Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Bahrain, history'

In this research, I aim to present a narrative of the process of nation building in Bahrain - to further analyze it, interrogate it, and capture an aspect of its complexity. By focusing on the years following Bahrain's independence from Britain in 1971, I examine the period in which a constitution was introduced and a short-lived parliament was dissolved after two years of operation. The hypothesis underlying this thesis project is that the dominant historical account, which is provided and sponsored by the government, does not mirror the historical narratives of the various Bahraini communities. The central argument is advanced by examining the state sponsored public articulations of identity, which portray a continuum of exclusions by omitting significant historical episodes. By consulting archival material, oral narratives, and secondary sources, I aim to question the official historical narrative and show the polarized versions of history that can occur when such exclusions take place.

This thesis explores the modern historical lineage of absolutism in Bahrain, and the history of challenges to absolutist state authority during the peak of British influence in the Persian Gulf, the period between the First World War to the Suez crisis of 1956. It rewrites the history of Bahrain and British colonialism in the Persian Gulf through two distinct narrative threads. First, it presents a new history of the colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain and the longer tradition of indirect rule from which its architects drew, and second, it retrieves the history of the popular movements that came to challenge it. This entails an examination of not only how colonial and dynastic authority was jointly exercised, but the ideas that justified such authority over a population conceived of as a set of cultural, and more specifically religious communities governed by their own 'custom' - the conceptual centerpiece of indirect colonial rule. Both these narrative strands constitute part of a broader history of the ideological clash between late colonial ideologies of rule and anticolonial nationalism in the twentieth-century Persian Gulf - a region that was never formally colonized, nor became the site of any successful popular nationalism. Yet both these forces exerted a profound influence on the nation-states that would emerge in the late twentieth century, especially on Bahrain. To chart that historical conjuncture, the thesis begins with the creation of the modern colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain in 1923. It ends in 1956 with the last and most important uprising in Bahrain's during the 20th century, one that was largely a revolt against the political and institutional structures that colonial reformers had established three decades earlier. At its broadest, the thesis argues that the process of state-building under indirect colonial rule in Bahrain derived from a body of colonial thought on native political life and behaviour, and particularly, on the prevention of rebellion that has its origins in mid nineteenth century North India. In Bahrain and the Persian Gulf, as elsewhere in the late colonial world, ideas about empire, the state, authority and rebellion are the intertwined threads that shaped political life and the prose of history.

This research compares and contrasts the life histories of eleven Bahraini Muslim women, aged between twenty five and fifty, who are educationally ‘successful’, defined as having one or more university degree. It analyzes their educational experiences to see if theories of social reproduction apply to their lives. To this end, the work of Pierre Bourdieu and his concept of cultural capital in its institutionalized, objectified and embodied states are applied, where possible, to the women’s life histories, in particular their educational experiences and related areas. This work shows that embodied cultural capital plays a part in the educational success of the women involved in this study, regardless of social class. For some of the women, institutionalized and objectified cultural capital also played a part and the women who possess these tend to come from more affluent families. It also appears that significant others and critical incidents influence their educational successes. Significant others are those people who have encouraged them educationally in different ways: critical incidents include such things as government scholarships for university degree courses within Bahrain and abroad. Having these things may help other Bahraini Muslim women achieve educational ‘success’. Additionally, the women’s innate ability, their ability to juggle their many life projects and roles, other forms of capital (especially economic capital), their marital status, religious obligations and their culture, all influence their educational choices.

History
M.A.
This thesis examines how the monarchial regime of the al-Khalifa dynasty of Bahrain has skillfully tailored the tools of statecraft, both in international diplomacy and domestic policy, for one primary objective: to restrain attempts for democratic reform in order to sustain the regime's wealth and power. The al-Khalifa regime has shaped statecraft policies into a unique set in order to limit democratic initiatives. The monarchy blurs the lines between at democratization as contrasted with taking a few steps toward liberalization in order to address the nation's continuing unrest. The regime exacerbates the Sunni-Shi`a divide by hiring Sunni foreigners to serve in the security forces and deliberately stokes sectarian conflict by blaming Iran for inciting the Shi`i population. The regime encourages the hiring of migrant workers, which benefits the monarchy's wealth and fosters competition for jobs between groups of workers; at the same time, the regime denies migrants steps toward citizenship. Through its foreign relations polices, the monarchy prudently balances its relationships with the United States and Saudi Arabia for the primary purpose of maintaining power. Unique circumstances, as revealed by Bahrain's history, have influenced the al-Khalifa's governance of the nation. These factors include: US military base on Bahrain's land, a Sunni minority ruling a Shi`i majority, a well-educated citizenry willing to protest for democratization and labor rights, dwindling oil resources, and a geopolitical position between two rival regional powers, Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Temple University--Theses

This thesis is about British disengagement from the southern coast of the Persian Gulf. Britain never had colonies in the region, but had held significant imperial sway over nine Protected States since the nineteenth century. The informal empire remained intact until the Labour government (1964-70) announced its intention to leave, in consequence of which Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates became independent in 1971. This thesis attempts three things. First, it draws on extensive archival research to provide the fullest possible account of British withdrawal: why it had to leave, how it did and what followed. The Gulf rulers wanted to maintain British protection for their own security, but Britain decided nonetheless on military retreat, because it needed to placate the domestic constituency in order to push forward the reversal of social reforms due to economic retrenchment. The Gulf rulers responded quickly, yet unsuccessfully, in deciding how many states would be formed as they achieve independence. It was only after the Gulf rulers and the British diplomats on the ground made late and mutually acceptable compromises about coming together that the nine Protected States became three new independent sovereign states. In the end, Britain was able to leave the Gulf peacefully, and the new states retained close relations with Britain. Second, the study of an informal empire illuminates the enduring collaborative relationship between Britain and the Gulf rulers, characterised by the nominal sovereignty given to the Protected States. This relationship not only helped Britain maintain its imperial sway at little cost, but also made possible a peaceful withdrawal and the orderly emergence of the new states. Third, this informal empire characterised by collaboration and nominal sovereignty laid the structural foundations for the later international society in the region – a point more generally telling for the study of international relations.

Bahreïn est une petite île dans le Golfe Arabo-persique qui cherche à rester dans la course à l'international afin d'avoir le droit et le sentiment d'exister. Pour ce faire, le gouvernement au même titre que la population investissent en énergie, en créativité et en innovation. Une réforme linguistique d'envergure prônant le français dans un pays non francophone et n'ayant aucune attache historique avec la France est un défi en soi. Inédite, cette réforme fait jurisprudence au Moyen-Orient mais aussi à l'échelle mondiale puisque très peu d'expériences de la sorte ont été tentées et jamais dans un tel contexte. En place depuis cinq années, peut-on parler de réussite ? Les caractéristiques socioculturelles, historiques, géographiques, économiques et politiques du peuple bahreïnien font de ce dernier un modèle à part qui devient un cas d'étude obligé pour toute autre tentative d'introduction de la langue française dans un pays ou bien une région non francophone. Pour comprendre les ficelles et les enjeux de cette réforme, il est indispensable dans un premier temps d'interpréter, de déchiffrer le passé de Bahreïn et de son peuple afin d'en appréhender les caractéristiques qui sont les clefs de l'adhésion plus ou moins difficile de la population à la réforme. L'objectif suivant étant l'analyse de la perspicacité intrinsèque de cette réforme et de ses implicites afin d'envisager sa mise en œuvre en d'autres lieux
Bahrain is a small island in the Arabo-Persian Gulf striving to stay in the race on international level so as to have the right and the feeling to exist. To do so, both the government and the population devote a lot of energy, creativity and innovation. A large-scale linguistic reform promoting French in a non-francophone country having no historical bind with France is a challenge in itself. Never done before, this reform sets a precedent in the Middle-East but also on a worldwide scale since very few experiments of this kind have been tried and never in such a context. Having been implemented for five years, can one refer to it as successful ? The sociocultural, historical, geographical, economical and political features of the Bahraini people make them a case apart which has become a case study for any other attempt to introduce the French language in a non-francophone country or region. To understand the subtleties and the stakes of such a reform, it is essential in a first phase to interpret, to decipher the past of Bahrain and its people so as to grasp the characteristics that make it possible for the population to support the reform. The next goal consists in analysing the intrinsic perspicacity of this reform and its inherent features so as to contemplate its implementation in other places

Localisé sur l'île de Bahreïn, le tell de Qal'at al-Bahreïn fut un grand port occupant une position géographique stratégique, au milieu du Golfe persique, entre le Proche-Orient et le reste du continent asiatique. Grâce à cette position littorale, le site joua pendant plusieurs millénaires (du 3e millénaire avant J.-C., jusqu'au 17e siècle de notre ère), un important rôle commercial et maritime, entre la Mésopotamie, les côtes iraniennes et arabes, l'Oman, le sous-continent indien ou encore l'Extrême-Orient.Fouillé depuis près de soixante années, ce site d'habitat offre aux archéologues une stratigraphie exceptionnelle, unique dans la Péninsule arabique, qui s’étend du Dilmoun Ancien (c. 2200 av. J.-C.) jusqu’à la période islamique (c. 13e-16e siècle ap. J.-C.) et permet l’étude comparative des occupations successives du site. Au-delà de ce statut de référence régionale, Qal'at al-Bahreïn présente par ses monuments (résidentiels, administratifs, commerciaux, religieux et militaires) un véritable témoignage du développement historique de Dilmoun, culture la plus importante du Golfe antique.Les nombreux vestiges architecturaux sont associés à un matériel archéologique diversifié (céramique, métal, représentations figurées, inscriptions, sceaux, macrorestes végétaux et fauniques, incluant un grand nombre de restes de poissons). La présente étude porte sur les restes osseux de poissons exhumés lors des différentes campagnes de fouilles conduites par la mission archéologique française, de 1989 à 1996, puis de 2000 à 2004, complétés par les résultats obtenus lors des fouilles danoises, menées entre les années 50 à 70.Ce matériel osseux, abondant, et généralement bien conservé, est très bien stratifié, ce qui a permis une étude diachronique de cet échantillon.La détermination des os de poissons a permis de mettre en évidence un spectre constant de quatre familles tout au long de l’occupation du site : les Serranidae (mérous), les Carangidae (carangues), les Sparidae (sars) et les Lethrinidae (empereurs). Leur importance varie au sein de chaque occupation et il est alors intéressant de noter la corrélation entre les espèces consommées et les habitants du site.Si la période du Dilmoun Ancien montre un spectre assez varié, l’arrivée sur l’île des Kassites (c. 1450 av. J.-C.) met en avant une pêche très orientée, avec la capture des empereurs. Il semble qu’il y ait une préférence pour cette famille. Les périodes suivantes montrent un spectre à nouveau plus diversifié, qui s’étoffe d’avantage lors de la diffusion de l’Islam sur l’île. Les espèces consommées se rapprochent alors de celles commercialisées de nos jours. Cette grande variété s’accompagne d’une diminution des tailles des poissons, qui peut s’expliquer par un nouveau territoire de pêche et la capture de nouvelles espèces afin de diversifier la consommation de poisson.Malgré ces différences notables au cours des occupations qui peuvent être liées aux habitants et à leur préférence alimentaire, il apparait que les populations successives de Qal’at al-Bahreïn ont intensément exploité les ressources côtières et avaient une parfaite connaissance du milieu marin et des comportements des espèces capturées
Located on the island of Bahrain, the tell of Qal’at al-Bahrain was a main port occupying a strategic geographical position, in the middle of the Persian Gulf, between the Middle East and the rest of the Asian continent. Thanks to its coastal position, the site played during several millenia (from the 3rd millenium BC, until the 17th century AD), an important commercial and maritime role, between Mesopotamia, the Iranian and Arab coasts, Oman, the Indian sub-continent or the Far East.Excavated since nearly sixty years, this coastal settlement offers to the archaeologists an exceptional, unique stratigraphy in the Arabian Peninsula, which extends from the Early Dilmun (c. 2200 BC) to the Middle Islamic period (c. 13-16th centuries AD), and provides the opportunity to study and compare the successive occupations at the site. Beyond this regional reference status, Qal’at al-Bahrain presents by its monuments (residential, administrative, commercial, religious and military) a true testimony of the historical development of Dilmun, the most important culture of the ancient Gulf.The numerous architectural vestiges are associated with a diversified archaeological equipment (ceramic, metal, figurative art, inscriptions, seals, vegetal and faunal macro-remains, including a large number of fish remains). The present study is devoted to the fish remains unearthed during the various excavation seasons led by the French archaeological mission, from 1989 to 1996, then from 2000 to 2004, and completed by the results gathered at the time of the Danish excavations, carried out since the 1950s. The bone material, which is abundant and quite well preserved, allows a diachronic study of this sample.The determination of the fish bones reveals a constant spectrum of four families throughout the occupation of the site: Serranidae (groupers), Carangidae (carangues), Sparidae (seabream) and Lethrinidae (emperors). Their importance varies within each occupation and it is then interesting to note the correlation between the consumed species and the inhabitants of the site.If the Early Dilmun period shows a rather diversified spectrum, the arrival of the Kassites on the island (c. 1450 BC) suggests a much more directed fishing activity, with the capture of the emperors. It seems that there is a preference for this family. The following periods show again a more diversified spectrum, which increased at the time of the spread of Islam on the island. The consumed species approach those marketed then nowadays. This large variety is linked with a reduction in the sizes of the fishes, which can be explained by a new fishing territory and the capture of new species to diversify the fish consumption.In spite of these notable differences during occupations which can rely on the inhabitants and their food preference, it appears that the successive populations of Qal’at al-Bahrain exploited intensely the coastal resources and had a perfect knowledge of the marine environment and behaviours of the captured species

La presse des pays arabes du Golfe n'a fait son apparition que pendant ce siècle. D'abord en Arabie Saoudite, au Koweit et au Bahrein avant la deuxième Guerre mondiale puis au Qatar, aux Emirats arabes unis et en Oman à partir des années soixante. Les quelques journaux paraissant avant la deuxième Guerre Mondiale ont été crées grâce à l'initiative des reformateurs et intellectuels autochtones. Leurs moyens modestes ont été compensés par l'enthousiasme de leurs responsables de rédaction et par la collaboration des écrivains bénévoles qui percevaient la presse en tant que mission. Ces journaux ont également servi d'école pour les journalistes futurs. Pendant les années cinquante les journaux tant privés qu'officiels et qu'institutionnels, se sont multipliés en Arabie Saoudite, au Koweit et au Bahrein. Un développement qui a coincidé avec l'accroissement des revenus pétroliers, le début de la phase de modernisation de la zone et la montée du nationalisme arabe. Dans ce contexte relativement instable, les journaux de ces trois pays, crées et édités par des journalistes autochtones, n'ont pas échappé aux répercussions de cette situation politico-économique. La presse du Koweit et du Barhein a du en subir les conséquences. Différente est la situation de la presse entre 1961 et 1981. Cette période où les Emirats sous contrôle britannique ont accédé à l'indépendance a vu naître les premiers journaux des Emirats Arabes Unis, du Qatar et d'Oman. Elle a vu également la multiplication des quotidiens en Arabie Saoudite et au Koweit. La presse est devenue une industrie et son essor a été facilité par l'accroissement de l'aide étatique. Par rapport à la période antérieure, c'est l'âge des journaux d'information. Cependant, l'un des handicaps majeurs reste la lenteur du processur de la professionnellation des journalistes autochtones.

Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationaux
Shiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals

Ce travail de recherche en histoire de l'art a débuté par une enquête sur la série photographique Interface (2014) de l'artiste palestinien Taysir Batniji. Réalisée au Bahreïn, l'oeuvre présente une vision topographique et métaphorique des archipels axée sur la représentation d'infrastructures vernaculaires et de lieux interstitiels. Notre analyse de l'iconographie des images et de leur mode de production soutient qu'une vision critique subtile de la situation sociopolitique actuelle du Bahreïn imprègne le travail de Batniji. C'est dans cette perspective que ce mémoire s'intéresse plus généralement à la représentation photographique de l'espace limitrophe comme lieu de médiation où peuvent émerger des réflexions pertinentes sur la situation sociopolitique, économique et environnementale actuelle. Dans notre analyse de l'oeuvre d'art, la notion de médiation est centrale et intervient sous plusieurs formes. Nous l'abordons autant du point de vue de l'histoire sociale de l'art, en considérant les conditions matérielles et contextuelles de l'oeuvre, que d'un point de vue ancré dans une vision philosophique de l'objet d'art comme dispositif capable d'agir sur nos perceptions et nos attitudes.
This research in art history investigates the photographic series Interface (2014) by Palestinian artist Taysir Batniji. Photographed in Bahrain, the work presents a topographic and metaphorical vision of the archipelagos, focused on the representation of vernacular structures and interstitial sites. Our analysis of the iconographic motifs of the images and their mode of production suggests that Batniji's work presents a subtle critique of Bahrain's contemporary sociopolitical situation. The focus of this thesis is the photographic representation of bordering spaces as places of mediation through which relevant viewpoints on current sociopolitical, economic and environmental questions are set to emerge. The concept of mediation intervenes in many forms and is central to our analysis. We are borrowing from its use in social theories of art history, where material and contextual conditions are considered, as well as in various perspectives rooted in philosophy in which the artistic object functions as a device able to act upon our perceptions and our attitudes.

The aim of this study was to trace changes in diet, and subsistence patterns through an analysis of the dental pathology of ancient populations in Bahrain. Samples from Middle Bronze Age, Iron Age and Middle Islamic Period were used for the analysis. Eight dental conditions were recorded: attrition, caries calculus, abscessing, periodontal disease, antemortem tooth loss, dental fluorosis and enamel hypoplasia. Very few differences were noted in the prevalence and pattern of dental diseases between the Bronze and Iron Ages. Individuals in both groups had low degrees of molar wear, frequent caries, very little deposition of calculus, infrequent abscessing, and moderate to high levels of periodontal disease and extremely high rates of antemortem tooth loss (even sub adults). This pattern of disease is consistent with a population subsisting upon an agricultural based diet, consisting of non-abrasive food and a high intake of fermentable carbohydrates (possibly dates). In contrast, in the Islamic period, wear was slightly greater, caries was still frequent but calculus deposits were common resulting in high rates of antemortem tooth loss. Antemortem tooth was more clearly associated with old age in this group. The differences between this population and the two earlier groups suggests that people in the Islamic period had a more varied and abrasive diet with probably higher intakes of meat, fish and grain products. The evidence fro dietary changes suggests that, despite differences in ecological conditions between Bronze and Iron Ages, there was little difference in the subsistence base, while a major change in diet occurred between the Iron Age and the Islamic period.

This study examined the context of the Medieval Islamic qadi Ibn Taymiyyah in 14th century Bahri Mamluk Syria and Egypt and his incarcerations and death in prison by order of Sultan Nasser al-Muhammad Qalawun for ijtihad. This study demonstrated Ibn Taymiyyah practiced ijtihad, held the rank of mujtahid, and incurred the wrath of the Sultan. The evidence indicates that Taymiyyah’s independent reasoning held specific social, legal, and political threats to Qalawun, the Bahri Mamluk Sultan, during his third reign. The significant role Taymiyyah’s ijtihad played in the Sultan’s imprisonment calls for a review of previous scholarship emphasizing the role of jealousy by the religious elite and affection for Taymiyyah by the Sultan as significant factors in his conflicts.
Department of History

Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationaux
Shiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals