown of all religious and political structures and institutions that previously had provided meaning and protection, yet it led to significant theological progress, laying the foundations for both Judaism and Christianity. Today the metaphor of exile is sometimes used with reference to the present; however, the connection is usually not further explored. This article examines a biblical exilic voice, the book of Ezekiel, which offers an initial prophetic response to the theological, political and identity crisis of the early Babylonian Exile. While resisting both optimism and despair, Ezekiel arrives at an original, if peculiar, imagination of hope, founded solely on theological conviction. The article outlines this process by discussing select texts of the book as examples, and opens it up to conversation with the present. The logic of Ezekiel’s theocentric hope is bound to ultimately remain foreign to modern thinking. However, while it cannot be directly transferred into our times, the article aims to demonstrate that theological reflection on Ezekiel still yields valuable and transferable impulses for thought.

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7

Furman, Refael. "Exiles and Remnants as a Social Phenomenon." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 23, no. 2 (September 8, 2020): 131–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341367.

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Abstract This study identifies similar sociological patterns connected with identity issues in the biblical prophetic literature concerning the Babylonian exile in and two “modern-time diasporas,” the Armenian and the Palestinian. Certain criteria were found common to the inspected cases, suggesting common identity shaping patterns that may transcend time and culture.

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8

Beach, Matthew D. "Rereading the Ark Narrative: An Exilic Word of Hope and Warning." Horizons in Biblical Theology 40, no. 1 (April 12, 2018): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341367.

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Abstract This article explains how 2 Sam 6:1-8 was redacted during the Babylonian exile in order to impart a theological message of hope and warning to the exilic community. This is demonstrated through an exploration of the similarities between 2 Sam 6:1-8 and Exod 32. The primary similarities include: (1) how Uzzah fulfills the same priestly role as Aaron; (2) how David serves as a symbolic “Moses figure” who guides the people and the ark to Jerusalem; and (3) how Yahweh broke out against Uzzah in anger, symbolic of how Yahweh allowed the Babylonian army to overthrow Jerusalem and take the people captive.

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9

Leuchter, Mark. "The Levites in Exile: A Response to L. S. Tiemeyer." Vetus Testamentum 60, no. 4 (2010): 583–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853310x530451.

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AbstractSome scholars have contested the presence of Levites among the communities that endured exile to Mesopotamia during the 6th century BCE. The present study examines a number of post-exilic texts that presuppose the existence of Levites in the Eastern Diaspora, attesting to the likelihood that during the Neo-Babylonian period, many Levites were indeed taken captive along with other Judahites, even as other Levite groups remained in the homeland. This led to a diversity of sacral and social purviews within/between the different Jewish communities of the Persian period and their respective religious representatives.

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10

Kelsey, Marian. "The book of Jonah and the theme of exile." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 45, no. 1 (August 14, 2020): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219864607.

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This article examines the exilic theme of many inner-biblical allusions in the book of Jonah. Although there are few allusions to the Babylonian exile itself, allusions to the primeval and exodus narratives focus upon and draw out the exilic motifs in those texts. The allusions characterize the prophet Jonah, accentuating his wrongdoing and dissatisfaction while also indicating a more hopeful outcome for him than the ending of the book would otherwise suggest. Furthermore, the allusions illustrate the literary approach of the author in using biblical narratives to enrich his own story while simultaneously influencing the reader’s interpretation of the texts that he evokes. This insight into the author’s techniques is informative for exploring other instances of inner-biblical allusion in the book.

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11

Williamson, H. G. M., and D. L. Smith. "The Religion of the Landless. The Social Context of the Babylonian Exile." Vetus Testamentum 42, no. 2 (April 1992): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519516.

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12

Meyers, Carol, and Daniel L. Smith. "The Religion of the Landless: The Social Context of the Babylonian Exile." Journal of Biblical Literature 110, no. 2 (1991): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267094.

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13

Stemberger, Günter. "Creating Religious Identity: Rabbinic Interpretations of the Exodus." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 20, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2018-0004.

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Abstract:According to the rabbis, only those belong to Israel who have lived through the central events of biblical history, above all the Exodus and the Babylonian Exile. This is demonstrated on the basis of three texts, the Haggadah of Pesaḥ, the Mekhilta, and the interpretation of the Exodus story in the Babylonian Talmud Sotah. Every Jew is expected to re-enact these events in their own lives: “In every generation man is bound to look upon himself as if he had come forth from Egypt.” Converts may also opt into this history and consider themselves as if they, too, had stood on Mount Sinai. Biblical history remains an active force beyond the limits of time; the consciousness of this ever present history is part of the rabbinic understanding of one’s own present and thus essential for one’s Jewish identity.

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14

Goldstein, Ronnie. "Jeremiah between Destruction and Exile: From Biblical to Post-Biblical Traditions." Dead Sea Discoveries 20, no. 3 (2013): 433–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-12341285.

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Abstract This article focuses on the affinities and divergences between the processes that the traditions about Jeremiah underwent within extra-biblical literature and those that occurred within the Hebrew Bible itself. The narratival frameworks of many of the pseudepigraphical stories about Jeremiah focus on the period following the destruction of the city and the traditions regarding Jeremiah’s fate in the wake of the destruction take a fluid form in post-biblical literature. Accordingly, the article deals particularly with the fate of the prophet by the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem; the traditions about Jeremiah in chains; the historization process linking Jeremiah and Gedaliah; the different geographical traditions regarding the location of Jeremiah after the exile; the development of the traditions regarding Jeremiah and his relation to Baruch; and the portraying of prophecy as needing preparation.

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15

Sheinfeld, Shayna. "The Euphrates as Temporal Marker in 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch." Journal for the Study of Judaism 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2016): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340437.

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In biblical texts, the river Euphrates functions as a geopolitical border: it delineates the boundaries of the land promised to Abraham and his descendants, and it demarcates the border of the Babylonian exiles, separating those who remain in the land from those in exile while imagining a future when they will be reunited. After the destruction of the second temple, however, the Euphrates transforms into a border separating the eschatological future from the crisis of the present. This transformation is reflected in the pseudepigraphic works of 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch, where the eventual restoration of the full community of Israel is imagined through both a physical and a temporal crossing of the Euphrates. This paper explores the presentation of the Euphrates as a border that indicates temporal proximity to the eschaton and to the lost tribes in 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch.1

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16

Davis, Kipp. "Prophets of Exile: 4QApocryphon of Jeremiah C, Apocryphal Baruch, and the Efficacy of the Second Temple." Journal for the Study of Judaism 44, no. 4-5 (2013): 497–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340388.

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Abstract This essay examines continuities and discontinuities between Apocryphal Baruch and the Qumran Apocryphon of Jeremiah C, and attempts to situate these texts relative to one another and within their shared social matrix. Special attention is paid to their specific usage of scripture, their respective interpretations of the Babylonian exile, their implied understanding of efficacious Jewish religious practice in the second and first centuries B.C.E., and how these were further reflected in the reputation of their protagonists: the prophet Jeremiah, and his scribal companion Baruch.

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17

Simon-Shoshan, Moshe. "Past Continuous: The Yerushalmi’s Account of Honi’s Long Sleep and Its Roots in Second Temple Era Literature." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 3 (February 17, 2020): 398–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511305.

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Abstract The Palestinian version of the seventy-year sleep of Honi Hamʿagel in y. Taʿanit 3:9 (66d), is an example of a rabbinic narrative deeply rooted in the culture of pre-rabbinic Judaism. Its authors were familiar with three distinct literary-historical traditions found in earlier texts: the depiction of Simon the high priest in Ben Sira; the account of Nehemiah hiding and restoring the fire of the temple altar in 2 Maccabees; and the story of Abimelech’s decades-long nap preserved in 4 Baruch and The History of the Babylonian Captivity. These three traditions were already connected to each other as part of a wider network of texts, traditions, and collective memory about the Babylonian exile and the return to Zion. The creators of the Honi story built on and extended this body of cultural materials, creating an original work about the continuity of Jewish life and tradition from the biblical era to their own.

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18

Brueggemann, Walter. "Book Review: The Religion of the Landless: The Social Context of the Babylonian Exile." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 45, no. 1 (January 1991): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430004500116.

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19

Halpern, Baruch. "Why Manasseh is blamed for the Babylonian exile: the evolution of a biblical tradition." Vetus Testamentum 48, no. 4 (1998): 473–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853398774228417.

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20

Neuber, Carolin. "„Ich bringe euch in die Wüste der Völker“ (Ez 20,35)." Biblische Zeitschrift 65, no. 2 (July 28, 2021): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890468-06502001.

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Abstract Among many other peculiarities of the Book of Ezekiel, the numerous movements and spatial terms mentioned in it stand out. Using the cultural-anthropological concept that underlies rites of passage and related transitional phenomena (A. van Gennep, V. Turner) some of them can be taken as elements of a transitional process. Therefore, the spatial structure in Ezek. 20 and in the overall layout of the Book of Ezekiel is used to illustrate that the Babylonian exile is a necessary liminal phase of the transition from Israel’s status as an apostate people to a new status given by JHWH.

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21

Kochergin, Sergey S. "ASHERA, QEDESHOT AND THE IDEA OF “HOLINESS” OF THE ANCIENT JEWS BEFORE THE BABYLONIAN EXILE." Journal of historical philological and cultural studies 3, no. 69 (September 30, 2020): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18503/1992-0431-2020-3-69-120-130.

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22

Bloch, Yigal. "Was the Sabbath Observed in Āl-Yāḫūdu in the Early Decades of the Babylonian Exile?" Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 132, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2020-0001.

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AbstractThe present note relates to a study by Oded Tammuz on concluding transactions on a Sabbath in Elephantine, Āl-Yāḫūdu and Bīt-Našar. The note points out that ignoring the Egyptian dates of the Elephantine papyri impairs Tammuz’s discussion, and calls into question his distinction between the alleged Judean-majority population of Āl-Yāḫūdu and Judean-minority population of Bīt-Našar. Also, the Julian dates of some tablets were miscalculated by Tammuz; the correct date of one Āl-Yāḫūdu tablet from Nabonidus’ reign falls on a Sabbath.

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23

Kugler, Gili. "Present Affliction Affects the Representation of the Past: An Alternative Dating of the Levitical Prayer in Nehemiah 9." Vetus Testamentum 63, no. 4 (2013): 605–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341134.

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Abstract This article examines a group of confessional prayers found in Second Temple literature uttered by known/identifiable figures that are characterized by an admission of guilt on the part of the speaker and a request for divine deliverance and redemption. In Nehemiah 9, these elements are very obscure, the passage also demonstrating linguistic and historical signs that suggest it does not belong to this group or the same date. On the basis of the disparity between the prayer and its introduction, an analysis of its content, linguistic elements, and the features stressed in the historical review, this paper proposes that the prayer belongs not to the Second Temple period but to the days prior to the Babylonian exile, when the people were under bondage to foreign kings in their own land.

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24

Schuele, Andreas. "Who is the True Israel? Community, Identity, and Religious Commitment in Third Isaiah (Isaiah 56–66)." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 73, no. 2 (March 10, 2019): 174–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964318820595.

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Who is the true Israel? The topic of this essay indicates that, following the Babylonian exile and the return to what was now the Persian province Yehud, there was more than one way of being “Israel.” Third Isaiah (Isaiah 56–66) is a particularly intriguing place to explore the different notions of identity and community. In these eleven chapters, one finds an array of answers, ranging from what today we might call “liberal” to “conservative.” There are two aspects in particular that spark the controversy: the varying views of the relationship between Israel and other nations and the competing claims among different Jewish groups to being the true Israel. It is not only historically but also ethically relevant that Third Isaiah accommodates all these views within one textual framework. There is a sense that in matters of identity, every voice deserves to be heard.

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Ferguson, Everett. "Book Review: Vines Intertwined: A History of Jews and Christians from the Babylonian Exile to the Advent of Islam." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 65, no. 3 (July 2011): 300–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096431106500310.

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26

KIM, Tae-Sub. "A POLITICAL IMPLICATION OF ‘FROM THE BABYLONIAN EXILE TO THE CHRIST’(MT 1:17) TO THE POSTWAR JEWISH READERS." KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY 50, no. 4 (November 30, 2018): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15757/kpjt.2018.50.4.002.

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27

Jassen, Alex P. "Prophets and Prophecy in the Qumran Community." AJS Review 32, no. 2 (November 2008): 299–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009408000147.

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It has long been axiomatic in the study of postbiblical Judaism that prophecy had become a dormant institution. For scholars studying Judaism in its many ancient manifestations, prophecy was a phenomenon closely related to the heritage of biblical Israel. It disappeared as biblical Israel gave way to Judaism in the aftermath of the Babylonian exile. This scholarly assumption has found support in several texts from ancient Judaism that indeed espouse such a position. In recent years, the dominance of this consensus has begun to wither away as scholars have become both more fully aware of the diverse forms of Judaism in the Second Temple and rabbinic periods and more sensitive to the multiple modes of religious piety in ancient Judaism. In this article, I would like to extend the contours of this conversation by mapping out some methodological rubrics for the study of prophecy in ancient Judaism and discuss one context for the application of this methodology—the Qumran community.

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28

Tantlevskij, Igor. "The Babylonian Exile of the Judaeans and the Formation of the Doctrine of the Bodily Resurrection from the Dead: From the Naturalistic Allegory of the Collective Revival of the Jews upon their Expected Return to Judaea through the Personified Image of the People’s Rising from the Dead to the Concept of an Individual Eschatological Resurrection in the Flesh." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 14, no. 1 (2020): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2020-14-1-26-37.

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The author reveals the following sequence in the formation of the Jewish doctrine of the bodily resurrection of the dead: during the Babylonian captivity of the Judaeans, a naturalistic allegory of their revival upon their expected return to their Motherland arises (Ezek. 37:1–14, Isa. 26:19, 41:14); by the end of the period of exile / at the very beginning of the Persian period, the personified image of the people’s rising from the dead is developing (the allegory of the Servant of the Lord in Isa. 42:1–9, 49: 1–7, 50:4–9, 52:13–53:12; perhaps also the image of Job, cf. especially: Job 19:25–27a and 42:5, 7–17). In the time of another national catastrophe — the persecution of the faithful Jews under Antiochus IV Epiphanes — the concept of an individual eschatological resurrection in the flesh arises; at this receiving of the afterlife requital is assumed to be realized in the body (Dan. 12:1b–3, 13).

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Kearney, Jonathan. "Vines Intertwined: A History of Jews and Christians from the Babylonian Exile to the Advent of Islam (Leo Duprée Sandgren)." Irish Theological Quarterly 76, no. 3 (June 29, 2011): 307–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00211400114057439.

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30

Wilken, Robert Louis. "Vines Intertwined: A History of Jews and Christians from the Babylonian Exile to the Advent of Islam (review)." Catholic Historical Review 97, no. 4 (2011): 739–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2011.0210.

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Sipahutar, Roy Charly H. P. "KESETARAAN: SOLUSI PERBAIKAN BANGSA (INTERPRETASI KRITIS KIDUNG AGUNG 7:10 – 8:4 DALAM PERSPEKTIF GENDER)." Jurnal Teologi Cultivation 3, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.46965/jtc.v3i2.264.

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AbstractThis paper is an attempt to reinterpret the Song of Songs 7:10 - 8: 4 using the Critical Historical approach in a gender perspective. The Critical Historical Approach is a method of interpretation that emphasizes historical findings, both the history of the text and the history of the context of the text. For a very long time this passage has been interpreted allegorically, human relations with God are like lovers, but this time the text will be interpreted more freely and let it speak independently of traditional concepts of thought. The Song of Songs 7:10 - 8: 4 was written in the Babylonian Exile when the Persian Empire ruled the land. In socio-historical terms, the text can be understood to offer a new concept for the improvement of the nation which at that time needed new strength, namely gender equality between men and women. Equality of both sexes is an idea that is a great leap in that era.Key Words: Song of Songs 7:10 -8: 4, Interpretation, Gender Perspective, Equality.

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32

Keller, Jonathan. "Ambiguities of Prophecy: Old Testament Rhetoric in the American Founding Era." Politics and Religion 13, no. 3 (January 27, 2020): 575–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048320000024.

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AbstractScholars have long recognized the impact of Hebrew prophecy on the rhetoric of the American Founding era, but they have assumed it is all of one type, the American Jeremiad, a clarion call for political action. In fact, biblical rhetoric during this era mirrors three types of Old Testament prophecy formulated at three distinct moments in ancient Biblical history: before, during, and after the Babylonian Exile of 587 BCE. I refer to these as repentance, Jeremiad, and disappointment. I interpret sermons by three leading Protestant ministers in order to demonstrate that all three types of Hebraic prophecy were prevalent during this era, but only one of them, the Jeremiad, seeks to inspire political action; second, the Jeremiad was prominent only during the Revolutionary War. Before the war, and after the ratification of the Constitution, the two quietistic modes of prophecy, repentance, and disappointment, are more prevalent. I conclude by speculating about what the American founders might think of the contemporary rhetorical landscape, where the Jeremiad has become dominant, drowning out more moderate forms of biblical discourse.

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33

Madigan, Patrick. "Vines Intertwined: a History of Jews and Christians from the Babylonian Exile to the Advent of Islam. By Leo Duprée Sandgren." Heythrop Journal 52, no. 1 (December 8, 2010): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2010.00624_15.x.

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34

Madigan, Patrick. "Exile and Return: the Babylonian Context. Edited by Jonathan Stòkl & Caroline Waerzeggers. Pp. vi, 371, Berlin/Boston, De Gruyter, 2015, $119.95." Heythrop Journal 58, no. 2 (February 8, 2017): 271–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/heyj.12391.

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35

Hiebel, Janina Maria. "Visions of death and re-creation: Ezekiel 8–11, 37:1–14 and the crisis of identity in the Babylonian exile and beyond." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 28, no. 3 (October 2015): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x16666304.

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36

Neal, Lynn S. "Christianizing the Klan: Alma White, Branford Clarke, and the Art of Religious Intolerance." Church History 78, no. 2 (May 28, 2009): 350–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709000523.

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According to the biblical book of Daniel chapter 3, King Nebuchadnezzar, who ruled the Babylonian Empire where the Jews lived in exile, commissioned the building of a ninety-foot golden image and commanded the people to worship it. Refusal to comply meant one's death in a fiery furnace. While most obeyed the king's dictate, the story recounts how Shadrach, Meschach, and Abednego, Jews who worked for the king, refused to worship the image and remained loyal to their God. In response, the king bade his men to stoke the furnace and burn the defiant rebels. To the king's amazement, the trio appeared unscathed amid the red-hot flames, and he glimpsed a mysterious fourth figure with them. Seeing this, the king called the men to come out of the furnace and they emerged unharmed, protected, according to the text, by the fourth figure, an angel. The story depicts Shadrach, Meschach, and Abednego as heroes who withstood the forces of evil and witnessed the power of their God. It speaks to the fidelity of these men and to the intolerant nature of Nebuchadnezzar's faith. While this passage and its lessons may be familiar to many, in the 1920s they gained additional meanings that provide us with important insights into the workings of religious intolerance in the United States.

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Holmes, Andrew R. "Biblical Authority and the Impact of Higher Criticism in Irish Presbyterianism, ca. 1850–1930." Church History 75, no. 2 (June 2006): 343–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700111345.

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The decades between 1850 and 1930 saw traditional understandings of Christianity subjected to rigorous social, intellectual, and theological criticism across the transatlantic world. Unprecedented urban and industrial expansion drew attention to the shortcomings of established models of church organization while traditional Christian beliefs concerning human origins and the authority of Scripture were assailed by new approaches to science and biblical higher criticism. In contradistinction to lower or textual criticism, higher criticism dealt with the development of the biblical text in broad terms. According to James Strahan, professor of Hebrew at Magee College, Derry, from 1915 to 1926, textual criticism aimed “at ascertaining the genuine text and meaning of an author” while higher “or historical, criticism seeks to answer a series of questions affecting the composition, editing and collection of the Sacred Books.” During the nineteenth century, the controversy over the use of higher critical methods focused for the most part upon the Old Testament. In particular, critics dismissed the Mosaic authorship and unity of the Pentateuch, arguing that it was the compilation of a number of early documentary fragments brought together by priests after the Babylonian Exile in the sixth century B.C. This “documentary hypothesis” is most often associated with the German scholar, Julius Wellhausen. Indeed, higher criticism had been fostered in the extensive university system of the various German states, which encouraged original research and the emergence of a professional intellectual elite. It reflected the desire of liberal theologians to adapt the Christian faith to the needs and values of modern culture, particularly natural science and history.

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Kee, Howard Clark. "The Transformation of the Synagogue After 70 C.E.: Its Import for Early Christianity." New Testament Studies 36, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500010833.

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It is instructive to see the similarities and the differences between the account of the origins of the synagogue in the Jewish Encyclopedia of 1907 and the more extended discussion of the subject in the Encyclopedia Judaica of 1971. In the earlier work, Wilhelm Bacher observes that by the time the synagogue had become the central institution in Judaism, it was already regarded as of ancient origin, dating back to Moses.1 He was of the opinion that the synagogue as a permanent institution originated during the Babylonian captivity,2 and conjectured that the reference in Isa 56. 7 to the temple as a ‘house of prayer’ was to be understood as connected with the term for place of prayer, proseuche, which was used during the exile and among Jews in the diaspora in later centuries. Balcher's theory continues that it was Ezra and his successors who reorganized the religious life of Israel into congregational worship, with special place for prayers and the reading of the scriptures. This development, he proposed, took place in parallel with the revival of the temple cult and led to the building of synagogues. He finds evidence for synagogues in Palestine in the pre-exilic period in Ps 74. 8, although in fact this psalm comes from the Maccabean period or even later.3 Then, astonishingly and without any attempt to explain, he asserts that the complete absence of allusions to synagogue in 1 or 2 Maccabees is the result of the author's primary concern for the purity of the temple ritual.

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Matlock, Michael D. "Exile and Restoration Revisited: Essays on the Babylonian and Persian Periods in Memory of Peter R. Ackroyd Edited by Gary N. Knoppers, Lester L. Grabbe, and Deirdre Fulton." Hebrew Studies 54, no. 1 (2013): 425–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.2013.0014.

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Kim, Ji-Hoon. "Book Review - Exile and Restoration Revisited: Essays on the Babylonian and Persian Periods in Memory of Peter R. Ackroyd : (Gary N. Knoppers, et al., eds., Yoonkyung Lee, trans., CLC, 2019)." Journal of Biblical Text Research, no. 46 (April 30, 2020): 356–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.28977/jbtr.2020.4.46.356.

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Lander, Shira L. "Vines Intertwined: A History of Jews and Christians from the Babylonian Exile to the Advent of Islam. By Leo Duprée Sandgren. Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 2010. xxv + 838 pp. $34.99 paper." Church History 80, no. 2 (May 13, 2011): 373–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711000084.

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Gnuse, Robert. "Book Reviews: Daniel L. Smith, The Religion of the Landless: The Social Context of the Babylonian Exile. New York: Crossroad Publishing Co; A Meyer-Stone Book, 1990. Pp. xviii + 252. Hardcover, $39.95." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 21, no. 3 (August 1991): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014610799102100321.

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Simorangkir, Sri Lina BL. "Memahami Penerapan Taurat Pada Masa Yesus dan Implikasinya Dalam Menghayati Firman Tuhan Pada Masa Kini." Jurnal Teologi Berita Hidup 3, no. 1 (October 2, 2020): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.38189/jtbh.v3i1.55.

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The development of the Jewish nation in observing the Torah from the time of the Babylonian exile to the time of Jesus' presence in Judea continued, both amidst the changing cultural effects of politics on the existing government. The Torah is a reference for the Jewish people to live by in worship and in their daily life. The Jewish Torah strictly rules the norms relating to personal and social morals. The material of the Torah had developed at the time of Jesus, been added with interpretations of the 'letters' of the Torah, new attitudes of behavior, which were increasingly distant and increasingly difficult to do. The way they understand the Torah is seen in the attitude and manner of the teachings of Jesus. The scribes were adept at interpreting the Torah literally with convoluted explanations. Jesus declared that He came to fulfill the Torah. The application of the application of the Torah for the present time appears in spiritual values such as spiritual understanding of God's Word, Bible study, understanding the current passages of the Torah, as well as the need for one's qualifications to live the Word of God. Therefore, today we need hermeneutic principles so that we don't misinterpret the Bible.Perkembangan bangsa Yahudi dalam melakukan Taurat sejak dari masa pembuangan di Babel sampai pada masa kehadiran Yesus di Yudea terus berlanjut, baik di tengah perubahan budaya maupun dampak politik pada pemerintah yang ada saat itu. Taurat menjadi acuan pegangan hidup bangsa Yahudi dalam ibadah dan dalam hidup sehari-hari. Taurat orang Yahudi sangat ketat mengatur norma-norma yang menyangkut moral pribadi dan sosial. Materi Taurat sudah berkembang pada masa Yesus, ditambah dengan tafsiran-tafsiran ‘huruf’ Taurat, pedoman sikap tingkah laku, yang semakin jauh dan semakin sulit dilakukan. Cara mereka memahami Taurat yang terlihat pada sikap dan cara menanggapi ajaran Yesus. Para ahli Taurat mahir dalam menginterpretasikan Taurat secara harafiah dengan keterangan berbelit-belit. Yesus menyatakan bahwa Ia datang untuk menggenapi Taurat. Implikasi penerapan Taurat untuk masa kini muncul pada nilai-nilai rohani seperti kebangunan rohani memahami Firman Tuhan, pendalaman Alkitab, memahami perikop-perikop Taurat untuk masa kini, serta perlu kualifikasi seseorang dalam menghayati Firman Allah. Maka untuk itu di masa kini perlu prinsip-prinsip Hermeneutik agar tidak keliru dalam menafsir Alkitab.

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Petersen, Anders Klostergaard. "Vines Intertwined: A History of Jews and Christians from the Babylonian Exile to the Advent of Islam. By Leo Duprée Sandgren. Peabody (MA): Hendrickson Publishers, 2010. Pp. xxv, 838. Paperback. £23.99. ISBN 978-1-59856-083-1." Journal for the Study of Judaism 44, no. 3 (2013): 440–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340025.

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Simon, Reeva S. "The Sephardim: Their Glorious Tradition from the Babylonian Exile to the Present Day, by Lucien Gubbay and Abraham Levy. 224 pages, maps, illustrations, bibliography, index. London, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992. $39.95 (Paper) ISBN 0-827-604-335." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 34, no. 2 (2000): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400040852.

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Yogev, Jonathan. "The Seven Eyes of God." Vetus Testamentum 69, no. 2 (April 17, 2019): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341354.

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Abstract The image of the stone with seven eyes in the book of Zechariah 3-4 is very puzzling, and has been interpreted in various ways. In this study I will suggest that the most logical interpretation of this image lies in the Babylonian kalû ritual and the well-known mythological Sibittu iconography that was familiar and accepted by the returning Babylonian exiles. This iconography was chosen for a specific reason, and then was given a new identity by the prophet, probably as part of a certain agenda.

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Golub, Mitka R., and Peter Zilberg. "From Jerusalem to Āl-Yāhūdu." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 3 (May 19, 2018): 312–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00903002.

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This paper presents the study of 265 names from the first generations of Judean exiles found in documents from Babylonia dated from 572 to 477 B. C. E. Many of these exiles resided in Āl-Yāhūdu and its vicinity. The names were first analyzed based on their theophoric elements, most common roots of predicative elements, geography, and chronology. They were then compared with personal names in artifacts from archaeological excavations, from Israel and Judah, dating from the Iron Age II. The results revealed that the Iron Age II onomastic trends in Judah continue to prevail among the first generations of Judean exiles in Babylonia. These onomastic trends include a high percentage of theophoric names, mainly Yahwistic names; rare occurrences of divine names other than YHWH or El; and שלם as the most common root in names.

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Пиковский, Ириней. "Interpretation of the Inscription ‘Song of Ascents’ (Psalms 120-134) in the Jewish Tradition." Theological Herald, no. 1(36) (March 15, 2020): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2020-36-1-17-41.

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«Песни восхождения» (Пс. 119-133) представляют собой сборник из пятнадцати псалмов Псалтири. Популярное толкование данного заголовка во многих «Толковых Псалтирях» связывает происхождение этой группы священных текстов с возвращением евреев из Вавилонского плена и последующим паломничеством в Иерусалимский храм на религиозные праздники. Автор настоящего исследования ставит цель проверить обоснованность данной точки в наиболее авторитетных источниках иудейской религиозной традиции II-XIII вв.: Мишна, Тосефта, Иерусалимская и Вавилонская Гемара, Таргум на Псалмы, некоторые мидраши, сочинения Саадии Гаона, Раши, Авраама ибн Эзры и Давида Кимхи. Для достижения поставленной цели был проанализирован контекст употребления словосочетания תולעמה ריש («песнь восхождений») в упомянутых источниках. Как показало исследование выражение «песнь восхождений» не имело одинаковой интерпретации в источниках одно и того же периода. Поздние источники показывают зависимость от более ранних, но на основании их невозможно сделать вывод, что в еврейской традиции было единодушие в отношении происхождения заголовка данный группы псалмов Книги Хвалений. Отсюда можно сделать вывод, что сведения об исторических причинах появления данного заголовка были утрачены до начала письменной фиксации иудейских преданий. Следовательно, последующие ассоциации надписания исследуемой группы псалмов с возвращением из плена или паломничеством в Иерусалим рождались интуитивно и были более связаны с литургическими целями употребления псалмов в ту или иную эпоху после разрушения Второго храма, чем с проникновением в реальные первоосновы происхождения заголовка. «Songs of Ascents» (Psalm 120-134) is a collection of fifteen Psalms. An interpretation of this title in popular Psalter commentaries relates the origin of this group of Psalms to the return from Exile and the subsequent pilgrimage to the Temple for major religious feasts. The author of the article aims to verify the validity of this popular interpretation in such authoritative sources of Jewish religious tradition as Mishnah, Tosefta, Jerusalem and Babylonian Gemara, Targum on the Psalms, Midrashim, works of Saadiya Gaon, Rashi, Abraham ibn Ezra and David Kimchi. To achieve the goal of the research, the context of the phrase תולעמה ריש («song of ascents») in the mentioned sources was analyzed. The study showed the expression «song of ascents» did not have the same interpretation in the sources of the same period. Later sources show dependence on earlier ones, but it is impossible to conclude that there was unanimity in Jewish tradition regarding the origin of this superscription. So, it’s possible to conclude that the historical causes for this superscription were forgotten before the written fixation of Jewish exegetical tradition had begun. Consequently, the subsequent associations of the inscription «song of ascents» with the return from captivity or pilgrimage to Jerusalem were born intuitively and were more connected with the liturgical goals of using the psalms after the destruction of the Second Temple, than with the penetration into the real historical origin of the title.

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Nesher, S. "Hebrew Influences and Self-Identity in the Judeo-Georgian Language and in the Caucasus “Mountain of Tongues”." Язык и текст 7, no. 3 (2020): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2020070302.

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The Caucasus region has been called the “Mountain of Tongues”. History writers from Herodotus, 2,500 years ago, until present time have given different numbers of languages, e.g. the Greek geographer and historian Strabo (64 BCE- 21 CE) claimed more than 70 tribes speaking different languages, Pliny stated that the Romans used 130 interpreters when trading. At present more than 50 languages are spoken in the Caucasus (Catford 1977: 283). Hebrew is the ancient original language for all the twelve tribes of Israel, also after the division of the Land of Israel in 927 BCE into the Northern Kingdom, Israel, with ten of the tribes and the Southern Kingdom, Juda, with two tribes. The Israelites got exiled by the Assyrian Kings, e.g. Shalmaneser in 722 BCE. These ten tribes soon lost their language and identity. The southern tribes, Juda, got exiled by the Babylonian Nebuchadnezzar, between 606-586 BCE, who destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem (586 BCE).

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Crouch, C. L. "Playing favourites: Israel and Judah in the marriage metaphor of Jeremiah 3." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 44, no. 4 (April 28, 2020): 594–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219862805.

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The depiction of Yhwh’s marriage to Rebellious Israel and Treacherous Judah in Jeremiah 3 has resisted interpretation in terms that cohere with the text’s surroundings or our wider historical and theological understanding of the entities named by the text. Though commentators consistently identify the sisters as the northern and southern kingdoms, they are obliged to engage in interpretive gymnastics to explain the text’s preference for Israel, the northern kingdom. This article examines recent interpretations and their underlying assumptions, then reviews immediate and wider evidence for the entities called Israel and Judah, en route to a new proposal for their identification and significance in this passage. It proposes that the apparent incoherence of the allegory and its relationship with the surrounding material may be resolved by the recognition that Israel is meant to signify the community exiled to Babylonia, while Judah represents those left behind in the land.

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