Journal articles on the topic 'Balkan Peninsula Kosovo (Republic) Kosovo Kosovo'

The Republic of Kosovo has the center position in the Balkan Peninsula, which is perched on important tourist routes. Its surface is 10908km2. We are presenting geologic features of different and varied ages with various interesting forms for visitors. With relief it is quite heterogeneous with different forms. There are quite favorable climatic conditions for tourist activities in all seasons of the year. Stream water streams and number of mountain and artificial lakes. It has a mosaic of pedological composition and different biogeography conditions. All are potential values for the development of the tourist economy, especially for the development of stationary tourism, weekend, transit, hunting and fishing tourism as well as numerous activities for recreation and recreation, including many forms of tourism. In this area are present attractive attractions worth visiting. In no country in the region compared to their areas, there are no more concentrated potential values than in the Republic of Kosovo. Thanks to these values, the Republic of Kosovo is an attractive place for tourism. Their utilization provides important basis for the development of tourism and income generation as well as for the development of the local economy.

The article firstly identifies and reveales the essence of national and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism that have been applied in the Balkan states, in particular, in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The national mechanisms of suppression of separatism include legal, financial, administrative, information mechanisms, and among the international political mechanisms are international legal mechanisms, the mechanism of recognition or non-recognition of the independence of new states, international financial and economic instruments. The study showed the dynamics of the most important events that took place in the Balkans after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in particular during the Croatian War of Independence in 1991-1995, the Bosnian War in 1992–1995, and during Kosovo’s struggle for independence from Serbia. The revival of separatist movements in the Balkan Peninsula began as a result of the overthrow of the communist regimes and the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in Central and Eastern Europe in the 90’s of the twentieth century. The interethnic distrust and constant tension became one of the reasons for the beginning of the civil wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Moreover, the article characterized the concept of «Great Albania», which involves the reunification of all the territories where the Albanian ethnic group lives. Several regions of Macedonia, Montenegro, the Epirus region in Greece and Kosovo should be part of the «Greater Albania». Furthermore, the study considers the experience of suppression of separatism of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the possibility of its use in Ukraine and other countries where separatist tendencies dominate, in order to avoid human victims, preserve territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. Consequently, separatism is a dangerous phenomenon that contains an enormous threat to the national security and territorial integrity, since it is related to the change of borders of the existing states and creation of the new countries on the political map of the world.

Abstract In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the central territory of Hungary was occupied by the Ottoman Empire. This long occupation resulted in the creation of what are the northernmost examples of Ottoman architecture in a cultural environment framed by non-Muslim structures. Since 1699, when the Ottoman Empire lost its influence over its Hungarian territories, Islamic religious buildings became private property or came under the maintenance of the Church or monastic orders. In 2013, an extraordinary process began: with the official cooperation and the financial support of the Republics of Turkey and Hungary, experts from both countries initiated projects to preserve and restore the Ottoman monuments in Hungary. Although a similar approach had been adopted in many countries in the Balkan Peninsula ‐ for example in Macedonia, Albania, Serbia, and Kosovo, this was one of the first attempts at an institutionalised, global dialogue on the preservation and restoration works of Islamic sacral heritage within both Hungary and the European Union. This article presents the history of the preservation and restoration works of Ottoman heritage in Hungary. In addition, some of the unique structural features are outlined as these will be taken into consideration during present and future restoration efforts.

As global markets continue to expand and competition continues to hasten, it is imperative that global business managers explore all potential investment opportunities. A country of potential foreign direct investment that may not be obvious to many global business managers is Kosovo. Kosovo is a small, sovereign nation located in a strategic area of the Balkan Peninsula, bordered by Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia. Kosovo serves as the gateway from the Balkan Peninsula to central and southern Europe. While securing its independence from Serbia in 2008, Kosovo has worked to attract foreign direct investment and be a contender in the global economy. This paper explores the cultural and social environment, the economic and political environment, and the business and market environment in Kosovo and provides an overview and evaluation of the foreign direct investment potential of Kosovo.

The next enlargement of the European Union is predicted to be in the Balkans. Kosovo, a small country of the Balkan Peninsula, which has been declared as an independent state in 2008, aims the membership in EU. Kosovo is currently at the stage of negotiating the Stabilization and Association Agreement with EU. For the membership in EU, candidate countries are required to achieve certain criteria: political, legislative, economic and administrative. The first three are known as the Copenhagen Criteria, whereas the last one as the Madrid Criteria. This paper looks to briefly asses the difficulties of Kosovo in meeting the two Copenhagen Criteria: the political and the legislative one. Although, Kosovo has achieved certain progress related to this matter, this paper presents only the dimensions where Kosovo is lacking in achieving the aforementioned requirements.

Kosovo is part of South-Eastern Europe, inside the Balkan Pe-ninsula. It has a surface area of 10.877 square kilometres, surroun-ded by Albania, Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro.[1] Kosovo for-ms a geographical unit surrounded by impressive mountains and hills.[2] Kosovo’s location in the centre of the Balkan Peninsula defi-nes itself as the crossroad of important terrestrial routes, crossing from Northern and Central Europe towards South and West Euro-pe.[3] The Kosovo’s relief, taken in general, is a mountainous one. Kosovo does have agricultural land, which is generally arable, considerable forest land, large water bodies, flora and fauna rich areas, and considerable ground resources.[4]These and other resources Kosovo is endowed with represent the key supporting factors of Kosovo’s development, current and future. In fact, as any other country, Kosovo is also characterized by limiting elements in terms of extent of natural resources that may be available for utilization.As it is widely known, in conditions of free market economy and privatization, possibilities of ensuring a proper planning for the utilization of all natural resources available are considerably relative. Setting from the fact that there are no inexhaustible resources, it is necessary that relevant mechanisms are in place and authority to undertake all possible measures to provide for a diligent and rational utilization thereof. To achieve such a goal, modern countries, including Kosovo, have passed relevant laws. Setting from such terms, this article aims to present the current situation of Kosovo in terms of legal norms on utilization of natural resources it is endowed with.[1] Kosovo, an encyclopaedic view, Tirana, 1999, pg. 7.[2] Kosovo, a short history, Noel Malcolm, Tirana, 2001, pg. 1.[3] Kosovo, an encyclopaedic view, Tirana, 1999, pg. 8.[4] Ibid, pgs. 26-44.

This research provides the first systematic contribution to the mayfly (Ephemeroptera) Fauna of Kosovo. This investigation was conducted from March to November in 2017 and 2018; 32 sites were sampled covering the different freshwater ecosystems of the country. The first checklist of mayflies of Kosovo is provided. During this survey, we found 48 species belonging to 20 genera and nine families. The highest number of species belongs to the following two families, Heptageniidae (24) and Baetidae (9). This investigation is a contribution to the knowledge about taxonomy, biogeography, and ecology of mayflies of the Balkan Peninsula by giving new data on species composition and distribution range in Kosovo.

Since the 1990s, yet another entity has emerged among the wide range of groups and minorities in the Balkans attracting the attention of politicians, scholars and the public. Known as “Egypcani” in Macedonia and Kosovo, or as “Jevgs/Jevgits” in Albania, these Albanophone Muslims are usually identified as Albanianised “Gypsies” by the societies in which they live, although they consider themselves to be descendents of Egyptian immigrants to the Balkans. Today, Balkan Egyptians are officially recognised as a distinct population group in the Republic of Macedonia, while they enjoy political influence through representative and cultural organisations in Kosovo and Albania.

Recently, almost all over the world, migratory movements have become a persistent and very intensive process, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Significant differences in terms of economic, social, political, and demographic development between different countries have affected the intensity of migration. Migration is supplemented by various effects, especially in the economic and social aspects. Kosovo is considered as one of the most underdeveloped countries of the Balkan Peninsula and intrinsically faces large population emigration. Being a small country, Kosovo counts about 1.7 million inhabitants, out of which 700,000-800,000 people were born in Kosovo, but living abroad. Accordingly, the focus of this paper relies on the economic and tourism effects that bring the emigration of people to different countries of Europe and beyond. This emigration is followed up by both positive and negative effects. Emigration has affected the improvement of living conditions for many families, investments in birthplaces, the endowment of various national contributions, continuous assistance and support to the family, remittances, etc. Emigration also has an impact on the development of tourism in Kosovo. Although Kosovo is at its initial stages of tourism development, the influx of emigrants in the homeland during the holidays but also in other periods during the year considerably affects the increase of revenues in the tourism sector.

Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.

Writing for security and security policies in Kosovo is a special pleasure. As it is well known, the Republic of Kosovo is one of the newest states in the world since it was separated from the Republic of Serbia in 1999 after the NATO military intervention, internationally recognized as an independent state from 116 countries around the world it should be noted that only 23 European Union countries have been recognized as independent states by 28 as the EU has. Kosovo as a new country with about 1.8 million people has had great achievements in the field of national security. A serious problem is the non-recognition of Kosovo as an independent state from five European countries (Spain, Greece, Slovakia, Cyprus and Romania), problems which continue to this day because of Kosovo's need for support from these countries around the membership in International Security Organizations, where their vote is very important. Another challenge is the consequence of the first problem and not having the opportunity for the new state to join international security organizations (such as Europol, Interpol), mainly due to non-recognition by the five European countries, which mentioned above. A very important element is the control of Kosovo's territory by Kosovo's security forces, which is a constant challenge but with many achievements. It is worth pointing out that Kosovo's security organs are very well formed. The socio-economic situation and the global crisis that has affected especially Balkan countries, Kosovo is still in the process of pursuing its goals for its citizens and high security for foreign visitors.

AbstractThis survey has been performed as part of a wider survey within the Western Balkan Small and Medium Sized Enterprises (SME) Competitiveness Support Project. It presents the current situation of occupational health and safety (OHS) management at 18 SMEs in Kosovo. SMEs in the Republic of Kosovo are facing many difficulties in identifying the real need for interventions, recruiting adequate professional staff to support their activities in OHS. Exposed to an opened market under the regional and international competition, their sustainability has become more difficult and their financial fragility leads very often to the ignorance of OHS issues within their organization.The first objective of this research aimed to understand the OHS contextual factors, barriers and drivers based on the current practice of SMEs in Kosovo. The second objective was to find out if the OHS “ideal intervention process” is applicable to achieve improvements for SMEs in Kosovo. Data collection was expedited through internal documents review, site visits and questionnaires. The statistical data were subject to descriptive analyses and inferential statistics. The findings showed that the contextual factors which influence the intervention process, were of participatory nature, cognitive and physical workplace environment, while the perceived barriers were mainly coming from lack of resources and information. Finally the features of OHS “ideal intervention process” were analyzed and compared for applicability to the SMEs in Kosovo and several interventions in this regards were proposed.

Kosovo as the newest state in the region, in the economic aspect represents an economic complex with considerable potential of human, economic and demographic resources, having an open economy and entirely Euro integrated, with the central position in Balkan Peninsula. As a new state Kosovo is going through a transition phase and is found in an unsatisfactory position, therefore a serious professional intervention by the competent mechanisms is necessary towards finding an adequate solution which enables a speedier economic, social and cultural development, thus accessing into economic and political integrations in the region and in Europe. Kosovo economy during 2012 was characterised by a positive norm of growth. The real norm of economic growth in the country reached the figure of 2.9 per cent. The slowest developments in the regional and European markets during this year appeared as a challenge for the general economic activity in the country. In 2012, a decrease was marked from several important sources of financing in the country, especially the foreign direct investments. A reduction was also characterised in export of goods, but, growth of export of the services neutralised the effect of decrease of goods export. Kosovo suffers from the negative trade balance, implying that Kosovo depends on imports, whereas its opportunities to export local products into foreign market are very low. With intention of improving the competitive position of Kosovar enterprises, and for increasing export into world market, the existing economic policies need to be amended and supplemented and the institutional functioning needs to be improved as well. The aim of this study is to provide a realistic overview of the economic situation of Kosovo through an overall analysis and to also give recommendations with intention of improving the trade balance in favour of increase of Kosovar export in the future.

The Balkan Peninsula is part of South Eastern Europe, with a surface area of 550 square kilometers and a population of nearly 55 million inhabitants. This is a corner of the Earth with a very attractive geography. It is shaped like a triangle and goes deep into the Mediterranean Sea. This peninsula is bordered with the Adriatic Sea, Ionian Sea, Marmaris Sea, Aegean Sea, and the Black Sea, whereas on the other part with Central Europe. The Balkan Peninsula is, or serves, as a connecting bridge between Europe and Asia. The countries of the Balkan Peninsula are: a part of Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Macedonia, Kosovo, Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and part of Croatia (up to Sava River).

Two new species of the genus Bythinella Moquin-Tandon, 1856, i.e. B. marici n. sp. from Bosnia and Hercegovina, and B. istoka n. sp. from Kosovo were described. The holotypes of both species as well as the penis morphology are depicted. In addition a list and distribution map of the Bythinella spp. occuring in the Western Balkan Peninsula is provided.

In addition to cultural heritage values, Kosovo is characterised by natural heritage values; these values identify different areas in Kosovo as potential sites for protection under UNESCO’s Man and Biosphere (MAB) program and the Convention Concerning the Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage. These natural values (i.e. geomorphological, hydrological, biodiversity- and ecosystem-related) are found mainly in the massifs of Kosovo’s four mountain ranges, i.e. the Sharr Mountains, the Bjeshket e Nemuna (Albanian Alps), the Koritnik Mountains, and the Pashtrik Mountains. These regions provide the largest number of potential sites for nomination to the World Heritage List or the MAB program.Of the natural heritage values, 19 geomorphological areas of international importance were identified; additionally, 3 areas had regional (Balkan) importance, and 19 sites were caves. Furthermore, 152 glacial and nival lakes and a bifurcation (i.e. hydrological values), approximately 200 species and subspecies that are endemic to the Balkans, 8 locally endemic, 9 endemic and endemic-relict plant associations and 1 endemic animal species (i.e. biodiversity values), and ancient Beech forests (i.e. ecosystem values) were considered for conservation.Consideration of the above mentioned areas for protection under UNESCO would provide a legal framework for the protection of natural and cultural values in Kosovo as well as support their sustainable development.Additionally, protecting these areas would promote the development of environmental and educational projects and training as well as the research and monitoring of issues related to nature conservation and sustainable development at local, regional and international levels.

The main purpose of this study is to analyze the effects of fiscal policy on economic growth in the Republic of Kosovo for the time period from January 2006 to September 2018 in terms of their long-term and short-term relationships. The methods used are measured using the second data (monthly series) provided by the Department of Finance as the appropriate national institution. Kosovo as one of the Balkan countries is facing the same problems as other labor countries. This study will contribute greatly to analyzing the impact of fiscal policy and will help policymakers come up with good decision-making. The econometric vector autoregression (VAR) model used in this study uses total public expenditure, total public income, fixed income structure, and consumer price index as independent variables and gross domestic product (GDP) as a dependent variable. In addition, in order of consistency time-series data were evaluated by the augmented Dickey-Fuller unit root test. The study concludes that total public expenditure significantly affects GDP; on the other hand, the total public income has a positive but visible impact on GDP, which means that the impact of government investment is more pronounced on financial development compared to public revenue; and increased demand for co-operation has decreased in monetary terms (World Bank, 2021). It is possible that government spending and structure may be related to key development quality ideas, such as the segregation of wages and environmental support (Halkos & Paizanos, 2015).

Abstract Flags are conceptual representations that can prime nationalism and allegiance to one’s group. Investigating children’s understanding of conflict-related ethno-national flags in divided societies sheds light on the development of national categories. We explored the development of children’s awareness of, and preferences for, ethno-national flags in Northern Ireland, Kosovo, and the Republic of North Macedonia. Children displayed early categorization of, and ingroup preferences for, ethno-national flags. By middle-childhood, children’s conflict-related social categories shaped systematic predictions about other’s group-based preferences for flags. Children of minority-status groups demonstrated more accurate flag categorization and were more likely to accurately infer others’ flag preferences. While most Balkan children preferred divided versus integrated ethno-national symbols, children in the Albanian majority group in Kosovo demonstrated preferences for the new supra-ethnic national flag. We discuss the implications of children’s ethno-national flag categories on developing conceptualizations of nationality and the potential for shared national symbols to promote peace.

The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.

Abstract The aim of this study is to provide an insight into Balkan populations’ genetic relations utilizing in silico analysis of Y-STR haplotypes and performing haplogroup predictions together with network analysis of the same haplotypes for visualization of the relations between chosen haplotypes and Balkan populations in general. The population dataset used in this study was obtained using 23, 17, 12, 9 and 7 Y-STR loci for 13 populations. The 13 populations include: Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H), Croatia, Macedonia, Slovenia, Greece, Romany (Hungary), Hungary, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo, Romania and Bulgaria. The overall dataset contains a total of 2179 samples with 1878 different haplotypes. I2a was detected as the major haplogroup in four out of thirteen analysed Balkan populations. The four populations (B&H, Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia) which had I2a as the most prevalent haplogroup were all from the former Yugoslavian republic. The remaining two major populations from former Yugoslavia, Macedonia and Slovenia, had E1b1b and R1a haplogroups as the most prevalent, respectively. The populations with E1b1b haplogroup as the most prevalent one are Macedonian, Romanian, as well as Albanian populations from Kosovo and Albania. The I2a haplogroup cluster is more compact when compared to E1b1b and R1b haplogroup clusters, indicating a larger degree of homogeneity within the haplotypes that belong to the I2a haplogroup. Our study demonstrates that a combination of haplogroup prediction and network analysis represents an effective approach to utilize publicly available Y-STR datasets for population genetics.

The aim of this study is to improve the knowledge about the influence of the Republic of Turkey on the economic development of the Western Balkan countries in the period from 2003 to 2014. The analysis of the activities of the Republic of Turkey shows how much they contribute to the national product, that is, they had influence on the diversification of the economy, generate the income and sustainability of a part of the engaged population in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. Comparative data of the analyzed countries show that, with oscillatory movements, an increase in total investments of the Republic of Turkey was recorded in the period from 2003 to 2014. From the analyzed period, it is clear that Turkey is pursuing an active economic policy, whose primary objective is to improve economic relations with the Western Balkan countries

This article suggests a rethinking of Serbian-Albanian relations. Contemporary research tends to reduce this problem exclusively to the Serbia-Kosovo issue, which is usually regarded with a value-based approach. As a result, the issue of Serbia’s foreign policy strategy in the south-west and south direction, which also includes the Republic of Albania and other states (Montenegro, North Macedonia), where the role of the Albanian factor is signifi cant, remains outside the scope of the analysis. The purpose of this article is to examine more closely the logic of Serbia’s foreign policy activities in the south-western (Albanian) direction, taking into account the historical context and current trends associated with the active implementation of infrastructure projects in the entire Balkan region. Given that these projects cover both Serbia and Albania, it is appropriate to assume that Belgrade and Pristina have a mutual interest in forming a predictable non-confl ict space and in certain coordination of their approaches to conducting politics in their border area. This, in turn, requires a rethinking of Serbia’s foreign policy strategy in the southwestern (Albanian) direction. To this end, the author analyzes both the historical evolution of Belgrade’s position on the Albanian-Kosovo issue and considers it in the context of modern regional infrastructure projects. Considering the structural regional changes, taking place since the second half of the 2010s, the author comes to the conclusion that Belgrade is facing a dilemma between the self-signifi cant signifi cance of the Kosovo issue and the interest in forming a predictable and stable space to the southwest of its own borders. This dilemma determines the logic of modern Serbia’s foreign policy actions.

The profound changes within the Albanian society, including Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia, before and after they proclaimed independence (in exception of Albania), with the establishment of the parliamentary system resulted in mass spread social negative consequences such as crime, drugs, prostitution, child beggars on the street etc. As a result of these occurred circumstances emerged a substantial need for changes within the legal system in order to meet and achieve the European standards or behaviors and the need for adoption of many laws imported from abroad, but without actually reading the factual situation of the psycho-economic position of the citizens and the consequences of the peoples’ occupations without proper compensation, as a remedy for the victims of war or peace in these countries. The sad truth is that the perpetrators not only weren’t sanctioned, but these regions remained an untouched haven for further development of criminal activities, be it from the public state officials through property privatization or in the private field. The organized crime groups, almost in all cases, are perceived by the human mind as “Mafia” and it is a fact that this cannot be denied easily. The widely spread term “Mafia” is mostly known around the world to define criminal organizations.The Balkan Peninsula is highly involved in these illegal groups of organized crime whose practice of criminal activities is largely extended through the Balkan countries such as Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia, Montenegro, etc. Many factors contributed to these strategic countries to be part of these types of activities. In general, some of the countries have been affected more specifically, but in all of the abovementioned countries organized crime has affected all areas of life, leaving a black mark in the history of these states.

AbstractTo our knowledge, there is a lack of information on the nutrient composition of Busha cattle milk with special regard to its amino acid and biogenic amine contents. The Busha cattle breed is known to be highly resistant to various diseases and well-adapted to the extensive breeding conditions of the Balkan Peninsula. Busha cow milk contains an average of 13.47% dry matter, 4.34% fat, 3.72 % protein, and 4.32% lactose. Significant differences were detected (P < 0.05) in the amino acid compositions of the milk of different Busha cattle strains of Kosovo. Glutamic acid, proline, leucine, aspartic acid, lysine, and valine represented 68% of the total amino acid content. Essential amino acids, branched-chain and sulphur-containing amino acids were found in substantial amounts in the milk samples. Among the biogenic amines, however, spermine (0.16 mg kg−1) and cadaverine (0.09 mg kg−1) were present in low concentrations. Due to these excellent qualities of the Busha cow milk, preservation of this cattle breed is of great importance. Developing sustainable and secured breeding and feeding programs for this endangered cattle breed of the Balkan Peninsula should also be a high priority.

Development of policies for the prevention of every nature of organized crime from the security institutions of the Republic of Kosovo is an important element through which is aimed the coordination of works and prevention activities in order to respond to negative phenomena through taking precautions. Prevention means all activities that impact on halting and reducing crime as a social phenomenon, both quantitatively as well as qualitatively, through occasional initiatives (ad hoc). Advancing capacity to prevent crime is the need of the time and the challenge faced by the countries of the Western Balkans, especially Kosovo, because in this area there is still the old belief that only the police should be involved to prevent and fight trafficking of human beings. Nature and trends of trafficking of human beings have taken a direction in which the police as law enforcement agency cannot as such prevent these crime phenomena. Therefore, it is time imperative that in the field of crime prevention of human trafficking engage all relevant institutions with special emphasis on civil society and community in particular. To cope with the challenges of preventing and fighting trafficking of human beings, activities within state’s territory are not sufficient, but it is vital that states align and coordinate activities at the regional level in real time, place and space identified for common actions. This paper aims to address this phenomenon not only in the case of Kosovo, but also in the Western Balkan region. The main thesis of this paper is the articulation of the problem in order to successfully prevent the phenomenon of trafficking of human beings through awareness of citizens, while from institutions is required opening of perspectives for new generations, for work and life, through economic development, fighting poverty, stimulating employment and preventing the migration in different countries. To successfully prevent crime, particularly trafficking in human beings, it is necessary that responsible institutions have sufficient human resources, specialized and equipped with technical tools and necessary technology, to have continuous specialized training and to deal with all phenomena of organized crime.

Development of policies for the prevention of every nature of organized crime from the security institutions of the Republic of Kosovo is an important element through which is aimed the coordination of works and prevention activities in order to respond to negative phenomena through taking precautions. Prevention means all activities that impact on halting and reducing crime as a social phenomenon, both quantitatively as well as qualitatively, through occasional initiatives (ad hoc). Advancing capacity to prevent crime is the need of the time and the challenge faced by the countries of the Western Balkans, especially Kosovo, because in this area there is still the old belief that only the police should be involved to prevent and fight trafficking of human beings. Nature and trends of trafficking of human beings have taken a direction in which the police as law enforcement agency cannot as such prevent these crime phenomena. Therefore, it is time imperative that in the field of crime prevention of human trafficking engage all relevant institutions with special emphasis on civil society and community in particular. To cope with the challenges of preventing and fighting trafficking of human beings, activities within state’s territory are not sufficient, but it is vital that states align and coordinate activities at the regional level in real time, place and space identified for common actions. This paper aims to address this phenomenon not only in the case of Kosovo, but also in the Western Balkan region. The main thesis of this paper is the articulation of the problem in order to successfully prevent the phenomenon of trafficking of human beings through awareness of citizens, while from institutions is required opening of perspectives for new generations, for work and life, through economic development, fighting poverty, stimulating employment and preventing the migration in different countries. To successfully prevent crime, particularly trafficking in human beings, it is necessary that responsible institutions have sufficient human resources, specialized and equipped with technical tools and necessary technology, to have continuous specialized training and to deal with all phenomena of organized crime.

The role of investment, in particularly foreign direct investment (FDI), is regarded as one of the most important contributors of economic growth. The past quarter century has witnessed remarkable growth in FDIs flow all over the world. This is due to the fact that many countries, especially developing countries, see FDI as an important element in their overall strategy for economic development. This paper provides a review of the economic impact of FDI, with specific focus on developing countries particularly Kosovo and ex-Yugoslavian countries in the Balkan Peninsula. FDIs contribute to the economic development of host country in two main ways. They include the augmentation of domestic capital and the enhancement of efficiency through the transfer of new technology, marketing and managerial skills, innovation, and best practices. Secondly, FDI has both benefits and costs, and its impact is determined by the country’s specific conditions in general and the policy environment in particular. This is in terms of the ability to diversify, the level of absorption capacity, targeting of FDI, and the various opportunities for linkages between FDI and domestic investment. The paper aims to clarify the main causes of failure of foreign direct investments in Kosovo and reviles the importance of indicators that majorly has an institutional nature. Neither the amount nor the effects of foreign direct investment were satisfactory. Therefore, the paper reviles that in this aspect, a wide range of actions needs to be made, which is specifically related to government institutions and the business community.

The Balkan Vegetation Database (BVD; GIVD ID: EU-00-019) is a regional database, which was established in 2014. It comprises phytosociological relevés covering various vegetation types from nine countries of the Balkan Peninsula (Albania – 153 relevés, Bosnia and Herzegovina – 1715, Bulgaria – 12,282, Greece – 465, Croatia – 69, Kosovo – 493, Montenegro – 440, North Macedonia – 13 and Serbia – 2677). Currently, it contains 18,306 relevés (compared to 9.580 in 2016), and most of them (82.8%) are geo-referenced. The database includes both digitized relevés from the literature (65.6%) and unpublished data (34.5%). Plot size is available for 84.7% of all relevés. During the last four years some “header data information” was improved e.g. elevation (now available for 83.4% of all relevés), aspect (67.7%), slope (66%), total cover of vegetation (54.3%), cover of tree, shrub, herb, bryophyte and lichen layers (27.1%, 20.1%, 40.2%, 11.5% and 2.1%), respectively. Data access is either semi-restricted (65.6%) or restricted (34.4%). Most relevés (84.6%) are classified to syntaxa of different levels. The database has been used for numerous studies with various objectives from floristic, vegetation and habitat-related topics, to macroecological studies at the local, regional, national, continental and global levels. During the last four years, BVD data were requested from 111 different projects via the EVA and sPlot databases.

During the '90-ies the wars in the former territories of what was called Yugoslavia marked the end of a century plenty of wars and local armed conflicts. More than 140 million people died because of wars in the XX century. The war of Kosova was the last one in that century. The beginning of the XXI century stressed the necessity for a new way of thinking nationally, regionally and globally. The Balkans were often considered as a gun powder territory. All the Balkans states, someone more and someone less, have problems with each other. History was and remained very passionate within the Balkan countries. The case of Kosova is possibly the most sensitive in all this framework. After the proclamation of independence on February 17 2008, the concerns were high within the region and a new question was questioned: would the map of the Balkan peninsula change again to form another "Kosovo"? This article would give some details about the geopolitical situation in the Balkans focusing on Kosova and would try to establish e new way of making politics and diplomacy though deterrence and not offence. We will try to overpass history but without neglecting it, but by learning from its mistakes in order to bring a better Peace-Building aspect for the Balkan region.

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.

AbstractThis paper aims to shed new light on the phenomenon of Islamist violent extremism across the Western Balkans. This phenomenon has recently drawn worldwide attention due to the risk that the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) has raised as an international actor. The main theoretical argument is that the main driver of foreign fighters aligns with the Roy theory about the “Islamization of radicalism”. So far, academic literature on Islamist terrorism has often considered the Western Balkan region as the one with the highest percentage of foreign fighters. Notwithstanding this being correct, such analysis seems superficial, since it misrepresents the image of the region itself. In this paper, the countries taken into account are those with a high percentage of Muslim population (e.g. Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo) and with a large Muslim autochthonous minority group (e.g. the Republic of North Macedonia). The comparison of the estimates of foreign fighters in Syria from the Western Balkans with data from several sources led us to understand the existence of a precise narrative towards the region and the Islamist religion.

The new issue of the journal «Current Problems of Europe» opens with the problem-oriented article, dedicated to the analysis of the state of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region and its development in 2000-2020. The author gives a systemic description of the processes taking place in the intra-national and international intra-regional political, social and economic development of the countries of the region, and the problems generated by them. The changes are associated with a difficult transition phase, experienced by the states of the region, for the most part belonging to the post-socialist world (Bulgaria, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). The exceptions are Greece, Turkey and Cyprus, however, these three states are also going through a difficult period in their history, associated with new problems both in interstate relations within this triangle, and in relations with NATO and the EU, as well as with Russia. The article discusses the specifics of translating the terms «people» and «national» into Russian, as well as the toponym Kosovo (Serb.) / Kosova (Alb.), and ethnonyms «Bošnjak» and «bosanac». The first part of the issue contains articles devoted to general problems of regional studies: the relationship between the terms Eastern Europe, Central Europe, South-Eastern Europe, Balkans, Western Balkans; comparative and political science subjects; the role of the European Union and China in the development of the region; the relationship of national Serbian, post-Yugoslavian and European culture and intellectual heritage as well. The second part of the issue examines the relations of the Balkan states with the states of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Romania, Belarus), as well as the specifics of their development in the post-socialist period. Thus, there is the possibility of a multilateral - historical, political and cultural, as well as comparative analysis of the development of this complex region, which is of great importance for international relations worldwide.

Background and Study Aim: The aim of this research was to determine the differences between the young soccer players (U19) in terms of anthropometric characteristics and body composition. We considered players of three the most successful clubs in three countries of the southern region of the Balkan Peninsula. Material and Methods: The first sub-sample of the subjects was consisted of 17 players of OFC Titograd from Montenegro of the average age 17.12±.69. The second sub-sample was consisted of 14 players of FC Siroki Brijeg from Bosnia and Herzegovina of the average age of 18.14±.86. The last sub-sample of the examinees was consisted of 15 players of FC Feronikeli from Kosovo of the average age 18.07±.46. Anthropometric characteristics in the body composition were evaluated by a battery of 11 variables. The significance of the differences between the young soccer players in the anthropometric characteristics and variables for assessing body composition were determined by ANOVA and LSD Post Hoc test. Results: The young soccer players of the three mentioned clubs have statistically significant differences by the two variables that estimate the upper leg skinfold and fat percentage. The young soccer players of OFC Titograd are significantly better in variable upper leg skinfold than other players. The young soccer players of FC Feronikeli are significantly better in variable fat percentage than players of OFC Titograd. Conclusions: The results can be useful for coaches of other clubs for making a comparison of their soccer players with the young soccer players in this research.

Background and Study Aim: The aim of this research was to determine the differences between the young soccer players (U19) in terms of anthropometric characteristics and body composition. We considered players of three the most successful clubs in three countries of the southern region of the Balkan Peninsula. Material and Methods: The first sub-sample of the subjects was consisted of 17 players of OFC Titograd from Montenegro of the average age 17.12±.69. The second sub-sample was consisted of 14 players of FC Siroki Brijeg from Bosnia and Herzegovina of the average age of 18.14±.86. The last sub-sample of the examinees was consisted of 15 players of FC Feronikeli from Kosovo of the average age 18.07±.46. Anthropometric characteristics in the body composition were evaluated by a battery of 11 variables. The significance of the differences between the young soccer players in the anthropometric characteristics and variables for assessing body composition were determined by ANOVA and LSD Post Hoc test. Results: The young soccer players of the three mentioned clubs have statistically significant differences by the two variables that estimate the upper leg skinfold and fat percentage. The young soccer players of OFC Titograd are significantly better in variable upper leg skinfold than other players. The young soccer players of FC Feronikeli are significantly better in variable fat percentage than players of OFC Titograd. Conclusions: The results can be useful for coaches of other clubs for making a comparison of their soccer players with the young soccer players in this research.

This article analyses the presence and activity on the field of social media in the countries that belonged to the same state in the past: Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH), Kosovo, Montenegro, Serbia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia – these named as Western Balkan Countries (WBCs) – and, Slovenia and Croatia as EU member states. The authors have analysed the official profiles of the respective countries on social media and calculated the Facebook Assessment Index (FAI) for WBCs, and Croatia and Slovenia as a benchmark. The results show that Twitter and Facebook are the most used social media. In WBCs group, the FAI index could not be calculated for BIH and Serbia, while the other two countries had high index values. Benchmark countries have lower values but they are significantly highlighted by individual sub-indices. The governments of the researched countries mostly publish promotional information about their work. Consequently, they have a relatively small number of friends/followers/subscribers and comments/shares/likes on social media. Therefore, these countries fail to use the full potential of social media to increase visibility and transparency of their work and to ensure communication channel for idea and information exchange between government and citizens, making the public policies design more inclusive and increasing trust between government and citizens. The findings provide an insight into the nature of activity on social media in WBCs. While FAI scores show that WBCs do not lag far behind established benchmarks, the research proves that some of the weights proposed in the literature and used in the calculation of FAI index are too simplified to adequately evaluate posts on the Facebook pages. Hence, this article contributes above all to the awareness regarding further potentials and the interdisciplinary aspects of stately social media usage, in theory and practice alike.

In the area of the western Balkans, xerothermal broad-leaf forests hold a very special position, the main species being pubescent oak (<em>Quercus pubescens</em> Willd.). The study comprises 36 populations of pubescent oak from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania and Macedonia. Genetic variability and population diversity was analysed on chloroplast DNA in order to determine to which haplotype an individual or studied population belongs, as well as how they are related. For the detection of one haplotype analysed four sequences (AS, TF, DT and CD) on the chloroplasts DNA. The results of the analysis suggest that there are six different haplotypes of pubescent oak (2, 4, 5, 17, 31, 33) in the studied populations. Two more sub-haplotypes were found in haplotype 5 (a and b), but only in populations occurring in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The results suggest the great variability of pubescent oak in the researched area, which is generally characteristic of other species from the area of the Balkan Peninsula. The results obtained by means of cpDNA analysis can help in the formation of seed zones. However, due to the strong selection pressure of unplanned logging, and the possible introduction of herbal material of unknown origin, it is necessary to find a sufficient number of autochthonous entities (i.e., populations of the researched species) as well as new suitable markers for their characterization. The results of this paper constitute a scientifically recognised, partial examination of the origin of the starting forest reproductive material from the broader geographic area, thus serving future projects on its regeneration.

The German state propaganda service Deutche Welle (DW), recently published a new anti-Serb war manifesto, also reported by the daily press in the Republic of Croatia. The aim of the document, whose basic ideas do not belong to the person interviewed, is the creation of conditions which would favor the breakout of a new Balkan war, primarily in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the dissolution of the Republic of Serbia, treated incorrectly in the text as the "spoils of war" of Serbia. The purpose of the text is the weakening of the geopolitical position of Serbia through the following: 1) the severing of ties with the Serb population living in former Yugoslav republics (B&H, Montenegro); 2) the accepting of an unfavorable institutional solution for the Republic of Srpska through amendments to the Dayton-Paris peace agreement, whose guarantor is Serbia, as the successor of the FRY and Serbia & Montenegro; 3) the accepting of an unfavorable institutional solution for AP Kosovo and Metohija, whose status, until otherwise changed, is determined by Resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council; 4) the dragging of Serbia into North Atlantic integrations despite continued objections of Serbs to the idea and its proclaimed policy of military neutrality; 5) the breaking up of friendly relations and close cooperation of the Republic of Serbia with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, which would cost our country the loss of the ability to defend almost all its vital state interests, including its territorial integrity and sovereignty, aside from losing the friendship of those who have in various situations come to our country's aid. According to the originator of this anti-Serb war manifesto, coerced, humiliated, and punished (unjustly), Serbia and the Serbs have the right to expect European integrations.

Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.

On March 24, 1999, on the pretext of protecting human rights NATO began its aggression against a sovereign European state – the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Historically, it was the first military strike against a sovereign state in response not to external aggression, but to internal conflict. The escalation of the Kosovo conflict to the scale of a «humanitarian intervention» raised a sharp question about not only the contours and principles of the 21st century world system, but also about the limits of the functionality of supranational (first and foremost force) structures. The NATO aggression had both short-term and long-term consequences. The article analyzes three groups of consequences: international-legal, military strategic and geopolitical. In the analysis of international-legal consequences, we investigated the process of legitimation of «humanitarian intervention» and «responsibility to protect». In the analysis of military strategic consequences, the emphasis is given to the processes and procedures of the transformation of the Serbian army into a dysfunctional system and the creation of conditions for accession of the Republic to NATO. Since Serbia is the central element of the Balkan policy of Western countries and organizations, the question is extremely important. Geopolitical consequences of the aggression we analyzed through the prism of political technologies of political coups tested in Serbia in October 2000 and used later in different regions of the world. The study is preceded by a short historiographical review of the latest literature on the topic. The conducted multilevel analysis of the consequences of the NATO aggression in 1999 gives an opportunity to formulate fundamentally new conceptual foreign policy approaches of modern Russia foreign policy.

The Scorzoneretalia villosae (= Scorzonero-Chrysopogonetalia) order was originally defined to describe the sub-Mediterranean grasslands of western Croatia, but its distribution range has since been extended to Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Italy, Kosovo, Montenegro, Slovenia and Serbia. Major syntaxonomic revisions of the order have been performed at the regional or national scale and show inconsistencies both for the syntaxonomic schemes and relative diagnostic taxa. This situation presents some difficulties in comparing or transferring findings between regions or when using syntaxonomic information for practical purposes. To tackle these inconsistencies, nearly nine hundred relevés already assigned to the Scorzoneretalia villosae were classified with the goal of establishing syntaxonomic relationships among associations. Diagnostic taxa of the main clusters of relevés were identified via Indicator Species Analysis (ISA). Results of statistical analyses were then interpreted from a syntaxonomic standpoint. Associations were ordinated (non-metric multidimensional scaling) on the basis of taxa frequencies in order to visualise their floristic and chorological relationships. Based on the results, associations were grouped within four alliances: Scorzonerion villosae, Chrysopogono-Saturejion subspicatae, Saturejion subspicatae and Centaureion dichroanthae were assigned to two new suborders, the meso-xerophytic Scorzonerenalia villosae and the xerophytic Koelerienalia splendentis, classified within the Scorzoneretalia villosae of the Festuco-Brometea. The order covers the western part of the Balkan Peninsula and, in the northern part of its range, the southeastern portion of the pre-Alpine sectors. Floristic similarities between the Scorzonerenalia villosae and other eastern meso-xerophytic syntaxa of the class have been highlighted. I review the nomenclature for the order, describing or validating two suborders and four associations for the first time, and lectotypifying three syntaxa.

Starting from the indisputable fact that security is the primary interest and a key prerequisite for the development of contemporary societies, understanding and assessing current and future trends in the near and distant environment and their impacts on the security of the Republic of Serbia are particularly important in defining a framework of its conceptual and strategic preparedness to protect vital national interests. There are many factors that are influencing and will continue to influence in a long-term the security of the Republic of Serbia and its environment. The stronger contours of multipolar international order and the emergence of new global participants in world politics, the crisis of the idea of global society and return of realpolitik patterns in international politics, proximity of energy - rich but unstable Arab - Persian and the Caspian basin, conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, serious identity crisis and threat to internal cohesion of the European Union, as well as the migrant crisis, certainly represent major factors that will affect the political and security processes in the near and distant environment of the Republic of Serbia. Projection of security trends and challenges that accompany the process of socialization of the Balkans, as an area which is still, in terms of security, the most sensitive part of the European continent, will have a strong reflection on the definition of long - term commitments of the Republic of Serbia. Problems in Kosovo, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as potentially the most explosive issues of the Balkan security, as well as the complexity of socio?economic and political context of the societies in the Balkans, especially their unabated ethnic and religious standoff, complicate the process of converting the Balkans from the conflicting area to the area of lasting peace. Also, monitoring of trends in perception and practice of security, especially regarding the waging of contemporary armed conflicts and the revolution in military affairs, as well as their long?term projection are of great importance in defining the strategic framework of security of the Republic of Serbia, primarily the instruments to protect its security.

Статья посвящена традиционной женской одежде арбрешей Сицилии, в частности этнической группы, проживающей в Пьяна-дельи-Альбанези. Арбреши – это выходцы с территории Балканского полуострова, мигрировавшие в итальянские земли в XV–XVIII вв. Традиционная одежда Пьяна-дельи-Альбанези рассмотрена как целостное этнокультурное явление, веками создаваемое и продолжающее жить в современном социокультурном пространстве. Автор прослеживает изменение женского костюма и выявляет специфику функционирования его отдельных элементов. Проведенное исследование позволяет заключить, что для традиционной одежды арбрешей характерны относительная устойчивость основных моделей женского платья, вариативность отдельных элементов внутри комплексов, заимствование предметов одежды в результате длительного межкультурного взаимодействия с представителями доминантной культуры, а также сильное влияние европейской моды на окончательное формирование внешнего облика костюма. Арбреши считают себя хранителями и продолжателями собственных традиций, поэтому стараются создать и законсервировать определенный тип костюма, который, несмотря на включённость заимствованных элементов, воспринимается носителями и транслируется в мировое культурное сообщество как национальный. Исследовательскую базу работы составили искусствоведческие и этнографические исследования, а также собственные полевые материалы автора, собранные в ходе полевых работ, проводившихся на Сицилии в Пьяна-дельи-Альбанези и Палермо (2016–2017 гг.), в Косово (2015 г.) и южной Албании (2014–2015 гг.). The article is devoted to the traditional women's clothing of the Arbresh diaspora in Piana degli Albanesi in Sicilia. The Arbresh are immigrants from the Balkan Peninsula who migrated to Italian lands in the 15th century. The traditional clothes of Piana degli Albanesei are considered as an integral ethnocultural phenomenon that has been being created for centuries and continues to exist in the modern sociocultural space. The author traces the change in women's costume and reveals the specifics of its individual elements functioning. The Arbresh consider themselves to be keepers and successors of their own traditions, so they try to create and preserve a certain type of costume, which, despite the borrowed elements, is perceived and transmitted to the world community as an ethnic one. The research base of the work was made up of ethnographic and art studies, as well as the author's own field materials collected during fieldwork in Sicily in Piana degli Albanesi and Palermo (2016-2017), in Kosovo (2015) and southern Albania (2014–2015).

While the first two chapters of Doucas's historical work present a meagre outline of world history - a sketch which becomes a little more detailed from 1261 on, when the narration reaches the history of the Turks and their conquests in Asia Minor - the third chapter deals with the well-known battle of Kosovo, which took place in 1389. From that point on, the Byzantine historian gives much important information on Serbia, as well as on the Ottoman advances in the Balkans, and thus embarks upon his central theme - the rise of the Turks and the decline of Byzantium. Doucas considers the battle of Kosovo a key event in the subjugation of the Balkan peoples by the Turks, and he shows that after the battle of Kosovo the Serbs were the first to suffer that fate. At the beginning, Doucas says that after the death of Orhan, the ruler (o archgos) of the Turks, his son and successor Murad conquered the Thracian towns, Adrianople and the whole Thessaly, so that he mastered almost all the lands of the Byzantines, and finally reached the Triballi (Triballous). He devastated many of their towns and villages sending the enslaved population beyond Chersonesus, until Lazar, son of King Stefan of Serbia (Serbias), who ruled (kraley?n) in Serbia at that time decided to oppose him with all the might he could muster. The Serbs were often called Triballi by Byzantine authors. For the fourteenth century writers Pachymeres, Gregoras, Metochites and Kantakouzenos the Serbs were Triballi. However, Pachymeres and Gregoras refer to the rulers of the Triballi as the rulers of Serbia. Fifteenth century writers, primarily Chalcondyles and Critobulos, use only that name. It seems, nevertheless, that Doucas makes a distinction between the Triballi and the Serbs. As it is known, the conquest of the Serbian lands by the Turks began after the battle on the river Marica in 1371. By 1387. the Turks had mastered Serres(1388) Bitola and Stip (1385), Sofia (1385), Nis (1386) and several other towns. Thus parts of Macedonia, Bulgaria and even of Serbia proper were reduced by the Turks by 1387. For Doucas, however, this is the territory inhabited by the Triballi. After the exposition of the events on Kosovo, Doucas inserts an account of the dispute of John Kantakouzenos and the regency on behalf of John V, which had taken place, as it is known, long before 1389. At the beginning of his description of the civil war, Doucas says that by dividing the empire Kantakouzenos made it possible for the Turks to devastate not only all the lands under Roman rule, but also the territories of the Triballi Moesians and Albanians and other western peoples. The author goes on to narrate that Kantakouzenos established friendly relations with the king Stefan Du{an, and reached an agreement with him concerning the fortresses towns and provinces of the unlucky Empire of the Romaioi, so that, instead of giving them over to the Roman lords, he surrendered them to barbarians, the Triballi and the Serbs (Triballoys te kai Serbous). When he speaks later how the Tatars treated the captives after the battle of Angora in 1402, Doucas points out that the Divine Law, honored from times immemorial not only among the Romaioi, but also among the Persians, the Triballi and the Scythians (as he calls Timur's Tatars), permitted only plunder, not the taking of captives or any executions outside the battlefield when the enemy belonged to the same faith. Finally, when he speaks of the conflict between Murad II and Juneid in Asia Minor, Doucas mentions a certain Kelpaxis, a man belonging to the people of the Triballi, who took over from Juneid the rule over Ephesus and Ionia. It seems, therefore, that Doucas, when he speaks of the land of the Triballi he has in mind a broad ethnical territory in the Balkans, which was obviously not settled by the Serbs only or even by the Slavs only. According to him Kelpaxis (Kelpaz?sis) also belonged to the Triballi, although the name can hardly be of Slavonic, i.e. Serbian origin. On the other hand, he is definitely aware of Serbia, a state which had left substantial traces in the works of Byzantine authors, particularly from the time when it usurped (according to the Byzantine view) the Empire. Writing a whole century after Dusan's coronation as emperor, Doucas is not willing, as we shall see later to recognize this usurpation. Although he ascribes to Serbia, in conformity with the Byzantine conception of tazis, a different rank, he considers Serbia and the Serbs, as they are generally called in his work (particularly when he describes the events after the Battle of Kosovo) an important factor in the struggle against the Turks. Therefore he makes a fairly accurate distinction between the Serbs and the other Triballi. In his case, the term may in fact serve as a geographical designation for the territory settled by many peoples, including the Serbs. When he uses specific titles and when he speaks of the degrees of authority conveyed by them in individual territories Doucas is anxious to prove himself a worthy scion of the Romaioi, who considered that they had the exclusive right to the primacy in the Christian hierarchy with the Roman emperor at its top. He makes distinctions of rank between individual rulers. The Emperor in Constantinople is for him the only emperor of the Romans (basileys t?n R?mai?n). King Sigismund of Hungary is also styled emperor, but as basileys t?n R?man?n, meaning Latin Christians. The last Byzantine emperor Constantine XI Dragas Palaleologus is not recognized as an emperor, and the author calls his rule a despotic rule (despoteia). He has a similar view of the Serbs. Thus he says, erroneously that Lazar was the son of King Stefan of Serbia (yios Stefanoy toy kral? Serbias) and that he ruled Serbia at that time (o tote t?n Serbian kraley?n). Elsewhere, Doucas explains his attitude and says that o t?n Serb?n archgos etolm?sen anadusasthai kratos kai kral?s onomazesthai. Toyto gar to barbaron onoma exell?nizomenon basileys erm?neyetai. Lazar exercises royal power (kraley?n) in Serbia, which is appropriate, for the author thinks erroneously that Lazar was the son and successor of King Stefan Du{an. It is significant that he derives the werb kraley? from the Serbian title 'kralj', i.e. from the title which never existed in the Byzantine Empire. Moreover, there is no mention of this werb in any other Byzantine text. When he narrates how Serbia fell under the Turkish rule in 1439, Doucas says that Despot Djuradj Brankovic seeing his ravaged despotate (despoteian), went to the King of Hungary hoping to get aid from him. There can be no doubt that the term despoteia here refers to the territory ruled by Despot Djuradj Brankovic. Doucas correctly styles the Serbian rulers after 1402 as despots. The space he devotes to Serbia in his work, as well as the manner in which he speaks of it, seems to indicate, however, that he regarded it, together with Hungary as a obstacle of the further Turkish conquests in the Balkans. Doucas's text indicates that Serbia, though incomparably weaker than in the time of Dusan's mighty empire, was in fact the only remaining more or less integral state in the Peninsula. The riches of Serbia and, consequently, of its despots, is stressed in a number of passages. Almost at the very beginning Doucas says that Bayezid seized 'a sufficient quantity of silver talents from the mines of Serbia' after the Battle of Kosovo. When Murad II conducted negotiations with Despot Djuradj for his marriage with the Despot's daughter Mara, Doucas writes, no one could guess how many 'gold and silver talents' he took. Doucas also says that the Despot began to build the Smederevo fortress with Murad's permission. The building of a fortress has never been an easy undertaking and if we bear in mind that Despot Djuradj built the part of the Smederevo fortress called 'Mali Grad' (Small fortress) in two years only, we realize that his economic power was really considerable. When Fadulah, the counselor of Murad II, sought to persuade his lord to occupy Serbia, he stressed the good position of the country, particularly of Smederevo, and the country's abundant sources of silver and gold, which would enable Murad not only to conquer Hungary, but also to advance as far as Italy. After Mehmed II captured Constantinople, the Serbs undertook to pay an annual tribute of 12.000 gold coins, more than the despots of Mistra, the lords of Chios Mitylene or the Emperor of Trebizond. Already in 1454 the Despot's men brought the tribute to Mehmed II and also ransomed their captives. Critobulos's superb description of Serbia is the best testimony that this was not only Doucas's impression: 'Its greatest advantage, in which it surpasses the other countries, is that it produces gold and silver? They are mined everywhere in that region, which has rich veins of both gold and silver, more abundant than those of India. The country of the Triballi was indeed fortunate in this respect from the very beginning and it was proud of its riches and its might. It was a kingdom with numerous flourishing towns and strong and impregnable fortresses. It was also rich in soldiers and armies as well as in good equipment. It had citizens of the noblest rank and it brought up many youths who had the strength of adult men. It was admired and famous, but it was also envied, so that is was not only loved of many, but also disliked by many people who sought to harm It'. It is no wonder that George Sphrantzes once complains that Christians failed to send aid to Constantinople and that he singles out for particular blame that 'miserable despot, who did not realize that once the head is removed, the limbs, too disappear'. It may be said, therefore, that Doucas regarded Serbia as one of the few remaining allies of at least some ability to stem the Turkish advances, and that this opinion was primarily based on its economic resources. Serbia was clearly distinguished as a state structure, as opposed to most of the remaining parts of the Peninsula, inhabited by peoples which Doucas does not seem to differentiate precisely. According to him, the authority over a particular territory issued from the ruler's title, the title of despot, which was first in importance after the imperial title, also determined the rank of Serbia in the Byzantine theory of hierarchy of states. Doucas's testimony also shows that this theory not only endured until the collapse of the Empire, but that it also persisted even in the consciousness of the people who survived its fall.

The Balkans in general and post-Yugoslav countries in particular have been under significant geopolitical pressure of the political West since the end of the bipolar global order. From the beginning of the Yugoslav Civil War in 1991, followed by Western recognition of secessionist republics in 1992 and NATO attacks on Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1994-1995 and on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, the US, NATO and EU have been actively involved in the Balkan crisis. It was in concordance with the logic of unipolarity, or the New World Order, proclaimed by George W.H. Bush, in which there is “no substitute for American leadership”.The year of 2008 marked the start of profound changes. The changes we are witnessing today are of the magnitude described by Paul Kennedy’s classic The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. Georgia’s attack on South Ossetia crossed Russia’s red lines and exposed the latter’s ambitions to regain the superpower status; China symbolically showed the same ambition with the Olympics in Beijing; the crash of the US real-estate market triggered the global economic crisis; and the NATO-sponsored unilateral declaration of secession by Kosovo Albanians set a precedent and introduced uncertainty in international law and the entire system of United Nations. By the beginning of 2020, many problems had accumulated in the EU – against the background of the ongoing migration crisis, right-wing and nationalist movements became more active, and differences between members increased. Long before COVID-19, Brexit became a serious stress test for the economy and social structure of the European Union. Dramatic changes took place on the other side of the Atlantic too, resulting in the shocking victory of staunch anti-globalist Donald Trump. The rules established during the 1991-2008 unipolarity have thus been challenged. Subsequently, post-Cold War ideological consensus in the West has also been challenged even further by the growth of non-systemic political movements – many of them directed not only against the EU expansion, but also against the EU itself.The significance of all these events for the Balkans is somewhat surprising and paradoxical, as the mainstream forces that have been weakened in the West forcefully push for a stronger Atlantic integration of the remaining Balkan countries. At the height of the pandemic, on 27 March 2020 Northern Macedonia became the 30th member of the Alliance, having previously undergone a humiliating procedure of changing its own name for this purpose. Three years earlier, Montenegro was admitted to NATO, but its population did not have the opportunity to vote on this in a referendum. The negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina on ‘normalisation of relations’, continued pressures on the prerogatives of Republic Srpska, Croatian initiative for a new Intermarium and many other similar efforts are stages in the process of NATOisation of former Yugoslavia. Based on the analysis of a large body of narrative sources and recent literature, the article presents the main trends and possible prospects for developments in the Balkans, depending on the outcome of the ongoing ideological and political struggle within the West.

Recognition of regional features, outlining of the contours of regions, tendency to regionalize ethnic, economic, cultural and state-administrative space, and strengthening the ideology of regionalism in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, that is Serbia and Montenegro, appear as a practical and political but also as a theoretical problem which includes and combines several scientific disciplines. The phenomenon of regionalism is not contradictory although it is primarily expressed through the numerous conflicts of interests rivalry and antagonisms of political subjects. The problematic side of the phenomenon of regionalism includes the result of an extremely negative and existentially tragic experience of the several years-long disintegration of the complex Yugoslav state. During the partition and disintegration of the second Yugoslavia, there also happened the disintegration of the Serbian ethnic area Growth, support and instigation of regional tendencies occurred in the historical circumstances of secession and did not stop in the post-secession period. Particularization and segmentation of political area, as well as the disintegration of the former state, did not occur in accordance with the norms of internal and international law. Legality was late and was achieved within the transformation of power reflected in the changed territorial policy of the dominant alliance of great powers. The entire past decade was characterized by an extraordinary metamorphosis of political space. Secession trend had the territorial features which included the change of borders and had been long in the focus of the global geopolitical attention. Territories were divided and made smaller. Intensive territorial dynamics within the external silhouette of the de-stated SFR of Yugoslavia resulted in the creation of several state and quasi-state political formations. Former republics became semi-sovereign states. Dispersed and displaced Serbian ethnos was configured in the three territories: in the Republic of Serbia - from which Kosovo and Metohia were amputated and placed under the UN protectorate - in the entire Republic of Montenegro and in the Republic Srpska, located in one part of the former Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demopolitical result of the geopolitical destruction of the Serbian ethnos was a great movement of the Serbian population from the west to the east, and its concentration in the territory of the Republic of Serbia this implied that the Serbs were expelled from their millennia-long abodes in Croatia, parts of Bosnia and from Kosmet. The geo-economic result of the same process was the devastation of the national economic strength west of the Drina and in the southern province. Economic regression occurred also in the national parent-land state. Balkan re-arrangement of the spheres of interest in the post-bipolar period was in 1995. fixed by the interest arrangement of the great powers known under the name Dayton Peace Agreement. Redistribution of the territories from the destroyed state occurred in the post-communist period with the expansion of west-civilization structures to the European east Westernization of the eastern part of Europe, or entire Europe as the other pole of the global West, could be characterized as a dual mega-regionality. Namely, the west is composed of Europe and America; on the other side, there is the global East or its hybrid variation Eurasia. With the disappearance of their common state and its framework, south Slavs found themselves in the seemingly independent, and actually client states. Western delimitation of the south Slavic area moved from the Yugoslav borders towards a wider Balkan demarcation. One could say that the revitalized notion of the Balkans became a new, in many aspects obligatory framework for regional thinking. The Balkan macroregion is further determined by the intentions to expand the European Union. One of the Euro-centric concepts, which is being experimentally employed precisely in the Balkans, is the establishment of the so-called Europe of regions in the peripheral areas. On the other hand, even though the process of the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation appears to be irreversible, the superordinate Euro-American factor does not give up the possibility of the mezzo-regional initiatives, cooperations, associations and integrations. This "middle" level of dealing with the specificities of the Yugoslav region is related to the states and nations from the former Yugoslavia, or the so-called West Balkans. Naturally, it is not the tendency to revive the silhouette of the previous state, but certainly there is a noticeable intention to achieve a regional linking of the related, now semi-sovereign territories which sometimes belonged to the same state framework. The fourth level deals with microregionalism, that is the relation between the different areas in the newly-created states. It is interesting that the regionalist discourse is mostly cherished exactly in the ethno-heterogeneous Serbian area, although other Yugoslav states also have or had regional tradition and mixed population, like, for example, Slovenia and Croatia Nevertheless, these former Yugo-republics are structured as mono-national states, so the regional policy and ideology of regionalism are still not in the first plane. Regionalism within the newly-formed states could be supplemented with the micron level implying specific sub-regionalism of the highest degree, within the larger regions in the same state. This could be illustrated with Backa, Banat and Srem inside Vojvodina, understood as the northern Serbian region, or Kosovo and Metohia in the south of Serbia, in the province with the same name. In the part of Serbia outside the provinces, similar things could be said for Belgrade with its surroundings, Macva, Podrinje, Sumadija, Raska District etc. Thus, when it comes to the present FR of Yugoslavia, all five levels of regional dynamics have a principled, but insufficiently studied significance. Mega-regional level is related to the mark denoting the global belonging to the West. Macroregional level deals with the European loyalty, that is inclusion of the FR of Yugoslavia into the continental European trends. This trans-continental and continental direction of inclusion implies a historical teleology of the relative eastern belonging to the absolute West, that is Euro-America, and the entrance into the full structure of the European Union. All the mentioned problems of recognition and characterization of the regional phenomenology in the political topography of the world are motivated by the tendency to achieve as clear as possible spatial-temporal national and state orientation The direction is related to the so-called safety dilemma of the nation and the country faced with the change of size and essence of one's own state, with the different geopolitical position and redefined foreign-policy priorities. It is also the case of the changed alliance policy, and the innovated strategy of integration into the old and new global and regional political structures. On the basis of the indicated components of geopolitical context, one could say that the phenomenon of regions and their cognate correlates {regionally regionalization and regionalism) should not be understood exclusively through the legal categories of international law and the so-called constitutional solutions, that is administrative division of the state territory. Actually in the analysis of regions and regionalism in Serbia and the FR of Yugoslavia it is necessary first to discuss the pre-normative or meta-le-gal factors in the creation of the regional issue within the national and state issue, which have the form of the unsolved political problem. Meta-legality is located within the domain of the international relations and geopolitic. Meta-legal or pre-normative factors of the formation or recognition of regions and regionalisms deal with the possibility of the political constitution of the Serbian, that is Serbian / Montenegrin (still Yugoslav) society. Since the unique state area was destroyed in the four-year secession wars and there occurred significant demopolitical changes, war migrations, forceful displacements and expulsion of the population - the ethnic character of many areas was also drastically changed. At the same time, the post-secession existence of the FR of Yugoslavia could be also viewed through the optics of the state residuum. The remaining Serbia or Serbia (temporarily) without Kosovo is certainly not an equivalent for the Serbian ethnic space, nor for the entire Serbian lands. It is not even the FR of Yugoslavia, as a dual con federation of the Serbian / Montenegrin nation. Geopolitical reduction of the SFR of Yugoslavia to a residual creation of the FR of Yugoslavia was not deduced from the legality sui generis, but resulted from a conflict, the defeat of integralism and the victory of separatism, as well as from a new triumphal configuration of power. The impulse implying the statism of the collective rights from the former complex federal necessarily-multinational level was transferred to a lower mononational level. Therefore, the regionalist ideology in the post-secession reality of the residual state almost inevitably, as a tendency, nears the separatory particularism. Even the lost national state and the state entirety are openly denied within the requests for the territorization of the collective rights of various minorities. Naturally these requests do not carry the primary features of the development of democracy. On the contrary, in the majority of cases this implies the rise of parish and tribal consciousness prone to narrow-minded separation. Thus the post-secession requests for the regionalization are often just a slight rhetorical mask for real separatism. For example, they are expressed through the pseudo-national separation of Vojvodina from Serbia, as well as Montenegro from Serbia, or through the establishment of state-like entities in the territorial tissue of Serbia Alleged arguments are found in the unfinished disintegration of the SFR of Yugoslavia on the one hand, and in the prevention of the creation of the so-called Greater Serbia, even within the diminished Serbia That way, even in the post-secession, reduced Serbia one could easily recognize the tendencies of federalization and confederalization, even the amputation of its remaining state space. Additional arguments for the crawling secession and prolonged territorial destruction are found in the ideology of globalization and world trends of relativizing territorial integrity and state sovereignty. On the other hand, the idea about the principled insignificance of borders in Europe without borders, as well as Europe of regions, is emphasized. Thus, it is obvious that the new state and regional delimitations and demarcations are in contradiction with the vision of the trans-statal and trans-national integrity of the European continent. In Serbia itself, me problem of the restructuring of regions is determined by the inherited and unchanged triple division of its territory into the central part and two autonomous provinces in the north and south. Thus every idea for regionalization (expert, party, leader's, NGO and the like) faces the inherited, too narrow constitutional framework and easily slides to the federalization or confederalization of the Republic, and in extreme cases to the independence and sovereignty of ethnic, religious, linguistic and other minorities. Roughly put, the tendencies for territorial separation from the Republic of Serbia still exist in several neuralgic and unstable areas or regions. In Vojvodina, the presented tendencies have the character of a meaningless internal - Serbian autonomy, autonomism, latent separatism. Authentic Serbian autonomy lost its original character long ago and deteriorated into an internal national re-statism. On the other hand, in the furthest south of Serbia, in Kosmet, the UN protectorate is established, but the region is actually occupied and thus the status of the Province is "frozen". In the three municipalities in the south of Serbia, with the relative Albanian majority, Albanian separatism smolders within the platform of the so-called east Kosovo. In the Raska region (Sandzak) there are also strong tendencies for separateness on the religious-ecclesiastical, so-called Bosniac platform, with religious solidarity, and ethnic and territorial unity of all Bosniacs. In the meta-legal or pre-normative situation - which most often denotes political and geopolitical context implying interests, power and force - the inclinations for territorial design are faced with the conflicting ideology of regionalism. Therefore, the constitutional-legal solutions of the former, present and future regions, generated within the self-created legality which does not respect meta-legal, political and geopolitical impulses regardless of how aestheticized and "humanized" they may be - at the end face the practical impossibility of realization.

The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.

The knowledge about distribution, ecology and species composition of caddisflies of the Balkan Peninsula is still not complete. The ongoing investigations of the last years highlight this area as an important hotspot of caddisfly diversity. Polycentropus ierapetra slovenica has been considered a narrow range endemic of Slovenia and surrounding areas. Rhyacophila aurata, a species known from many parts of Europe, according to the current knowledge, is absent from a large part of the Balkan Peninsula. In this paper, we present records of these two rare taxa of Trichoptera from the Republic of Kosovo with exact distribution data, based on sampling carried out randomly during 2014 and 2017. Polycentropus ierapetra slovenica was found in several streams in Bjeshkët e Nemuna Mountains and Karadak Mountains. Rhyacophila aurata was found during this investigation at a single locality in Bjeshkët e Nemuna Mountains. The unexpected finding of these two taxa in Kosovo greatly enlarges their known distribution area and makes a contribution towards the better knowledge of distributional patterns of these rare taxa of caddisflies in this part of Europe.

The Western Balkans are an important hotspot of caddisfly diversity in Europe, with several microscale endemics, many of which were discovered during the recent years. The genus Potamophylax Wallengren, 1891 likely originated and diversified in Europe, with the Balkan Peninsula being one of the most important diversity hotspots. In this paper, we describe the new species Potamophylax coronavirus sp. n. from Bjeshkët e Nemuna National Park in the Republic of Kosovo. The new species belongs to the Potamophylax winneguthi species group and is morphologically most similar to Potamophylax juliani Kumanski, 1999, currently known only from Bulgaria and Potamophylax winneguthi Klapalek, 1902, known from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia. The male of the new species differs from its most similar congeners mainly in exhibiting: (1) elongated subrectangular superior appendages in lateral view; (2) hardly acuminate, almost rounded apex of intermediate appendages; (3) differently shaped, irregular and higher inferior appendages; (4) narrow spinate area, roughly rectangular in dorsal view, slightly wider at the base and (5) different paramere shape and/or spine pattern. The new species also differs by its considerably smaller size and association with open, high altitude eucrenal zones. The uncorrected interspecific pairwise distance between P. coronavirus and other species of the P. winneguthi species group is on par with those amongst other recognised species in the group, as well as with the yet ambiguously identified taxa from the Sharr, Rila and Bajgorë Mountains. The new species is most probably a microendemic of Bjeshkët e Nemuna, thus highlighting further this area as an important hotspot of caddisfly biodiversity in Europe.

During the bombing campaign of the then Federal Republic of Yugoslavia there was a significant deterioration of environmental quality, especially in Kosovo: causing significant disturbance to the health of the population, disturbance of the natural balance of the environment, polluting land, air, water and underground water courses, damaging flora and fauna, degrading the natural ecosystems and biodiversity in general, etc. It is certain that the consequences of the bombing with DU will be long and that they caused significant threats to the environment not only on local but also on regional and global levels.The use of DU ammunition can be considered ecological disaster, with long-lasting and unpredictable consequences for the population and the environment. When it comes to our living space, it is certain that the environmental rehabilitation today is a challenge of a wider Balkan region and if the problem is not quickly fixed the whole area will become hazardous for living.