Academic literature on the topic 'Bahais'

The Bahai Faith originated in 19th century Iran. Since the early days of its inception and up until today, in Iran the followers of the faith have been subject to persecution, carried out under different pretexts. A study of polemical anti-Bahai writings demonstrates that the accusations against Bahais evolved and in fact changed over time. The portrayal of the Bahais as “enemies” was reshaped and adapted time and again to current needs and ideological agendas. Anti-Bahaism, it is argued in this paper, is part of the contemporary political discourse and mirrors the different stages of political developments in Iran over the past one and a half centuries. Anti-Bahai polemics, while in general wholly unreliable as a source for Bahai doctrine and history, serve as a vivid example for mechanisms employed in the “othering” of minority groups and the preparation for their physical persecution.

This volume, which succeeds in being both brilliant and riddled with weaknesses, appears at a time when the lines between proper academic study of the Bahai movement on the one hand and faith-based scholarship on the other are being blurred and even derided. To make my own position clear, I am deeply committed to a strictly academic approach to the study of religion and thus find myself alienated by apologetics dressed up as academic studies. I am in particular profoundly worried by increasing attempts by orthodox Bahais to seize the academic high ground through organizations such as the Association of Bahai Studies, the Bahai Chair at the University of Maryland, Landegg International University, and, most recently, the Bahai-funded Chair at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, while resorting to the use of excommunication against Bahai scholars who take unorthodox positions. The Bahais, like the Unification Church in the 1980s, are using their financial muscle to set the academic agenda relating to their faith.

Scrutinizing the literature of a modern religious movement this article argues that postcolonial theory can effectively be brought to the analysis of religions and religious writing. The case study focuses on the way in which colonialism impacted the Bahai faith in a specific and formative way, causing its leadership to present aspects of the faith’s development by employing the codes of Western Orientalism. Drawing on nineteenth and early twentieth-century European orientalist texts composed either about their own faith, or the Islamic society out of which it grew, the article demonstrates how these led Bahais “themselves [to]… adopt [..] an essentially Orientalist vision of their own community and of Iranian society”. Edward Said’s Orientalism throws light on an enduring situation in which mutual othering has crossed from culture and religion into politics, however since the late 1990s critics have demonstrated that Orientalism can function in more varied ways than Said allowed. Finally, the possibility is discussed as to whether there can be such a thing as a postcolonial Bahai scholar.

This article discusses “Communities of the Qur’an,” a conference,public talk, and forthcoming book that will examine the Qur’an’s“communities of interpretation.” They are represented by ten worldrenownedacademics and leaders from the Sunni, Shi‘i, and Ahmadicommunities; reformist LGBT, feminist, African American, andQur’an-only groups; as well as non-Muslims like the Bahais. In thisbrief paper, I discuss their nature, engagements with the Qur’an asa text or an experience, and the challenges they face in the twentyfirstcentury.

Between 1905 and 1911, Iranians were engaged in a protracted struggle over whether a constitutionalist regime would replace royal absolutism.1 Little in Iran's political culture before 1905 had hinted at this conflict before it broke out, and for the past thirty years historians have been seeking this genealogy for it. Most have searched among the papers of officials and diplomats, often examining unpublished or posthumously published manuscripts with little or no contemporary circulation, at least before the revolution,2 but we might get closer to its context if we look at what was going on outside the governmental elite. Here I will explore the growth of belief in representative government within an Iranian millenarian movement, the Bahai faith, in the last third of the 19th century, as an example of how the new ideas circulated that led to the conflict.3 Historians have noted a link between millenarianism and democratic or populist thought elsewhere, after all; for instance they have long recognized the importance of chiliastic ideas in e English Revolution of the 17th century. The republicanism of American dissidents and revolutionaries was also sometimes tinged with a civil millennialism. The Bahais of Iran, too, combined democratic rhetoric with millenarian imagery in the generation before the Constitutional Revolution.4

This paper aims to describe the existence of followers of the Baha'i religion in Cebolek Kidul, Margoyoso, Pati, Central Java. This lack of state and community recognition of the presence of followers of the Baha'i religion encourages them to preserve their existence by strengthening the interaction of fellow Baha'is with other interfaith fellows. Data of this paper was obtained by observing and doing in-depth interviews with the members of Baha'is. The results reveal that although Baha'i adherents have not yet received their rights as other recognized religious fellow in Indonesia, they maintain and preserve their existence by involving themselves in interfaith forums in the WhatsApp group. Their participation in the WhatsApp group becomes a medium for followers of other religions to understand Bahai teachings, follow information and dynamics of Baha'i, and provide a better understanding to the public about Baha'i religious teachings. As a consequence, Baha'i people in Cebolek Kidul feel close and become an inseparable part of their society.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk memaparkan eksistensi penganut agama Baha’i di Desa Cebolek Kidul, Kecamatan Margoyoso, Kabupaten Pati, Jawa Tengah. Kurangnya pengakuan negara dan masyarakat terhadap kehadiran para pemeluk agama Baha’i ini mendorong mereka untuk berupaya menjaga eksistensi dengan mengokohkan interaksi sesama pemeluk Baha’i dengan umat lintas agama lain. Upaya ini mereka lakukan melalui pengelolaan jaringan via grup WhatsApp (WA). Data diperoleh dengan observasi dan wawancara mendalam terhadap umat Baha’i. Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa meskipun pemeluk agama Baha’i belum mendapatkan haknya sebagai umat beragama di Indonesia, namun mereka menjaga eksistensi mereka dengan melibatkan diri dalam forum lintas agama di grup Whatsapp. Keikutsertaan ini menjadi media bagi pemeluk agama lain untuk memahami ajaran Bahai, mengikuti informasi dan dinamika Baha’i, serta memberi pemahaman pada publik tentang ajaran agama Baha’i. Sehingga secara tidak langsung, umat Baha’i merasa dekat dan menjadi bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari masyarakat mereka.

<p>This article based on research carried out in 2021 among the Baha'i religious community in the village of Cebolek Kidul, District Margoyoso, Pati regency, Central Java. Baha’i is an independent religion although sometime people mistaken as a religious sect. Baha’i was first known in Persia in 1840s and came to Indonesia in 1870 brought by medical experts joint a UN’s program and merchants. Data of this article were collected through interviews, observations, documentations and focus group discussion. In Cebolek, there are 25 people of 9 families who observe Baha’i. The contributing factors to the consistency of the Baha'is in Pati (1) understand the meaning of prayer and worship, (2) the Bahai declarator, Mirza Husein, has the title <em>Baha'u'llah</em> who is believed to be a descendant of the saint, (3) Baha'i teachings have no conflict with the principles of humanity, (4) the Baha'i were inspired by the Baha'ullah spirit which was opposed by the religious community which previously existed (Islam) in Persia (Iran) from the beginning he spread his religion. The Bahai people face this opposition as a consequence, (5) the Baha’i people realize that the Baha’i experienced a phase of development through the stages of <em>majhuliyah</em> (unknown period), <em>maqhuriyah</em> (a period of opposition / hindrance), <em>infisoliyah</em> (a period of isolation /separation) with the majority community, <em>istiqlaliyah</em> (period of deliverance), <em>rosmiyah</em> (period of legalization / inauguration), <em>gholabiyah</em> (period of victory), and <em>dzahabiyah</em> (golden period).</p><p>Culture strategy of the Baha’i in Pati, (1) the Baha'i social behavior in Cebolek Kidul Village adapts and adopts the traditions of the local Muslim nahdliyin, (2) blend with local muslims, (3) no longer speaking out their unfulfilled aspirations and rights by the regional government to the central government and NGOs (4) actively attend internal Bahai regular meetings and forums organized by Bahai institutions, (6) their worship was not widely publicized so it did not trigger any reactions, (7) obey the Bahá'í law based on <em>Kitáb-i-Aqdas</em>, (8) protect themselves by not publishing the <em>Aqdas</em> holy book to the public so that conflicts would not arise due to their teachings that were suspected of being similar to the teachings of Islam, (9) organizing informal education for students of local Muslim children. Six months of learning, in 2015 local Muslim leaders responded negatively because they were vulnerable to Muslim students becoming apostates, eventually resigning. Various efforts (in addition to ruhi institute learning) has a positive impact on Baha'is. First, the local Muslim community dug up the tomb and attended the funeral when the Baha'i died, even though there were two grave diggers in Cebolek Kidul Village, the first group was not pleased to reverse the tomb under the pretext of different religions, while the second group reversed the tomb under the pretext of humanity. The village government provides grave land (which is now only used by the Bahai people) and based on Cebolek Kidul Village Regulation No. 7 year 2016 it was designated as a public grave. Secondly, praying for the house of Baha'i Islam/NU (read tahlil) after the funeral for five meetings. The Baha'is also attended the post-mortem prayer at the funeral home. Third, the Baha'i funeral is separated from Muslim funerals by local Muslims, with special land provided by the village government. This happens because public cemetary are only inhabited by Muslims, not allowed to bury the Baha'i people. The positive impact is that the tomb for the Baha'i who are on the edge of the community's shrimp ponds looks broad, not as crowd as the Muslim/public cemetary. The positive response began with the efforts of the Baha'i by becoming donors for the construction of local Muslim places of worship. Meanwhile, the Bahai residents who have funds and land, they provide capital to their Muslim neighbors who wish to raise cattle, work on rice fields, fishponds with a profit sharing system. Baha'is continue to blend in with their environment naturally, they avoid criminal acts and acts that violate social norms, they obey the rules agreed upon by Muslims as the majority, they keep their worship from being widely publicized, and perform worship in their homes.</p><p>Keywords: Baha’i, strategy, and culture</p>

This paper aims to present a novel Baha'i contribution to inter-religious dialogue, one that is based on developing intellectual bridges between the religions. It is argued that the concept of continuity of revelation is a framework by which religions can dialogue about their differences and similarities. Some preliminary aspects of this concept are outlined from scripture and current scholarship in Christianity and Islam. There are three aspects to continuity of revelation: commonalities between the religions, non-exclusivity and non-finality in relation to their claims. The paper concludes that a central theme of inter-religious dialogue should be the nature and lives of the prophet-founders. In the context of Christian Muslim dialogue, the challenge that the prophetic career of Muhammad represents for Christians is discussed in relation to Abdu'l-Baha's talks in the West. Finally, the importance for Baha'is of contributing to the western discourse on Islam is explored.

This is a provisional translation of an account by Abdu'l-Baha of the persecutions of the Baha'is of Iran that erupted in 1903. There were outbursts in Rasht and Isfahan followed by a pogrom in Yazd and surrounding regions, which resulted in nearly two hundred deaths. This treatise by Abdu'l-Baha was intended to bring this episode to the attention of the western Baha'is and to marshal public support in curbing the persecutions of Baha'is of Iran. It was originally translated and published in the United States as though the author were Haji Mirza Haydar Ali Isfahani. The present provisional retranslation is based on the original text.