Journal articles: 'Bakasi Peninsula (Cameroon)'

1

Amin, Julius A. "Cameroon's relations toward Nigeria: a foreign policy of pragmatism." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 1 (2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000545.

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AbstractExisting literature argues that the tactics of Cameroon foreign policy have been conservative, weak and timid. This study refutes that perspective. Based on extensive and previously unused primary sources obtained from Cameroon's Ministry of External Relations and from the nation's archives in Buea and Yaoundé, this study argues that Cameroon's foreign policy was neither timid nor makeshift. Its strategy was one of pragmatism. By examining the nation's policy toward Nigeria in the reunification of Cameroon, the Nigerian civil war, the Bakassi Peninsula crisis and Boko Haram, the study maintains that, while the nation's policy was cautious, its leaders focused on the objectives and as a result scored major victories. The study concludes by suggesting that President Paul Biya invokes the same skills he used in foreign policy to address the ongoing Anglophone problem, a problem that threatens to unravel much of what the country has accomplished.

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Ngara, Christopher Ochanja, and Albert T. Sam-Tsokwa. "Executive-Legislative Relations in Nigeria’s Management of the Border Crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon: The Case of the ICJ Ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 2 (2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p61.

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This paper examines Executive-Legislative relations in Nigeria’s management of the border crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon with special focus on the ICJ ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula. Using both primary and secondary data, the paper traced the root cause of the border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon on the Bakassi Pennisula to colonial legacy of arbitrary boundary demarcation by erstwhile colonial powers, namely; Britain, Germany and France. The border crisis resulted in a protracted litigation and eventually culminated in the ICJ ruling which awarded the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon in 2002. The executive and the National Assembly which share constitutional responsibilities in external relations could not forge a common policy agenda on the matter. In many instance, both arms of government appeared confused and bereft of ideas to handle situation. The lack of consistent and coherent policy framework on the matter stemmed from inexperience and lack of political will on the part of the National Assembly as well as frequent conflict and mistrust between the two arms of government. Consequently, the Executive arm of government handed over the disputed territory to Cameroon without the approval of the National Assembly. The paper concludes that the Executive and the Legislature in Nigeria should see their roles in government as complimentary and always put national interest above other considerations.

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Oxman, Bernard H., and Peter H. F. Bekker. "Land and Maritime Boundary between Cameroon and Nigeria (Cameroon v. Nigeria), Preliminary Objections, Judgment." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 4 (1998): 751–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998140.

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Land and Maritime Boundary between Cameroon and Nigeria (Cameroon v. Nigeria) , Preliminary Objections, Judgment.International Court of Justice, June 11, 1998.On March 29, 1994, Cameroon filed an Application requesting that the Court determine the question of sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula and a disputed parcel of land in the area of Lake Chad (principally Darak and its region) and to specify the course of the land and maritime boundary between Cameroon and Nigeria. It also asked the Court to order an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Nigerian troops from alleged Cameroonian territory in the disputed areas. As the basis of the Court's jurisdiction, Cameroon relied on the declarations made by the parties under Article 36, paragraph 2 of the ICJ Statute.

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Okoi, Obasesam. "Why Nations Fight: The Causes of the Nigeria–Cameroon Bakassi Peninsula Conflict." African Security 9, no. 1 (2016): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2016.1132904.

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Saïdou, Abdourahimi, Y. F. Tchuente Siaka, and M. G. Kwato Njock. "Natural radiation exposure to the public in the oil-bearing Bakassi Peninsula, Cameroon." Radioprotection 50, no. 1 (2015): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/radiopro/2014025.

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Ndzifon Kimengsi, Jude. "Cameroon-Nigeria Border Conflict Incidence on Trade Patterns and Dynamics Within Near-Border Settlements of the Bakassi Peninsula, Cameroon." Urban and Regional Planning 3, no. 1 (2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.urp.20180301.13.

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Sztucki, Jerzy. "Case Analysis: Case Concerning Land and Maritime Boundary (Cameroon v. Nigeria): Provisional Measures, Order of 15 March 1996." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 2 (1997): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000290.

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By an application filed on 29 March 1994, Cameroon instituted proceedings against Nigeria, relying on the declarations under Article 36(2) of the Statute of the Court, made by both states without reservations. The dispute, according to the Application, related “essentially to the question of sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula”, where, “since the end of 1993”, the Nigerian troops were “occupying several Cameroonian localities”. Cameroon also requested the Court “to determine the course of the maritime boundary between the two states beyond the line fixed in 1975”. In an ‘Additional Application’, filed on 6 June 1994, Cameroon extended the subject of the dispute “essentially to the question of sovereignty over a part of the territory of Cameroon in the area of Lake Chad”, which had become the object of “the official […] claim […] by […] Nigeria quite recently, for the first time”; and also requested the Court “to specify definitely” the whole frontier line from Lake Chad to the sea, and to examine the two Applications as a single case. In its counter-memorial, filed within the prescribed time-limit (18 December 1995), Nigeria raised objections to the jurisdiction of the Court and the admissibility of the Cameroonian claims, whereupon the proceedings on the merits were suspended and the President of the Court fixed 15 May 1996 as the time-limit within which Cameroon might present its observations on the Nigerian objections.

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Sharma, Prabhakar. "Nigeria-Cameroon Border Demarcation at a Glance and Lessons Learned for Nepal." Journal on Geoinformatics, Nepal 14 (March 13, 2017): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njg.v14i0.16973.

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The border demarcation between two countries usually takes place after wars or serious conflicts. Nigeria, which has the largest army in Africa, showed that it had a big heart when it reached an agreement with Cameroon as per the 2002 ICJ judgment without waging a war with its much smaller neighbor Cameroon. Although many Nigerians feel that Cameroon has gained a lot more than Nigeria, especially when Nigeria decided to hand over sovereignty of the 1000 sq-km oil-rich Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon, the Nigerian government is eager to make a closure of the boundary demarcation as per the 152-page ICJ judgment.Ever since the demarcation activity started with a pilot project in 2005, many field missions have taken place with the mediation/facilitation of the United Nations, which has provided logistical and partial financial support and has brought in experts from all over the world.The field demarcation along the land, river and ocean boundaries between Nigeria and Cameroon has mostly been completed, except for the final mapping and emplacement of boundary pillars along some sections of the border which are inaccessible or are marked ‘disagreement areas’. There are some serious security threats posed by Boko Haram in the disagreement areas in the north.The best practices used in the Nigeria-Cameroon border demarcation are outlined below. Nepal could take some valuable lessons from the demarcation methods used by these two countries and maintain the political will to carry on the border demarcation works which can be technically and physically challenging and politically complex.Nepalese Journal on Geoinformatics, Vol. 14, 2015, Page: 33-36

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9

Crook, John R. "The 2002 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (2003): 352–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100112.

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During 2002, countries from all regions, especially Africa, resorted to the International Court of Justice; only one of the Court's 2002 judgments involved an OECD countiy. The Court's work during the year also shows the continued importance of boundary issues for states and for the Court.The Court again completed a substantial program of work, resolving three cases with final judgments. In February, it triggered substantial controversy by finding that a Belgian court's warrant for the arrest of the then foreign minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (“Congo”) violated international law. In October, it resolved a complex of boundary disputes between Cameroon and Nigeria, although by year-end Nigeria had not yet implemented the Court's key requirement—withdrawal from the Bakassi Peninsula. In December, comparing sparse effectivités, it concluded that Malaysia, and not Indonesia, had sovereignty over two small disputed islands.

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10

Akoachere, Richard Ayuk II, Takahiro Hosono, Thomson Areakpoh Eyong, Marcelle-Carole Pami Ngassam, and Tom Tabi Oben. "Assessing the Trace Metal Content of Groundwater in the Bakassi Peninsular, Onshore Rio del Rey, Akwa-Mundemba, Cameroun." Journal of Geoscience and Environment Protection 07, no. 10 (2019): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/gep.2019.710003.

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11

Oluyemi, Fayomi. "Displacements in the Context of Social Crises in the Oil-Rich Niger-Delta of Nigeria and Oil-Rich Bakassi Peninsula in Cameroon." International Journal of Social Work and Human Services Practice 2, no. 1 (2014): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.13189/ijrh.2014.020104.

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12

Udogu, E. Ike. "Historicizing and Contextualizing the Discourse on African International Law and A Concise Overview of the Pacific Settlement of the Cameroon-Nigeria Bakassi Peninsula Dispute." African and Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (2008): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921008x279316.

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AbstractFor the past 50 years or so, the media and intellectual discourses on African politics have general portrayed the continent as being in perpetual turmoil. The causes of such conflicts have been related, but not limited, to the outcome of the Berlin Conference of 1884-85 in which some of the European powers carved up the region in a zigzag fashion with little or no concern for the ethnic complexions of the societies. The result of this policy in post-colonial and independent Africa has been disastrous for much of the continent with numerous civil wars and cross border clashes between African states. The use of arms struggle to resolve border conflicts is now seen as counter productive to the vision of African unity and transformation in the millennium as first articulated by the Organization of African Unity and now championed by the African Union – the successor to the OAU. This study brings into the limelight the extent to which African states are increasingly relying on international law, the AU and the Good Offices of the UN and its various agencies to resolve international boundary conflicts. It also historicized the development of international law in Africa and discussed as a case study the impressive pacific settlement of the explosive border dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria to illustrate its importance as a model for Africa.

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Kometa, Sunday Shende, Jude Ndzifon Kimengsi, and Dereck M. Petiangma. "Urban Development and its Implications on Wetland Ecosystem Services in Ndop, Cameroon." Environmental Management and Sustainable Development 7, no. 1 (2017): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/emsd.v7i1.12141.

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Wetlands provide a diversity of ecosystem services (provisioning, regulatory, supporting and cultural services) which are essential for the human society. This is particularly necessary in cases where large urban agglomerations exist. These services are increasingly coming under pressure as a result of rapid and uncontrolled urban development which remains phenomenal in the developing world. Cameroon can boast of a number of wetland environments particularly, the Waza Logone flood plain, the wetlands of the Bakassi Peninsula, Lake Barombi Mbo and the Ndop Plains. The wetland ecosystems of the Ndop Plains have increasingly come under pressure as a result of urban development which is mirrored in population growth, housing and other infrastructural developments. While significant research works have been undertaken on aspects related to wetlands, agriculture and climate variability in the Ndop plains, there is insufficiency scientific information on the implications of urban development on wetland ecosystem services. Using questionnaire (where we systematically sample 140 households) and Landsat images which were complemented by field observations, relevant data were generated. With the aid of SPSS (version 21), the correlation between wetland ecosystem services and urban development at 0.05 level of significance was analysed. Our results reveal a significant negative relationship (r = -0.551 and -0.682) between urban development and the state of wetlands and their ecosystem services. This was further buttressed by geospatial data which revealed that the Ndop urban space increased from 3.7km2 in 1999 to 11.7km2 in 2017. In this regard, we suggest that the coordination of the urban development process through land use planning and zoning is imperative in the face of unabated urban development. We equally suggest the need to implement wetland management policies in line with the Ramsar convention’s paradigm on the “wise use” of wetlands.

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14

Ingwe, Richard, Joseph K. Ukwayi, and Edward U. Utam. "Federal Revenue Sharing, Marginalisation and Sub-National Inter-Regional Inequality in Human Capital Development in South-Eastern and Southern Nigeria." Quaestiones Geographicae 32, no. 2 (2013): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2013-0013.

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Abstract Regional development planning/management responds to needs for preventing inequality among regions within nations characterised by multi-culturality and variation among regions, through the planning/management of appropriate programmes and policies. This paper examines inequality in the development of two of Nigeria’s states in the geographical South-East and the political South-South. Among other issues, historical conflicts among various ethno-cultural groups constituting Nigeria and culminating in violence (e.g. the 1967-1970 civil war fought against the programme of Ibo (a socio-cultural group) seceding from Nigeria’s federation to found Biafra) are reviewed. Despite Nigeria’s tragic civil war, inequality persists. We examine inequality resulting from systematic implementation of policies/programmes of Nigeria’s federal government institutions that marginalise Cross River State. Using the methods of comparative analysis and a descriptive case study, we show the consequences of marginalisation policies implemented by the federal government alone or in collaboration with (i.e. in support of) Akwa Ibom State for the development of human capital in Cross River State. The specific acts of marginalisation referred to here include: the ceding of the Bakassi Peninsula - a part of Cross River State - to the Republic of Cameroon in 2005, and more recently (2009) another ceding of 76 oil wells, hitherto the property of Cross River State, to Akwa Ibom State. We argue that, strengthened by marginalising/polarising policies (higher revenue allocation based on derivation principle of oil production), Akwa Ibom’s ongoing implementation of free education policy promises to facilitate its achievement of millennium development goals in basic education by 2015, beyond which it might reach disproportionately higher levels of tertiary educational attainment by 2024 and after. By contrast, the contrived dwindling of oil revenue accruing to Cross River State deprives it of funding for competitive human capital development programme(s). We recommend that Cross River State employs serious monitoring of marginalising schemes against its people considering recent traumatising experience, and plan/implement human capital development programmes aimed to improve its competitiveness under the context of intra-regional inequality.

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Nworgu, K. O. "The press and Nigeria's isolationist foreign policy (1993-1998)." Revista Brasileira de Gestão Ambiental e Sustentabilidade 8, no. 19 (2021): 1009–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21438/rbgas(2021)081926.

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Gen. Sani Abacha took over from Chief Ernest Shonekan's interim government which was formed when Gen Ibrahim Babangida "stepped aside". On assumption of office, Abacha was faced with the imminent disintegration of the country caused by the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election, widely believed to have been won by the late businessman, Chief M. K. O. Abiola. Also, threatening the administration was the activities of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) both at home and abroad. The main objective of this study was to find out how the press covered Nigeria's foreign policy within 1993-1998. The study involved content analysis, historical and case study designs. The instrument for data collection included content analysis of newspaper contents library material related to the subject matter. The sampling technique used for the study is the purposive sampling, involving all the newspaper stories, features, opinion articles on the subject matter. The population included all newspaper stories published on Abacha’s regime within the period of 1993-1998. A total sampling size of 56 news stories, articles and features were selected purposively through the constructed weeks based on two days interval. Four national newspapers, namely, The Guardian, This Day, the Vanguard and the Post Express were used. From the findings of the study we concluded that press reports on the examined foreign policy did not make much impact on the outcome of these foreign policy issues since the military regime in power never wanted opposition or criticisms. Therefore, the regime went ahead to Isolate itself from main stream international politics and the press was helpless due to the fear of being gagged or proscribed as was the practice of the Abacha's administration. However, the press assumed a patriotic posture in her support for the regime's approach to Bakassi Peninsula dispute between Nigeria and Cameroun. Also the issue of peace keeping in the sub-region got the strong approval of the Nigerian press, even when a cross section of Nigerian citizens were skeptical about the regime interventionist policy in Sierra Leone and Liberia.

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Taiwo, Rotimi, and Ebuka Igwebuike. "Representation of Bakassi Peninsula Conflict in Nigeria and Cameroon Print Media: A Critical Discourse Approach." Linguistik Online 72, no. 3 (2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.72.1976.

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The media discursive representation of participants and their roles in conflict situations is the focus of this study. The Nigeria-Cameroon clashes over the oil rich Bakassi Peninsula have been reported in newspapers from the two countries. In a bid to demonstrate how social attitudes are expressed in the discourse structure of news reports, the study analyzed news reports from four newspapers in the countries published in the heat of the armed conflicts between 2002 and 2010. The analysis focused on the thematic representations, the representation of actors in the material processes and power hierarchy. Our findings show that newspapers from each of the countries presented perspectives that seemed to favour their positive images before the entire world, each claiming victim status for their key actors. In terms of the different ideologies and values that motivate the news reports, the Nigerian newspapers adopted event-oriented reporting style, thereby appealing to the value of social justice. The news visibly portrayed the abuse of human rights and injustice by Cameroon security forces. On the other hand, Cameroon newspapers, while presenting misfortunes of the country's security forces in the hands of the militant groups from Nigeria, portrayed Cameroon security forces as responsive and capable of handling the conflict. The foregrounding of the virtues of the country's security forces in the news reports in Cameroon newspapers demonstrates that they are motivated by the ideology of patriotism.

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17

Iheanacho, G. "National sovereignty and the challenges of the handover of Bakassi peninsular by Nigeria to Cameroon." Sophia: An African Journal of Philosophy 11, no. 1 (2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/sophia.v11i1.65110.

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18

Kirchner, Stefan. "Water, Oil and Blood: The Cameroon-Nigeria Boundary Dispute Regarding Bakassi Peninsula and Lake Chad and the Threat of War over Water Resources." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.757086.

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19

PS, Masumbe. "Nigeria's Niger Delta Conflict, Cameroon's Bakassi Peninsula and Insecurity in The Gulf of Guinea: Assessing the Role of Multinational Oil Corporations in Africa's Incessant Conflicts." Journal of Political Sciences & Public Affairs 06, no. 01 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.4172/2332-0761.1000319.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Bakasi Peninsula (Cameroon)'

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