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Journal articles on the topic 'Babylonians'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 January 2023

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1

Tenney, Jonathan S. "Babylonian Populations, Servility, and Cuneiform Records." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 60, no. 6 (November 17, 2017): 715–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341440.

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Abstract To date, servility and servile systems in Babylonia have been explored with the traditional lexical approach of Assyriology. If one examines servility as an aggregate phenomenon, these subjects can be investigated on a much larger scale with quantitative approaches. Using servile populations as a point of departure, this paper applies both quantitative and qualitative methods to explore Babylonian population dynamics in general; especially morbidity, mortality, and ages at which Babylonians experienced important life events. As such, it can be added to the handful of publications that have sought basic demographic data in the cuneiform record, and therefore has value to those scholars who are also interested in migration and settlement. It suggests that the origins of servile systems in Babylonia can be explained with the Nieboer-Domar hypothesis, which proposes that large-scale systems of bondage will arise in regions with plentiful land but few workers. Once established, these systems persisted and were reinforced through Babylonia’s high balance mortality, political ideologies, economic incentives, and social structures.

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2

Beaulieu, Paul-Alain. "Berossus and the Creation Story." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 8, no. 1-2 (April 8, 2021): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2020-0012.

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Abstract This article investigates the fragments of the Babyloniaca of Berossus on creation. The following aspects are considered: the narrative structure of the book and how the account of creation is introduced, with broader implications for the cultural claims of Berossus and his peers; the relation between Berossus and previous Mesopotamian traditions, mainly the Babylonian Epic of Creation (Enuma elish), as well as possible evidence of Greek influence; and finally the view of human nature which is implicit in his account of the creation of humankind, notably the elimination of female agency and how his narrative relates to theories of human generation and the body that were current among the Babylonians, the Greeks, and the Egyptians.

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3

Cohen, Barak Shlomo. "In Quest of Babylonian Tannaitic Traditions: The Case of Tanna D'Bei Shmuel." AJS Review 33, no. 2 (November 2009): 271–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940999002x.

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The question of the existence of Babylonian rabbinic traditions dating from the mishnaic period (pre-220 CE) has not been thoroughly and methodically addressed in the scholarly literature. Historians have pointed out that several rabbis were active in Babylonia during the mishnaic period; some researchers have even suggested that in this early period, organized rabbinic intellectual activity already existed in cities such as Nisibis, Nehardea, and Husal. However, a systematic examination of halakhot whose provenance was Babylonia in the mishnaic period has yet to be undertaken. Most prior attempts to uncover Babylonian rabbinic activity from this period have focused on a few traditions ascribed to Tannaim who had a known connection to Babylonia, such as R. Judah b. Bathyra, R. Nathan, and R. Hiyya (the “Babylonians,” as they are sometimes called in rabbinic literature). In light of the absence of a systematic study of Babylonian pre-talmudic rabbinic traditions, Gafni came to the following conclusion, one that this paper will support with solid evidence: Even if there was a composed Babylonian halakhic tradition that originated before the end of the mishnaic period, it seems that the Palestinian tradition was accepted as the main tradition of the Babylonian sages already at the beginning of the amoraic period. Moreover, when this tradition penetrated into the Babylonian centers of learning, it seems to have completely pushed aside other traditions, causing them to become almost untraceable…. This subject still awaits thorough treatment by talmudic researchers, and at this stage we can discuss only the amount of rabbinic intellectual activity that existed in Babylonia before the talmudic period began…. Reason dictates that after the destruction of the Temple and the Bar-Kochba revolt, as sages began to arrive in Babylonia, the basic foundations of the rabbinic activity were established.

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4

Chavalas, Mark W., and H. W. F. Saggs. "Babylonians." Journal of the American Oriental Society 117, no. 3 (July 1997): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605289.

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5

BRACK-BERNSEN, LIS, and MATTHIAS BRACK. "ANALYZING SHELL STRUCTURE FROM BABYLONIAN AND MODERN TIMES." International Journal of Modern Physics E 13, no. 01 (February 2004): 247–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218301304002028.

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We investigate "shell structure" from Babylonian times: periodicities and beats in computer-simulated lunar data corresponding to those observed by Babylonian scribes some 2500 years ago. We discuss the mathematical similarity between the Babylonians' recently reconstructed method of determining one of the periods of the moon with modern Fourier analysis and the interpretation of shell structure in finite fermion systems (nuclei, metal clusters, quantum dots) in terms of classical closed or periodic orbits.

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6

Flores, Alfinio. "Delving Deeper: The Babylonian Method for Approximating Square Roots: Why Is It So Efficient?" Mathematics Teacher 108, no. 3 (October 2014): 230–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mathteacher.108.3.0230.

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Mathematicians from the Old Babylonian period (2000–1600 BC) knew a method for using a first approximation to the square root of a number to obtain a second, much better approximation. This article will show that their method is remarkably efficient. We use geometric algebra, much like the Babylonians might have done, to give a visual rationale for the method and its efficiency.

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7

Maier, Christl M. "Wer schreibt Geschichte? Ein kulturelles Trauma und seine Träger im Jeremiabuch." Vetus Testamentum 70, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341431.

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Abstract In a chorus of voices, the book of Jeremiah commemorates Jerusalem’s destruction by the Babylonians as an event that generated traumatic responses. Jer 40-44 narrates the story of the Judean survivors who flee to Egypt after the murder of the Babylonian governor Gedaliah. This article uses the theory of “cultural trauma”, defined by an international group of sociologists around Jeffrey C. Alexander, as a heuristic tool for analyzing Jer 40-44, especially the description of perpetrators and victims, and the conflicting interpretations of history. It aims at demonstrating why and in what way the perspective of the Babylonian golah prevails in the book of Jeremiah, which as a whole presents a master narrative about Judah’s cultural trauma.

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8

Van De Mieroop, Marc. "Theses on Babylonian Philosophy." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 5, no. 1-2 (October 25, 2018): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2018-0004.

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AbstractThrough an enumeration of six theses this article argues that there was indeed a system of thought in ancient Babylonia that we can call philosophy, despite what the famous mid-twentieth century ad book Before Philosophy. The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man maintained. We can discover the principles of systematic thought in the numerous lists that Babylonians and other writers of cuneiform in the ancient Near East used. The key to philosophical understanding lay in the idea that writing produced a truth of its own, distinct from what was observable in physical reality.

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9

Horowitz, Wayne. "The Mesopotamian Wind-Star Directions and a Compass Card from Uruk." Journal of Skyscape Archaeology 1, no. 2 (December 3, 2015): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jsa.v1i2.28256.

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This paper looks at Ancient Mesopotamian cultural geography and asks how the Babylonians used the winds, rivers, Sun and stars to determine what we call the cardinal directions and hence, to determine their place in the universe. The two main sources considered here are the British Museum tablet BM 92687, better known as “The Babylonian Map of the World” and what has been called “The Uruk Compass Card”, from the Persian or Hellenistic period. Our discussion will ultimately lead us away from maps on clay into the realm of Ancient Mesopotamian instruments that may be compared with modern sundials, weathervanes and other such apparatuses for determining the place of the “rising of the winds”.

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10

Chmielowski, Stanisław. "The provenance of Neo-Babylionian legal documents from ‘Kish’ outside the Ashmolean Museum Collection." Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia 24 (December 15, 2019): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fpp.2019.24.01.

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The majority of currently known Neo-Babylonian legal and administrative documents from Kish come from excavations held on this site by the joint expedition of Oxford – Field Museum (Chicago) between 1923–1933. They are now housed in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. However, ca. 40 Neo-Babylonian ‘Kish’ tablets, i.e., written in Ḫursagkalamma or Kiš, are present in other collections. How did they end up in these museums assuming that most of them was acquired in the last quarter of the 19th century, 30–50 years before the expedition mentioned above? I suppose that they were not found in Kish, even though their Ausstellungsort indicates quite the opposite. They instead come from nearby Babylon or Borsippa cities. The analysis conducted in the article seems to confirm this assumption, and for most cases, the provided attribution should be considered. Additionally, tablets under discussion are testimonies of the vivid economic life of entrepreneurial Babylonians in the first millennium BC.

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Meadowcroft, Tim. "“Belteshazzar, chief of the magicians” (nrsv Daniel 4:9): Explorations in Identity and Context from the Career of Daniel." Mission Studies 33, no. 1 (March 2, 2016): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341432.

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In Daniel 4:9, the faithful Jewish wise man is addressed by King Nebuchadnezzar as “Belteshazzar, chief of the magicians”. This is a telling phrase in two respects. First, it shows Daniel bearing, apparently without protest, the name given to him by the Babylonians in honor partly of their deity Bel. It thus raises questions of identity. Secondly, it places Daniel/Belteshazzar squarely in the context of the court practitioners of the pagan arts of the Babylonian wise men. It thus also raises questions of the level of Daniel’s adoption of the mores of the Babylonian court context in which he finds himself. Both of these questions, of identity and of context, run through the biblical book of Daniel and its account of his life. These are explored in a close study of Daniel 1 and the subsequent court tales of conflict and contest (Daniel 2–6). The study culminates in a consideration of the one like a son of man in Daniel 7.1

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12

Worthington, Martin. "Dialect admixture of Babylonian and Assyrian inSAAVIII, X, XII, XVII and XVIII." Iraq 68 (2006): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001169.

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Studies of language contact in Mesopotamia have tended to concern themselves principally with lexical borrowing and structural influence, and to focus on the interaction of Akkadian with Sumerian and (in later times) Aramaic. This paper attempts to innovate on the field in two respects. First, studies of language contact in Mesopotamia largely neglect the sociolinguistic aspects of the phenomenon, which have been problematized with rewarding results in a large and ever-growing body of sociolinguistic literature. A masterly study by Adams has recently shown that sociolinguistic methods can successfully be applied to corpus languages, in his case Latin. Sociolinguistic aspects of language contact are the primary focus of this paper. Second, instead of the interaction between Akkadian and another language (Sumerian, Aramaic), we shall be concerned with that between dialects of Akkadian itself, which can be distinguished through phonology, morphology and, to a lesser extent, lexicon: Neo-Assyrian and two dialects of Babylonian. The Babylonian dialects, respectively vernacular Neo-Babylonian and so-called “Standard Babylonian” (GermanJungbabylonisch), appear in different epistolary contexts. As the language of scholarship andbelles lettres, Standard Babylonian occurs in learned citations, and was used to elevate one's language. We will encounter it frequently in letters written to the king by Neo-Assyrian scholars. Vernacular Neo-Babylonian was the base dialect of numerous letters by and to Babylonians. Characteristically Neo- (as opposed to Standard) Babylonian forms are usually not found in Assyrian letters.

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13

Waerzeggers, Caroline. "Writing History Under Empire: The Babylonian Chronicle Reconsidered." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 8, no. 1-2 (April 14, 2021): 279–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2020-0015.

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Abstract This article proposes to read the Babylonian Chronicle as historical literature. It argues that the text was composed in response to Babylonia’s integration in the Persian Empire. The text presents itself as a self-conscious departure from the chronographic tradition by tracing the roots of Babylon’s fate to the mid-eighth century, when a triangle of power is said to have emerged between Assyria, Babylonia and Elam—a configuration that reduced the Babylonian monarch to inaction and incompetence from the very start.

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14

Al-Haddad, M. K., and Adel Al-Offi. "Psychiatric services in Bahrain: past, present and future." International Psychiatry 6, no. 1 (January 2009): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600000242.

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The Kingdom of Bahrain is an archipelago of 33 islands, located in the Arabian Gulf, covering 2400 km2. The main island, Manama, is the nation's capital. The total population stands at 742 562, 62.3% of whom are local Bahrainis and the remaining 37.7% expatriates (Central Statistics Organisation Directorate, 1991). Bahrain first entered the historical stage around 3000 BC, and for almost 2000 years was the centre of the old Dilmun civilisation (Bibby, 1969). Dilmun was perceived as a sacred land by the Sumerians and Babylonians; it was a burial ground for their dead, and Bahrain has over 100 000 burial mounds each containing 200-250 bodies. In the old Babylonian epic of Gilgamesh, which antedates Homer's Iliad, Dilmun is described as a paradise where the worthy enjoy eternal life (Clarke, 1981).

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15

Sack, Ronald H. "The Babylonians. H. W. F. Saggs." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 57, no. 3 (July 1998): 228–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468647.

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16

Starkey, Jennifer S. "SOLDIERS AND SAILORS IN ARISTOPHANES' BABYLONIANS." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 2 (November 8, 2013): 501–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000050.

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Only two articles in the past century have attempted reconstructions of this play: Gilbert Norwood in 1930 conjectured a basis in tragic burlesque, specifically a parody of Aeschylus’ Edoni, due largely to the presence of Dionysus and a chorus of Babylonians. An entirely different plot was proposed in 1983 by David Welsh, who took as his starting point Herodotus’ account of the fall of Babylon; he thought that the chorus, envisioned as a group of refugees from the Persian empire, reflected the recent arrival in Athens of the grandson of the Persian primarily credited with the capture of Babylon. Though commentators on Aristophanic comedy and politics often affect to be on firm footing about this play, the total dissimilarity of these two reconstructions actually highlights our ignorance.

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17

Begin, Ze'ev. "DOES LACHISH LETTER 4 CONTRADICT JEREMIAH XXXIV 7?" Vetus Testamentum 52, no. 2 (2002): 166–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853302760013839.

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AbstractAccording to Jer. xxxiv 7, the Babylonian army, while advancing towards Jerusalem ca. 589 B.C.E., conquered all Judean fortresses except for Azekah and Lachish. On the other hand, the contemporary Lachish letter 4 was interpreted as signifying that Azekah had fallen into the hands of the Babylonians before the letter had been sent to Lachish from a nearby fortress. A fourth century B.C.E. ostracon indicates that that fortress could be Maresha. Since there is no line of vision between Maresha and Azekah, the dramatic interpretation of the Lachish letter 4 should be rejected and thus the letter does not contradict Jer. xxxiv 7. A new interpretation to the Lachish letter 4 is proposed, from which the main conclusion is that the defenders of Maresha, being unable to see Azekah, looked out southwards for the signals from Lachish in order to afford themselves an early warning of an attack from the north.

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18

Peels, Eric. "‘Before Pharaoh seized Gaza’. A Reappraisal of the Date, Function, and Purpose of the Superscription of Jeremiah 47." Vetus Testamentum 63, no. 2 (2013): 308–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341104.

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Abstract In this article it is argued that the phrase ‘before Pharaoh seized Gaza’ in Jer 47:1 is not a mere chronological precision, pointing at the (ultimate) fulfilment of the prophecy against Philistia, but a heading with its own proper function and purpose. The superscription of Jer. 47:1 refers to Pharaoh Neco’s capture of that city in 601/0 BCE, whereas the oracle of 47:2-7 itself is to be dated ca. 604. Neco was able to take Gaza after he had beaten the Babylonian army at the Egyptian border, so that the Babylonians had to withdraw to their homeland. In this time of political upheaval, the heading was added to the oracle of Jer 47 in order to warn the people of Judah that YHWH’s judgment through the sword of Babylon was still to be expected, notwithstanding Pharaoh’s recent success.

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Steele, J. M., and F. R. Stephenson. "Lunar Eclipse Times Predicted by the Babylonians." Journal for the History of Astronomy 28, no. 2 (May 1997): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869702800203.

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Steele, J. M. "Solar Eclipse Times Predicted by the Babylonians." Journal for the History of Astronomy 28, no. 2 (May 1997): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869702800204.

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21

Høyrup, Jens. "Dýnamis, the Babylonians, and Theaetetus 147c7–148d7." Historia Mathematica 17, no. 3 (August 1990): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0315-0860(90)90001-t.

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22

Cowen, R. "Ancient Babylonians took first steps to calculus." Science 351, no. 6272 (January 28, 2016): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.351.6272.435.

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23

Aven, Tricia. "Who were the Babylonians? ? Bill T. Arnold." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 4 (October 2006): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00114_8.x.

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24

Schumann, Andrew. "On the Origin of Logical Determinism in Babylonia." Logica Universalis 15, no. 3 (August 16, 2021): 331–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11787-021-00282-5.

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AbstractIn this paper, I show that the idea of logical determinism can be traced back from the Old Babylonian period at least. According to this idea, there are some signs (omens) which can explain the appearance of all events. These omens demonstrate the will of gods and their power realized through natural forces. As a result, each event either necessarily appears or necessarily disappears. This idea can be examined as the first version of eternalism – the philosophical belief that each temporal event (including past and future events) is actual. In divination lists in Akkadian presented as codes we can reconstruct Boolean matrices showing that the Babylonians used some logical-algebraic structures in their reasoning. The idea of logical contingency was introduced within a new mood of thinking presented by the Greek prose – historical as well as philosophical narrations. In the Jewish genre ’aggādōt, the logical determinism is supposed to be in opposition to the Greek prose.

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25

Van Wyk, Susandra J. "THE SURVIVAL FITNESS OF MEMES IN THE INHERITANCE DIVISIONS FROM OLD BABYLONIA SIPPAR." Journal for Semitics 25, no. 1 (May 9, 2017): 318–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/2541.

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Today, the clay tablets chiselled by Old Babylonian scribes from the city-state of Sippar are our only evidence of the legal conventions from oral agreements between family members in the division of their inheritance. But why would the Old Babylonians, a predominantly oral culture, go to the expense of hiring a scribe? On face value, it seems understandable that the recording of the division of the inheritance was for the sake of standardisation, legibility and simplification (Yoffee 1991). However, there is more to it. In this paper, I present Dawkins’ meme theory (1976) and assert that the legal conventions of division agreements and scribal school practices in Old Babylonian Sippar are a “meme complex”, a group of memes that co-adapt in order to ensure their own replication (Blackmore 1999, Dawkins 1976, Dennett 1991). The question still remains: why do these memes survive? I propose that the structures of the filters of such memes — driven by simplicity — are standardisation, certainty and legibility. They promote the memes in their evolutionary algorithm of variation, selection and retention. Thus, the recording of the oral division agreement is merely a record designed to protect and carry on the division agreement’s scribal school practices and, to a lesser degree, its legal conventions.

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Foley, Helene P. "Tragedy and politics in aristophanes' Acharnians." Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (November 1988): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632629.

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Aristophanes’ second play, Babylonians, included an attack on state offices and politicians and, probably, the city's treatment of its allies. According to the scholia of Acharnians, the play provoked Cleon to indict Aristophanes (or the play's producer Callistratus) for άδικία and ύβρις towards the δῆμος and the βοuλη on the grounds that he treasonably embarrassed the city before strangers at the City Dionysia. Cleon may also have questioned Aristophanes’ citizenship, suggesting that the poet (or Callistratus) was really a native Aiginetan, not a true Athenian. Aristophanes returned fire at the Lenaia of 425 with Acharnians, a play that renews Babylonians’ attack on Athens’ misguided politics and politicians. Even more important, by making a separate peace with Sparta and by offering in his speech of self-defense before the chorus to defend the enemy, the comic hero Dikaiopolis commits ‘crimes’ equivalent to those for which Aristophanes was indicted.

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27

Sasson, Jack M. "Babylonians. By H. W. F. Saggs." American Journal of Archaeology 100, no. 3 (July 1, 1996): 635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ajs507060.

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28

Sciarcon, Jonathan. "New Babylonians: a history of Jews in modern Iraq." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 13, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 317–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2014.942073.

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Steele, J. M., F. R. Stephenson, and L. V. Morrison. "The Accuracy of Eclipse Times Measured by the Babylonians." Journal for the History of Astronomy 28, no. 4 (November 1997): 337–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869702800404.

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30

Borden, Iain. "New Babylonians: from the avant-garde to the Everyday." Journal of Architecture 6, no. 2 (January 2001): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602360110048140.

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31

Wallace, Edward C., and Joseph Wiener. "A New Look at Some Old Formulas." Mathematics Teacher 78, no. 1 (January 1985): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mt.78.1.0056.

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Interest in solving quadratic equations has occupied mathematicians for nearly four thousand years. Indeed, by 2000 b.c. the Babylonians had developed a form of the quadratic formula and a method equivalent to completing the square (Eves 1969; Smith 1951). A number of approaches to the solution of quadratic equations are possible. Let's examine some of these alternative approaches to see what new insights we might discover.

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Kozuh, Michael. "The Roving Other: Shepherds, Ungovernable Spaces, and Imperial Authority in First-Millennium Mesopotamia." Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 122–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.89492.

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Much of the literature on pastoralists and empire concerns mobile tribes and often focuses on imperial schemes of resettlement, or tribal thwarting of state initiatives. This submission argues that in mid-first-millennium BCE Babylonia, large bureaucratic temples stood between the imperial state and Babylonia’s mobile class of shepherds. This article then explores this dynamic further, focusing on the use of administrative information as a point of imperial contestation, examining issues of local control and clashing hierarchies as the shepherds served an imperial obligation in the Mesopotamian hinterland, and finally argues that the pastoral dynamic presented here is of a piece with the larger political role of the temple in Babylonian life—both urban, familiar, and central and at the same time distant, other-like, and enigmatic.

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Coutinho, Léo, Paulo Caramelli, and Hélio A. Ghizoni Teive. "Aphasia localization: was Pierre Marie right?" Brain 144, no. 12 (October 21, 2021): 3547–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/brain/awab400.

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Abstract Language and its associated disorders have puzzled humanity since the dawn of civilization. The first descriptions of aphasia go back to classical antiquity. The Egyptians and Babylonians believed speech was a divine gift to mortals, and their descriptions of aphasia attributed these events to their Gods’ anger and disfavour. The Edwin Smith Surgical Papyrus and the Hippocratic Corpus report several aphasia cases, relating this phenomenology to apoplexy, epilepsy, and other illnesses.

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Carawan, Edwin M. "The Five Talents Cleon Coughed Up (Schol. Ar. Ach. 6)." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 1 (May 1990): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800026847.

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In the opening lines of Aristophanes' Acharnians, Dicaeopolis counts first among his greatest joys ‘the five talents Cleon coughed up’, and he professes his love of the Knights for this service ‘worthy of Hellas’. The ancient scholiast gave what he thought an obvious explanation from Theopompus (F 94): he tells us that Cleon was accused of taking bribes to lighten the tribute of the islanders, and he was then fined ‘because of the outrage (ὑβρ⋯ζειν) against the Knights’. Evidently Theopompus connected the charges against Cleon with some earlier proceedings instigated by Cleon against the Cavalry. There is, as often, some difficulty in determining what Theopompus said and what the scholiast inferred, and, aside from that editorial problem, the scholiast's all-too-simple solution faces at least three major objections regarding the legal and political implications of such a trial. On the strength of such objections it was long ago supposed that Dicaeopolis rejoices not at a recent political defeat for the demagogue, but in recalling a theatrical expose in Babylonians of the previous year. This theory of a stage trial, however, encounters obstacles of its own in any reconstruction of the lost play. In recent work there have been many comments but no altogether satisfactory solution on this problem. It is the view of many that Cleon indeed suffered some political defeat in the year preceding Ach.; but, by this approach, ingenious solutions are required to make sense of the scholia. The assumption of a stage-trial, involving the Knights and Cleon in Babylonians, is still found persuasive by others, but if we are to discount the fragment of Theopompus, which has supporting testimony elsewhere in the scholiastic tradition, we would like to have something more than mere inference that Cleon was tried and convicted in Babylonians. The purpose of this paper is to find a more cogent explanation for these lines in Ach. and the equally puzzling scenario in Theopompus. It will be helpful to begin with the broad outlines of the problem (section I), and then proceed to re-examine the prevailing views, the stage-trial theory (II) and historical theories based upon the scholia (III).

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Al-Jallad, Ahmad. "The Month ʾdr in Safaitic and the Status of Spirantisation in ‘Arabian’ Aramaic." Aramaic Studies 18, no. 2 (November 17, 2020): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10013.

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Abstract This article discusses the status of spirantisation in the Aramaic of Arabia based on transcriptions in Safaitic and other ancient Arabian languages. I suggest that ‘Arabian’ Aramaic pronunciation stems from an archaic variety of the language introduced by the Babylonians and Achaemenids in the mid-first millennium BCE. This variety lacked post-vocalic spirantisation and formed the basis for the local pronunciation of later Aramaic varieties, accounting for the archaic phonology of Aramaic loans into Arabian languages.

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Cusack, Paul T. E. "Psychiatric Hospitalizations, Suicides & At Math." Clinical Medical Reviews and Reports 3, no. 3 (March 20, 2021): 01–02. http://dx.doi.org/10.31579/2690-8794/059.

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This paper is a brief investigation of the mathematical laws that undergird psychiatric hospitalizations. I wondered with all the mental illness, whether it is increasing over the centuries or staying the same, but perhaps more diagnosed and hospitalized. The answer is that mental illness is not growing (except for slight increases in suicide). The golden mean parabola, known since the times of the Egyptians and Babylonians, is the function that governs the human mind. It’s what goes on inside the black box.

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Biddle, Mark E. "Contingency, God, and the Babylonians: Jeremiah on the Complexity of Repentance." Review & Expositor 101, no. 2 (May 2004): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730410100207.

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Sluglett, P. "ORIT BASHKIN. New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq." American Historical Review 118, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 1288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.4.1288.

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Di Sia, Paolo. "An Historical - Didactic Introduction to Algebra." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 66 (February 2016): 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.66.154.

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In this Paper we Consider a Teaching Educational Introduction to Ideas and Concepts of Algebra. we Follow a Historical Path, Starting by the Egyptians and the Babylonians, Passing through the Greeks, the Arabs, and the Figure of Omar Khayyām, for Coming to the Middle Age, the Renaissance, and the Nineteenth Century. Interesting and Peculiar Characteristics Related to the Different Geographical Areas in which Algebra has Developed are Taken into Account. the Scientific Rigorous Followed Treatment Allows the Use of the Paper Also as a Pedagogical Introduction to this Fundamental Branch of Current Mathematics.

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Julius, Lyn. "New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq, by Orit Bashkin." Middle Eastern Studies 50, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 343–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2013.871964.

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Haurand, Kathrin. "New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq by Orit Bashkin." Journal of Jewish Identities 6, no. 2 (2013): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jji.2013.0023.

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Stillman, Norman A. "New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq by Orit Bashkin." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 32, no. 2 (2014): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2014.0010.

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Seymour, Michael. "Neighbors through Imperial Eyes: Depicting Babylonia in the Assyrian Campaign Reliefs." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (June 26, 2018): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0022.

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AbstractThe Neo-Assyrian campaign reliefs are rich sources for understanding Assyrian ideas of empire, geography, and Assyria’s relationship to the wider world. They are also exceptions: the format of the later Assyrian campaign reliefs is in several respects so unusual in ancient Near Eastern art as to demand explanation. Not the least of the campaign reliefs’ unusual qualities is the extensive and often detailed depiction of foreign landscapes and people. This paper examines one instance of this phenomenon: the particular case of depictions of Babylonia and the far south in Assyrian campaign reliefs. Studies of the textual sources have done much to draw out the complex cultural and political relationship between Assyria and Babylonia in the eighth, seventh, and sixth centuries B.C., revealing tensions between an identification with the cities of the south and their venerable temples on the one hand, and the undeniable political and strategic problems posed by Babylonian rebellions against Assyrian rule on the other. It is argued that the campaign reliefs attempt to resolve this tension by presenting conquest and pacification as accomplished facts, and Babylonia’s abundance as an Assyrian imperial possession. It is also suggested that one function of the reliefs was to process historical victories into a larger, ahistorical image of Assyrian imperial success.

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Supady, Jerzy. "Medicine in Ancient Mesopotamia." Health Promotion & Physical Activity 8, no. 3 (October 4, 2019): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5166.

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The beginnings of the history of Mesopotamia date back to the mid second millennium before Christ. Various peoples settled down in that region and created more or less stable state organisms which, as the centauries passed, demonstrated and shared common cultural and civilizational heritage. Amongst the nations which made an enormous contribution to the development of medicine in Mesopotamia are Babylonians and Assyrians. The evidence of their achievements in medicine is found in the Code of Hammurabi and on clay tablets covered by cuneiform which were discovered in Nippur. In those days medicine was mainly of magical nature.

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Waerzeggers, Caroline. "Changing Marriage Practices in Babylonia from the Late Assyrian to the Persian Period." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 7, no. 2 (November 26, 2020): 101–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2020-0006.

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AbstractBased on an analysis of marriage contracts, this paper argues that at the time of the Persian conquest (539 BCE) Babylonians practiced two types of marriage depending on their social status. Non-elite families negotiated different terms of marriage than elite families, in three areas: bridal wealth, household creation, and regulations about adultery and divorce. However, these divergent marriage practices became less pronounced and eventually obsolete in the course of the Persian period. This article first presents the evidence for the two marriage types and then seeks to find an answer, albeit a partial one, to the question why these traditions changed from c. 490 BCE onwards.

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Walmsley, Angela L. E. "Math Roots: Understanding Aztec and Mayan Numeration Systems." Mathematics Teaching in the Middle School 12, no. 1 (August 2006): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mtms.12.1.0055.

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Numbers have been recorded in a variety of ways throughout time. For example, the Babylonians used marks pressed in clay; the Egyptians used papyrus and ink brushes to create tally marks; and the Maya introduced a symbol for zero (Billstein, Libeskind, and Lott 2001). All these ancient peoples used numerals, or written symbols, to express what they meant mathematically. They created their own numeration system, which is a collection of uniform symbols and properties to express numbers systematically. The Hindu- Arabic system is one such numeration method; however, understanding others can reveal to students that our current system finds its roots in what has come before.

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Zaia, Shana. "GOING NATIVE: ŠAMAŠ-ŠUMA-UKĪN, ASSYRIAN KING OF BABYLON." Iraq 81 (July 19, 2019): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2019.1.

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Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is a unique case in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: he was a member of the Assyrian royal family who was installed as king of Babylonia but never of Assyria. Previous Assyrian rulers who had control over Babylonia were recognized as kings of both polities, but Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's father, Esarhaddon, had decided to split the empire between two of his sons, giving Ashurbanipal kingship over Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn the throne of Babylonia. As a result, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is an intriguing case-study for how political, familial, and cultural identities were constructed in texts and interacted with each other as part of royal self-presentation. This paper shows that, despite Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's familial and cultural identity as an Assyrian, he presents himself as a quintessentially Babylonian king to a greater extent than any of his predecessors. To do so successfully, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn uses Babylonian motifs and titles while ignoring the Assyrian tropes his brother Ashurbanipal retains even in his Babylonian royal inscriptions.

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A., Remya. "HISTORY OF COINS IN KERALA." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12815.

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Coins are as important as the inscription in history. Numismatics, the study of coins, is a multi-disciplinary science in the sense it requires information in palaeography, prehistoric studies, engravings and history, however it is itself one of the fundamental hotspots for the reproduction of history. Kerala was conceivably occupied with exchanging exercises from 3000 BCE with Sumerians and Babylonians. Phoenicians, Greeks, Egyptians, Romans, Jews, Arabs, Chinese and Europeans were pulled in by an assortment of wares, particularly flavors, cotton textures and other resources. Trade, invasion and civilizations were influenced the coin history. The evolution of coinage in Kerala throws light to history too. The present paper is an attempt to review the studies on numismatics of Kerala and thus to history too.

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Hagedorn, Anselm C., and Shani Tzoref. "Attitudes to Gentiles in the Minor Prophets and in Corresponding Pesharim." Dead Sea Discoveries 20, no. 3 (2013): 472–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-12341287.

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Abstract This essay surveys the attitudes towards gentiles/foreign nations in constructions of the “other” in the Minor Prophets of the Hebrew Bible, and examines how the biblical trajectories are continued and reshaped in the corresponding pesharim from Qumran. The development of the biblical texts is examined from historical, literary, and theological perspectives. Thus, for example, the concrete historical encounter with Assyria shaped the original prophecies of the last three pre-exilic prophets (Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah), while later redactional layers transform these texts by incorporating the experience of the Babylonian conquest. Literarily and theologically, the initial texts focus upon individual judgement against a concrete people, and the divine salvation of Israel from this threat. In the Persian period, there is an initial expansion of the focus to universal judgment, highlighting the special status of Israel vis-à-vis other nations. This is followed by a narrowing of the group selected for salvation, so that only the righteous of Judah will survive the final judgment. In the pesharim, there is further narrowing of the discourse of alterity for internal identity formation, as the biblical prophecies against foreign enemies are applied to the group’s contemporary antagonists, including rival Jewish groups. Pesher Habakkuk closely follows the book of Habakkuk in depicting Gentiles as idolators, and in portraying foreign nations as both instruments and objects of divine retribution. The references to the Babylonians (termed “Chaldeans”) in Habakkuk are applied in the pesher to the “Kittim,” understood by modern scholars to stand for Rome. This view of Rome as a significant existential and eschatological enemy reflects a profound theological and psychological development in sectarian thought. Pesher Nahum interprets the prophecies against Gentiles in Nahum primarily as condemnation of Jewish enemies.

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Rochberg, Francesca. "Reasoning, Representing, and Modeling in Babylonian Astronomy." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 5, no. 1-2 (October 25, 2018): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2018-0009.

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AbstractThis paper considers Babylonian astronomical predictive schemes as a source for the study of reasoning and representing via modeling. Two principal questions are addressed: first, whether Babylonian astronomical modeling can be usefully included in the conversation about scientific reasoning with models, and second, how and what the representational value of the practice of astronomical modeling was in ancient Babylonia. It is found that the Babylonian astronomical schemes demonstrate the adaptability and various capabilities of the process of modeling as a powerful tool of representation for scientific knowledge and theorizing.

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