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1
Kudryavtseva, Anastasia A. "The Balkan Peninsula in 1912-1913 and the Aggravation of the Situation on the Eve of the First World War." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 3 (219) (September 25, 2023): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-3-92-96.
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The key issues of increasing international tension on the Balkan Peninsula before the First World War are considered. The subject of the study is the Balkan Peninsula, located at the crossroads of civilizations, which has been the sphere of geopolitical interests of various coalitions for thousands of years. The Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 are presented as a pivotal moment in the history of the peninsula in the 20th century. First of all, the process of national liberation of the territories of the Balkans from Ottoman rule, as well as the process of military actions aimed at gaining independence, is considered. The article analyzes the importance played by the countries of the Balkan peninsula during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, and also shows the actions of these countries to form the moods they need to achieve the greatest territorial gains. At the same time, the role of the great powers, primarily Russia, in the process of the Balkan conflicts is analyzed. The chronicle of the foreign policy events of the early 20th century related to Russia's participation in the solution of the Balkan issue is researched. On the basis of publications of that time, the existing image of Bulgaria and Serbia is reconstructed, an attempt is made to restore the real picture of the life of these states on the eve of the First World War and its features, to understand the peculiarity of Westernization “in the Balkan way”. The complex of the two Balkan wars of 1912-1913 is considered primarily as a basis for the development of the future conflictogenicity of the region, which led to the First World War.
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Jagodić, Miloš. "Roads and Railway Lines in Serbia after the Balkan Wars." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i1.p175-184.
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This paper deals with Kingdom of Serbia’s plans on roads and railways construction in the regions annexed 1913, after the Balkan Wars. Plans are presented in detail, as well as achievements until 1915, when the country was occupied by enemy forces in the World War One. It is shown that plans for future roads and railways network were made according to the changed geopolitical conditions in the Balkan Peninsula, created as the consequence of the Balkan Wars 1912-1913. The paper draws mainly on unpublished archival sources of Serbian origin.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.
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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.
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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Gorodnia, Nataliia. "Coverage of International Situation in June-July 1914 by the «Kiyevlianin» Newspaper." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.5.
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The paper studies the ways in which international situation in June-July 1914 was covered by «Kiyevlianin», a daily influential newspaper published in Kyiv, then Russian Empire. This research focuses on the main international themes covered by the «Kiyevlianin» newspaper after assassination of Habsburg hair Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and until the Austro-Hungarian Note to Serbia was reported. The major focus of the study is international situation in the Balkans, especially the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and Russian Empire’s Balkan policy. The author considers those days’ newspapers a valuable source for a historical research as they provided information while the events were ongoing, and their direction and outcomes were not known yet. The understanding of those days’ events by contemporaries may differ from later academic interpretations. For this reason, the study of these newspapers deepens our understanding of international situation before the Great War. The research has revealed that the Austro-Serbian conflict was only one of the numerous conflicts in the Balkans. The international situation on the peninsula dramatically changed after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913 in favor of Serbia, and the potential of further conflicts essentially increased. The reporters understood that any minor changes in the situation could trigger a new Balkan war. The major driving forces behind the Austro-Serbian conflict were “Great Serbian” idea, Serbia’s positioning as the “Piedmont” of Southern Slavs (at the expense of Austro-Hungary), and Russia’s Balkan policy. The latter was represented by the Russian envoy to Belgrade Nikolay Gartvig. According to him, backing of Serbia was caused by Russia’s geopolitical interests of anti-Austrian character. Russia’s backing in July 1914 prompted the Serbian regent Alexander not to comply with the Austro-Hungarian Note and to escalate the conflict. Thus, Russia’s pro-Serbian and anti-Austrian policy was the major factor which caused the war.
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Anđelković, Miša. "Fallen fighters from the villages of Činiglavci, Obrenovac, Srećkovac, Planinica and Milojkovac and their memorials." Pirotski zbornik, no. 47 (2022): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pirotzbor2247083a.
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The whirlwind of war from the beginning and end of the 20th century on the Balkan Peninsula also affected the villages on the outskirts of the Pirot municipality. Conscripted soldiers, volunteers and mobilized population of the villages of Činiglavac, Obrenovac, Srećkovac, Planinica and Milojkovac took part in the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, the First and Second World War, as well as in the wars of 1991-1999, and some of them died. Civilian population suffered, too. Today monuments dedicated to fallen soldiers, memorial plaques, memorial boards as well as tombstones evidence all those events. This work aims to emphasize the importance of the memorials but also to point out the differences in the spelling of the names, surnames and middle letters of the fallen fighters, as well as the place and the year of their death. In addition to the sources from the archives and literature, the author used private collection of documents, statements of the fallen fighters descendants as well as the data from the memorials and tombstones of the fallen fighters.
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Videnovic, Milan. "The outbreak of the First Balkan War and the Italo-Turkish peace negotiations in Lausanne in 1912." Balcanica, no. 54 (2023): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2354103v.
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Analyzing published and unpublished sources, the paper aims to determine to what extent the crisis in the Balkan Peninsula influenced the dynamics and stages of the negotiations in Lausanne between the Italian and Turkish delegations to end the Italo-Turkish War. The analysis spans from mid-July to the signing of the First Treaty of Lausanne (Treaty of Ouchy) and the entry of Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece in the war against Turkey on 18 October 1912. Italy tried to end its conflict with Turkey and prevent the Balkan countries in their aspiration to disrupt the status quo in the Balkan Peninsula. Italian diplomacy used the friction between the Balkan countries and Turkey to conclude as favorable a treaty as possible, directly pressuring the Turkish delegation at Ouchy and using the great powers? pressure on Turkey. The practical results of signing the Treaty of Lausanne were the establishment of direct Italian rule in Libya and retaining temporary control of the Aegean islands.
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Iskenderov, Petr. "Balkan Wars 1912–1913 and new regional challenges." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2024, no. 2 (February 1, 2024): 04–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202402statyi15.
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The article is devoted to the situation in the Balkan Peninsula after the Balkan Wars 1912-1913. The author pays particular attention to the Serbo-Albanian contradictions. The article is based on unpublished archive documents.
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Erol, Baykal. "Istanbul During the Balkan Wars (1912–1913)." Turkish Historical Review 5, no. 2 (October 7, 2014): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00501002.
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During the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) Istanbul suddenly found itself at the frontline of an unexpectedly disastrous conflict with its Balkan neighbours. One direct consequence of these wars, through troop mobilisation and refugee movement, was a major outbreak of cholera in the Ottoman capital. While entrepreneurs tried to turn this calamity into profit, by selling (useless) medication, the government tried to control the flow of information regarding the disease in order to better combat the epidemic and both parties used the press to achieve their goals. Despite the chaos of the war and the size of the outbreak, the acted efficiently and successfully prevented a potential disaster.
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Bregu, Edit, and Irvin Faniko. "The War of Shkodra in the Framework of the Balkan Wars, 1912-1913." Journal of Educational and Social Research 11, no. 1 (January 17, 2021): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2021-0013.
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Before starting the First Balkan War, the Great Powers were not prepared for a quick victory of the young Balkan allies against an old empire, as it was until 1912 the Great Ottoman Empire. At the Ambassadors Conference in London, Austro-Hungary argued that the involvement of Shkodra City was essential to the economy of the new Albanian state. Meanwhile Russia did not open the way for solving the Shkodra problem, Russian diplomats thought how to satisfy Serbia's ambitions in Northeast Albania, respectively in Kosovo Beyond those considerations of a political character, on 8 October 1912, was the youngest member of the Balkan Alliance, the Shkodra northern neighbor, Montenegro, that rushed to launch military actions, thus opening the first campaign of the First Balkan War. The Montenegrin military assault, as its main strategic objective in this war, was precisely the occupation and annexation of the historic city of Shkodra, a city with a big economic and cultural importance for the Albanian people and territory.
Received: 7 September 2020 / Accepted: 13 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021
11
Kotov, Boris S. "“Germany and the Balkan Feud”: The Russian Press Assessment of German Policy During the Two Balkan Wars of 1912–1913." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (July 19, 2024): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030094.
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By analysing leading Russian newspapers on the eve of the Great War, the author illustrates the perception of German policy by Russian public opinion during the two Balkan wars of 1912–1913. He concludes that during the ten months of the Balkan crisis, the attitude of the Russian press towards Germany underwent a significant transformation. In the first two months of the Balkan War (October and November 1912), when Berlin was not openly declaring its support for Austrian claims, one could find favourable comments on German policy in Russian newspapers. The attitude of the Russian press to Germany shifted in a negative direction under the influence of Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg’s speech in the Reichstag on 2 December 1912, when for the first time since the beginning of the Balkan War Berlin publicly declared its readiness to back its Austrian ally’s claims with arms in hand. Russian society experienced even greater disappointment in German politics after the start of the London Meeting of Ambassadors, at which the German representative supported the proposals of the Austrian side, and after a new speech by Bethmann-Hollweg in the German parliament on April 7, 1913, when the Reich Chancellor declared “racial opposites” between the Slavic and German peoples and laid full responsibility for maintaining a tense the situation in Europe affects the pan-Slavic circles of Russia. These two speeches by the head of the German government and Berlin’s support for Austrian claims at the London Conference were negatively perceived by the overwhelming majority of the Russian press. At the same time, the disagreements between Germany and Austria-Hungary that emerged during the Bucharest Peace Conference and immediately after it gave the Russian press reason to declare a serious crisis of the Triple Alliance. The article concludes that there was a significant increase in anti-German sentiment in Russia under the influence of German behavior during the Balkan crisis of 1912–1913. Thus, the two Balkan Wars became an important milestone not only in the history of international relations at the beginning of the 20th century, but also in the propaganda preparations for the First World War.
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Lyulchak, Alexander. "Imagining an imminent Victory: an imagological analysis of the Ottoman caricature of the beginning of the First Balkan War." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2022): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.4.36384.
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The article presents the results of the study of the images of the Ottoman caricature of the initial period of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) from the point of view of the efficiency and effectiveness of the work of the Ottoman military propaganda. Starting with the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878. The Ottoman Empire did not win a single war. In many ways, the reason for the defeats of the Ottoman Empire was its technological backwardness from other countries. By the time the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 began, propaganda had already been spread throughout Europe as a purposeful method of fighting against the enemy. Nevertheless, by the beginning of the 1910s, the Ottoman Empire also had propaganda tools and knew how to use them. Methodologically, the article is based on the tools of imagology, the essence of which is to study the nature, character, purpose and meaning of the image. This approach makes it possible to decode caricature images of Ottoman magazines in more detail. The author examines the issue of efficiency and effectiveness of Ottoman propaganda in coverage through the caricature prism of the initial period of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913). The results of the analysis of the cartoons show to what extent the Ottoman propaganda was able to use the mechanisms available to it to mobilize the masses within the country. Special attention is paid to the cartoons of the Balkan Wars from the magazines "Cem" ("Cem") and "Black-eyed" ("Karagöz"), one of the most popular publications of the early 1910s. They allow us to see how the Ottoman visual propaganda was used in the period before the First World War (1914-1918), which remains little studied in Western and Russian Ottoman studies.
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Erickson, Edward J., and Richard C. Hall. "The Balkan Wars, 1912-1913: Prelude to the First World War." Journal of Military History 65, no. 2 (April 2001): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677204.
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Volodko, Anna. "Russian Red Cross Society and the Balkan Wars 1912—1913: the Test Before the Storm." ISTORIYA 14, no. 5 (127) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840026726-7.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Russian Red Cross Society (RRCS) was one of the largest national organisations of the international Red Cross movement. In addition to helping victims of various disasters in Russia, medics from the RRCS helped victims of armed conflicts abroad. Following the Russo-Japanese War, serious shortcomings were identified in the Society's activities and major organisational reforms were undertaken to increase the scale and effectiveness of its work. The first humanitarian operation of RRCS outside Russia, after its reorganization, was the sending of numerous medical missions to the theatre of the First Balkan War on September 25, 1912 — 17 May 1913. During the Second Balkan War from 29 June to 29 July 1913, RRCS missions operated on both sides of the front. The increased efficiency of RRCS, the dedication and professionalism of Russian doctors allowed the Society's missions in the warring countries to successfully cope with their tasks, making up for the shortcomings of the local military-medical services to a great extent, providing aid to tens of thousands of the wounded and sick. The Balkan campaign made it possible to introduce post-reform organisational innovations on the eve of the First World War.
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Stamatović, Aleksandar. "Montenegrin–Bulgarian Relations before and during the First Balkan War." Transylvanian Review 32, no. 4 (February 19, 2024): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.4.08.
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This article discusses Montenegrin–Bulgarian relations before the First Balkan War, which Montenegro and Bulgaria, together with their allies Serbia and Greece, waged against Turkey. Montenegrin–Bulgarian relations improved from 1878 to 1912. These two states had no territorial conflicts, but both were conscious that war against Turkey would be essential if they were to liberate the Balkans from the Ottoman occupation that had lasted five centuries. There was also an emotional basis for this idea of a war. Both countries were Slavic, a feature also shared by Russia, the protector of the Balkan League. Russia wanted to expel the Ottoman state from the Balkans. The Balkan League of States under its patronage was against the thesis of the Central Powers. The way events turned out at the end of the First Balkan War, as well as the fact that Montenegro was ethnically closer to Serbia than to Bulgaria, led to Montenegro going to war against Bulgaria in 1913, although Montenegro had no particular benefit from that war.
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Svircevic, Miroslav. "The new territories of Serbia after the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 the establishment of the first local authorities." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344285s.
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In the Balkan Wars of 1912-13, the Kingdom of Serbia wrested Old Serbia and Macedonia from Ottoman rule. The process of instituting the constitutional order and local government institutions in the liberated and annexed areas was phased: (1) the building of provisional administration on the instructions of government inspectors and the head of the Military Police Department; (2) implementation of the Decree on the Organization of the Liberated Areas of 14 December 1912; and (3) implementation of the Decree on the Organization of the Liberated Areas of 21 August 1913. Finally, under a special royal decree issued in 1913, implementation began of some sections of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia. In late December 1913, the interior minister, Stojan M. Protic, submitted the bill on the Annexation of Old Serbia to the Kingdom of Serbia and its Administration to the Assembly along with the opinion of the State Council. The bill had, however, not been put to the vote by the time the First World War broke out, and the issue lost priority to the new wartime situation until the end of the war.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Wars and ways of deosmanization of the Balkans (1912-1923)." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 3 (May 28, 2020): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.3.7.
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The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).
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Gusev, Nikita. "Russian society and the Serbian-Austrian conflict of 1912–1913: Did the Russians want war." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2018): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2018.3-4.1.11.
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In the autumn of 1912, the first Balkan war began, in which Serbia sought access to the Adriatic sea. However, Belgrade's claims came across the tough position of Vienna, which advocated the creation of Albania, putting an end to Serbian plans. None of the parties was unwilling to concede, the Austro-Hungarian government passed to demonstratively threats. This article deals with the attitude of different strata of Russian society to the possibility of war in the defense of Serbia and analyzes the reasons for their positions. It is stated that the society became more and more ready for war, however not because of the protection of Serbia, but because of the preservation of a sense of dignity before the aggressive actions of Austria-Hungary.
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Gusev, N. S. "Pavel Milyukov’s Trip to the Balkans in the Winter of 1912–1913." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 1 (2022): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.104.
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This article reconstructs P. N. Milyukov’s trip to the Balkans between December 20, 1912 and January 20, 1913, on the route St Petersburg — Vienna — Belgrade — Sofia — Thessaloniki — Belgrade — Vienna —Prague — Berlin — St Petersburg, using archival and published sources. Not only the date, but also many details of the trip were different from what is described in the politician’s memoirs. He was welcomed at the highest level in the Balkans. He twice had conversations with Serbian heir to the throne Alexander and Prime Minister N. Pasic. The Bulgarian tsar Ferdinand honored him with a two-hour audience, and current and former prime ministers I. Geshov and A. Malinov shared information with him. On the way back to St Petersburg, Czech public figures K. Kramář and T. G. Masaryk spoke with him. In addition, Milyukov spoke with the Russian envoys in Belgrade and Sofia, with the Bulgarian and Serbian representatives in Greece, as well as a number of Bulgarian and Macedonian activists of the national movement. Milyukov became acquainted with details of the formation of the Balkan Union, which went to war against Turkey, and with the details of the Austro-Serbian conflict. Bulgarian and Serbian officials presented him with their views on the conflict between these countries and with Greece over the partition of Macedonia. Confidential information was also shared with him, as he used as a communication channel between the Balkan states and Russia, and was perceived as a representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry. Milyukov published some of his impressions and information in a series of articles in the newspaper Rech, but much remained recorded only in the travel notebook of the leader of the Cadets, but then it was used in the preparation of public speeches on the Balkan issue.
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Rubacha, Jarosław. "Polityka Turcji wobec narodów i państw bałkańskich na przełomie XIX i XX wieku." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.013.
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Turkey’s policy towards the Balkan nations and states at the turn of 19th and 20th centuryTurkey’s policy towards the Balkan peoples, since the attack on the Peninsula, was characterized by a desire to dominate and the total subordination of the local population. Therefore, immediately after the conquest, the Turkish authorities have pushed them to the margins of social life. Extensive system of benefits and duties, and thereafter the draconian taxes had ruined Balkan villages and towns, contributing to the decline of agricultural production and handicrafts. Any form of resistance were ruthlessly suppressed by the Turks, and the raging terror during the occupation had consumed hundreds of thousands of lives. Despite these actions the Ottomans were unable to break the spirit of resistance. Neither persecution nor attempt Islamisation of Balkan populations did not produce any effect, because one of the main reasons was attachment to the traditions and faith of their ancestors.When the Turkish state has slowed and European powers had began to intervene in the internal affairs of the state, Greeks, Serbs, Montenegros, Bulgarians, Romanians, also Albanians, began efforts to throw off foreign domination. These activities were indirectly ended by the Congress of Berlin in 1878, and the so-called final solution of the Turkish issues occurred during the Balkan wars of the years 1912–1913.
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Csaplár-Degovics, Krisztián. "Die Internationale Kontrollkommission Albaniens und die albanischen Machtzentren (1913/1914). Beitrag zur Geschichte der Staatsbildung Albaniens / The Albanian International Commission of Control and the Albanian power centres (1913/1914) – Contribution to the history of the state-building process in Albania." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 231–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0111.
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Abstract The best guarantee of protecting the rights of Christian minorities on the European territory of the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century was nothing else but the establishing of own nation-states, where the Christian population could lead his life without being ruled or controlled by the Ottoman Empire. This process found support and was assisted by the Great Powers. It means, that one form of the humanitarian intervention was the state-building instructed or assisted from abroad. One of the unexpected experiences of the Balkan Wars 1912/1913 was that the members of the Balkan League committed genocides and other kinds of mass violence against other Nationalities and the Muslim population of the peninsula. Among other things the Albanian state-building project of the Great Powers aimed to prevent further genocide and other acts of violence against the Albanian population and other refugees from Macedonia and to put an end to the anarchy of the country. The main international organisation to directly represent the great powers in the new Albania and to be responsible for the state-building process was the International Commission of Control.
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Bjelajac, Mile. "The Austro-Hungarian creation of a “humanitarian” pretext for the planned invasion of Serbia in 1912-1913: Facts and counter-facts." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950131b.
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This paper argues that reporting on the Balkan Wars by some of the Austro- Hungarian media and state officials on the ground was not impartial, but rather aimed to obtain international public support for the planned military intervention against Serbia in late 1912 and mid-1913. The primary task of the newly-established Albanische Korrespondenz B?ro or Budapest Korrespondenz B?ro was to disseminate horrifying news from the Balkan theatre of war, especially on the alleged Serbian misconduct, to the media in Europe and the United States of America. The famous New York Times, alongside other papers, put those Austrian-made reports on its front pages. Historians believe that influenced the Carnegie Endowment to start a comprehensive inquiry in the aftermath of the Balkan Wars. As early as the spring of 1913 the propagandist and journalist, Leo Freundlich, published in Vienna his still famous book Albania?s Golgotha: Indictment of the Exterminators of the Albanian People, calling out for someone to ?stop those barbarians?: ?Tens of thousands of defenceless people are being massacred, women are being raped, old people and children strangled, hundreds of villages burnt to the ground, priests slaughtered. And Europe remains silent!? Austria-Hungary mobilized its army, but its ally Germany pulled back. This paper offers facts listed in those reports as well as stories that circulated at the time, along with the Serbian primary sources intended for internal purposes and some narratives of foreign observers on the ground who were often annoyed with the Korrespondenz B?ro?s reporting or other papers of the kind. It suggests, however, that responsibility for the atrocities committed in the war still needs to be examined carefully, just like it was concluded long ago: ?The wrong they did leave a sinister blot upon their record, but it must be viewed in its just proportion.?
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Vragov, George, Maria Karadecheva, Petko Georgiev, and Rosica Ovcharova. "Digital Library of Collections from Cultural Institutions in Plovdiv." Digital Presentation and Preservation of Cultural and Scientific Heritage 3 (September 30, 2013): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.55630/dipp.2013.3.22.
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This report presents the project outcomes for digital presentation of historical artefacts from the region of Plovdiv, related to the Balkan War (1912- 1913). The selected collections include digitized periodicals, postcards, photographs, museum objects and paintings by Bulgarian artists. Problems related to the digitization, creation, storage and visualization of digital objects from the funds of these cultural institutions are also discussed. The content of this digital library is expected to be completed with other collections at cultural institutions in Plovdiv. The idea is as a next step to integrate the project with the other digital libraries. The project website „Digital library of collections from cultural i nstitutions in Plovdiv” is also presented here - http://plovdivartefacts.com/ (Figure 1).
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OTU, Petre. "COMPETIÞIA PENTRU ªEFIA MARELUI STAT MAJOR ÎN ANII CRIZEI BALCANICE ªI AI NEUTRALITÃÞII (1912-1916)." Gândirea Militară Românească 2021, no. 12 (2021): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2021.2.09.
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The study analyses the competition for the position of Chief of the General Staff during the Balkan crisis (1912-1913) and during Romania’s neutrality (1914-1916). The position was very important and enjoyed an increased prestige, because it created the conditions for standing out on the battlefield and, implicitly, for winning military glory. Therefore, the number of competitors was quite high. However, the major decision-maker regarding the appointment of the Chief of the General Staff, which, during the war, was transformed into the General Headquarters, was the political factor, namely the ruling party and the king, who was “the head of the armed power”. The solution chosen at the beginning of the world conflict, which worked even after Romania entered the war, with General Vasile Zottu as Chief and General Dumitru Iliescu as Deputy Chief, actually leading the Romanian armed forces operations, was inefficient. The right person to lead the General Headquarters, namely General Constantin Prezan, was found only at the beginning of December 1916.
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Vititnev, S. F., and A. V. Shmeleva. "Military prose by Vasily Ivanovich Nemirovich-Danchenko." Язык и текст 9, no. 4 (2022): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2022090404.
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<p>V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko is considered to be one of the first professional military correspondents in Russia. He was called «the Russian Dumas» and «the king of war correspondents». He took part as a war correspondent in the military operations in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878, the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, and the First Balkan War of 1912-1913. Numerous works of fiction, essay prose, memoirs and war correspondence belong to his pen. The authors focus on the journalistic activity of V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko during Russia’s war against Turkey, the result of which is the liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman yoke, a reflection of the dramatic and sometimes tragic realities of the fighting. The article reveals how V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko, by his example, created the image of an objective and faithful writer to the ideals of the Fatherland and laid the foundations and methodology of military journalism.</p>
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Hall, Richard C. "The Next War: The Influence of the Russo-Japanese War on Southeastern Europe and the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 17, no. 3 (September 2004): 563–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040490486179.
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Ginio, Eyal. "Ha-Balkan Ha-Bo‘er (The Balkans in Flames)." Archiv orientální 88, no. 3 (February 17, 2021): 375–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.88.3.375-399.
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Ha-Balkan Ha-Bo‘er (The Balkans in Flames), the memoirs of Yitzhak Halperin, are at the center of this article. Born in Palestine in 1890, Halperin was part of the so-called “first generation” – meaning Jews, natives of the newly established colonies in Palestine, who conversed in the Hebrew language and whose life and social productivity embodied the Zionist vision of the nation. Halperin volunteered to serve in the Ottoman Army in November 1911. Later, during the first weeks of the First Balkan War (October 1912-May 1913), he served on the Macedonian front before fleeing to Salonica, where he deserted. Published in Hebrew in 1932, Halperin’s memoirs can be read against both Zionist and Ottoman contexts. They shed light on various personal experiences and perceptions that can enrich our understanding of his particular ideological and ethnic group. In addition, his memoirs are unique as they describe the daily experiences of an Ottoman rank-and-file soldier who served in the Balkan Wars. As such, it offers different insights into the broader Ottoman context. Halperin’s memoirs expose two main topics: the related issues of identity, sociability, and friendship as they developed among the conscripts during his military service; and his clear disappointment with the poor performance and low morale of the Ottoman army before and during the Balkan Wars.
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OTU, Petre. "COMPETITION FOR THE LEADERSHIP OF THE GREAT GENERAL STAFF DURING THE BALKAN CRISIS AND THE NEUTRALITY PERIOD (1912-1916)." Romanian Military Thinking 2021, no. 2 (June 2021): 184–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.2.09.
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The study analyses the competition for the position of Chief of the General Staff during the Balkan crisis (1912-1913) and during Romania’s neutrality (1914-1916). The position was very important and enjoyed an increased prestige, because it created the conditions for standing out on the battlefield and, implicitly, for winning military glory. Therefore, the number of competitors was quite high. However, the major decision-maker regarding the appointment of the Chief of the General Staff, which, during the war, was transformed into the General Headquarters, was the political factor, namely the ruling party and the king, who was “the head of the armed power”. The solution chosen at the beginning of the world conflict, which worked even after Romania entered the war, with General Vasile Zottu as Chief and General Dumitru Iliescu as Deputy Chief, actually leading the Romanian armed forces operations, was inefficient. The right person to lead the General Headquarters, namely General Constantin Prezan, was found only at the beginning of December 1916.
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Ристовска-Јосифовска [Ristovska-Josifovska], Билјана [Biljana]. "Балканските војни и проекциите за Македонија (македонски поглед)." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.007.
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The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars.The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in finding a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition.But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bałkańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezentowano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen.Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei własnego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jednocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego.Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – zatwierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Republiki Macedonii.
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Vujić, Mihailo, and Andjeljko Petrović. "The northernmost record of Ischiodon aegyptius (Wiedemann, 1830) (Diptera, Syrphidae, Syrphinae) with possible evidence of its reproduction in Europe." Entomologia Croatica 23, no. 1 (June 25, 2024): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17971/ec.23.1.7.
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The genus Ischiodon Sack, 1913 (Diptera: Syrphidae) are small to medium-sized wasp mimic hoverflies with only four species worldwide: Ischiodon aegyptius (Wiedemann, 1830), I. astales Mengual, 2018, I. feae (Bezzi, 1912), and I. scutellaris (Fabricius, 1805). In Europe, I. aegyptius and I. scutellaris occur, but only in the southern part of the continent. In this article, we present the northernmost record of I. aegyptius, which is also the first finding of this species in the Balkan Peninsula. One larva was found in 2010 in Budva, Montenegro (a city on the Adriatic coast), on lemon tree twigs in association with the aphid Aphis spiraecola Patch, 1914. The month of collection was May, before summer, when the adults probably migrate from Africa, suggesting that the species may be a resident in this part of Europe, at least temporarily. A brief description,photographs of the specimen, and short taxonomic notes are provided. The additional new records of I. aegyptius from Libya were presented. Notes are given on its potential reproduction in Europe and on its possible importance in the biological control of aphids.
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Kuzmicheva, Lyudmila V. "Russian Diplomats Nikolai V. Charykov and Vassili N. Strandtmann on the Reasons for the Failure of the Russian Plan to Create a Balkan Federation." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 1-2 (2021): 154–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.08.
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In Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, a new strategic line in relations with the Ottoman Empire was being developed. The urgent task of Russian diplomacy was to prevent the participation of the Ottoman Empire on the side of Russia’s opponents in a possible war. Unfortunately, Russian diplomacy failed to cope with this task. Diplomatic documents attest to the existence of a Russian plan to create a Balkan Federation under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire. Russia’s efforts in this regard intensified after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. In 1910, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was developing a plan for the possible unification of the Balkan states into a single Balkan Federation led by the Ottoman Empire. Serbia played an important role in the implementation of this program. This idea was developed by Nikolai V. Charykov, the Russian ambassador to Constantinople from 1909 to 1911. Russian diplomacy sought to smooth out the contradictions in the Balkans and normalise the relations of the young states with the Ottoman Empire. In 1911, the Russian Envoy to Constantinople, Charykov, negotiated with the Turkish leadership on the Russian-Turkish treaty, which, in particular, included the question of the Balkan Federation. This episode in Russian-Turkish relations went down in the history of diplomacy as the “Charykov demarche.” The formation of the Balkan Union and the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 meant the failure of the Russian model of peaceful coexistence of the Balkan states as a confederation, including the autonomy of European Turkey. The reasons for this failure were discussed in their memoirs by two Russian diplomats Nikolai V. Charykov and Vassili N. Strandtmann, who gave years of diplomatic service in the Balkans, and who remained living there after escaping from revolutionary Russia.
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Aretov, Nikolay, and Nadiia Boiko. "Formation and Modification of Notions ‘Revolution’ and ‘War’: Bulgarian Case." Академічний журнал "Слово і Час", no. 4 (April 24, 2019): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33608/0236-1477.2019.04.15-21.
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Related notions of war and revolution are not something primordial and constant. They are constructed and constantly changing. The paper traces some aspects of these processes in the mentality of the 19th and early 20th century Bulgarians, with attention to their Balkan context.
The lack of the own state for a long period of time (1396–1878) determined the initial negative image of the war. For the Bulgarians of the late 18th and early 19th centuries a war was something definitely negative, as it brings death, troubles, and disasters; it was also something alien or external as only few of them were recruited in the Ottoman army. The wars between Russia and Ottoman Empire generated some hopes for independence among certain elite groups of society (although not so much among common people). The Greek War for Independence (started in 1821) and other uprisings in European dominions of Turkey had their impact on Bulgarians. The idea of revolution grew in the 1860s and 1870s within the group of radicals, mainly the alumni of Russian Universities and high schools. Literature played a serious role in this process, and April uprising (1876), not without some debates, was represented as ‘revolution’ in the last decades of the 19th century. The two notions were mixed after the Russian-Turkish Liberation War (1877–78), especially in later interpretations.
The newly established Principality of Bulgaria lived in constant threat (real or imagined) of Ottoman invasion and soon got drawn into the war with Serbia (1885) which contributed to creating the fully positive image of a patriotic war. This image persisted during the First (1912–1913) and Second (1913) Balkan wars, called in Bulgaria ‘inter-allied’. The defeat motivated to shift the image of war from something patriotic to something making the ordinary people suffer. This was a gradual change catalyzed by the World War I (1914–18) that made the previous image problematic. The notion of revolution that was previously associated only with the past (1876, 1878) also shifted and became associated in some leftist minds with the future as well. First and still shy anti-war humanitarian ideas appeared; the last poems of Dimcho Debelianov (1887–1916), who died in the war, were the most representative examples of this trend.
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Birbudak, Togay Seçkin. "Osmanlı Devlet Adamlarından Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet Dönemindeki Faaliyetleri / Activities of Hacı Âdil Bey, who is the Ottoman Statesmen, in the Second Constitutional Period." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 6 (December 30, 2017): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i6.1227.
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<p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>Haci Adil (Arda) Bey, born in Lovech in 1869, was an important politician and jurist who held important positions in government offices both in the Ottoman Empire and in the Republic of Turkey. Throughout his career as a government official, which he started as a customs official in Yemen in 1890, he took several government offices in Yemen, Istanbul, and Thessaloniki for about 20 years and was inducted as the Governor of Edirne a short while after the proclamation of the Second Constitutionalist Period. Taking office as a senior manager within the party of Union and Progress following assume of governor of Edirne office, lasted for about a year, Haci Adil was appointed as Interior minister in 1912. He continued to hold critical offices during the Turco-Italian War, Balkan War and the First World War while the government was having hard times. He became interior minister once again in the government formed after the Sublime Porte Raid in 1913. HE was appointed as the governor of Edirne once again after the city was taken back during the Balkan War II, and held the office of chairperson of the Ottoman Parliament between the years 1915 and 1918. Arrested and exiled to Malta after end of First World War, Haci Adil lived the life of an exile abroad between the years 1919 and 1922. Returning home after his captivity in Malta, Haci Adil held the offices of the Governor of Adana and Bursa, lectured at the Ottoman University Darülfünun, and represented country on international courts. Haci Adil, who also held offices in Istanbul Municipality, died in 1935.</p><p>This study gives information on the political and administrative activities of Haci Adil, who was one of the members of the headquarter of party of Union and Progress, during the Second Constitutional Period based on archive documents. </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>1869 yılında Lofça’da dünyaya gelen Hacı Âdil (Arda) Bey, hem Osmanlı Devleti hem de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti zamanında mühim devlet görevlerinde bulunmuş önemli bir siyasetçi ve hukuk adamıdır. 1890 yılında Yemen’de gümrük memuru olarak başladığı devlet hizmetinde yaklaşık 20 yıl süre ile Yemen, İstanbul ve Selanik’te çeşitli memuriyetler üstlenmiş, II. Meşrutiyet’in ilanından kısa bir süre sonra Edirne Valisi olarak atanmıştır. Yaklaşık bir yıl süren Edirne Valiliği görevinden sonra İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası içerisinde üst düzey yöneticilik görevi alan Hacı Âdil Bey, 1912 yılında Dâhiliye Nâzırlığı’na getirilmiştir. Trablusgarp Savaşı, Balkan Savaşı ve I. Dünya Savaşı yıllarında devletin zor günlerinde kritik görevler almaya devam eden Hacı Âdil Bey 1913 yılında Bâb-ı Âlî Baskını sonrasında kurulan hükûmette bir kez daha Dâhiliye Nâzırı olmuş, II. Balkan Savaşı sırasında Edirne’nin geri alınmasının ardından bir kez daha bu şehre vali olarak atanmış, 1915-1918 yılları arasında da Meclis-i Mebusan Reisliği görevini yürütmüştür. I. Dünya Savaşı’nın sona ermesinin ardından tutuklanan ve Malta’ya sürgüne gönderilen Hacı Âdil Bey, 1919-1922 yılları arasında yurtdışında sürgün hayatı yaşamıştır. Malta esareti sonrasında yurda dönen Hacı Âdil Bey, Adana ve Bursa valilikleri görevlerinde bulunmuş, Dârülfünûn’da dersler vermiş ve uluslararası mahkemelerde ülkemizi temsil etmiştir. İstanbul Belediyesi’nde de görevler üstlenen Hacı Âdil Bey 1935 yılında vefat etmiştir.</p><p>Söz konusu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası’nın merkez-i umumi azalarından olan Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet dönemindeki siyasî-idarî faaliyetleri hakkında arşiv belgeleri ekseninde bilgiler verilmektedir. </p>
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Bogomolova, Daria Konstantinovna. "Serbian-Montenegrin relations and the prospect of the creation of the Balkan Union in 1904-1905." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2024): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2024.3.70835.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the prospects for the creation of the Balkan Union in 1904-1905, the idea of which arose under the influence of the aggravation of the international political situation in connection with the Eastern question, as well as due to the beginning of the Ilinden uprising in Macedonia. This was the first attempt in the twentieth century by young Slavic states to unite and coordinate joint foreign policy goals in the fight against the Ottoman Empire. The main sources of research are the diplomatic documents of the Balkan countries, as well as reports from Russian diplomats, the analysis of which led to the conclusion that the agreements reached during the negotiations between Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro, although they did not lead to the final formation of the alliance, still played a major role in the future and formed the basis of the Balkan Union of 1912-1913. They also stressed the role of the Russian Empire as an arbitrator in inter-Balkan relations. The main focus of the article is on analyzing the Serbian-Montenegrin negotiations aimed at concluding a union treaty between the countries and strengthening bilateral relations, which became possible after the change of the ruling dynasty in Serbia. Despite the fact that at first Serbian and Montenegrin politicians highly appreciated the importance of possible agreements, later negotiations failed due to serious disagreements between the parties on the issue of future territorial delimitation in the event of victory over the Ottoman Empire and the inability to work out a compromise text of the treaty. The conducted research made it possible to significantly complement and expand the picture of the Serbian-Montenegrin and inter-Balkan negotiations of 1904-1905 and to conclude that during this period conditions had not yet developed for rapprochement and coordination of foreign policy goals between the Slavic countries of the Balkan peninsula, and the beginning of negotiations on the formation of the Balkan Union was dictated to a greater extent by the temporary aggravation of the situation in connection with the uprising in Macedonia.
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Kotsiou, Antonia, and Vasiliki Michalaki. "Razarajuće epidemije grčke populacije u novije doba." Acta medico-historica Adriatica 15, no. 2 (2017): 283–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31952/amha.15.2.6.
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In the recent Greek ages the most devastating epidemics were plague, smallpox, leprosy and cholera. In 1816 plague struck the Ionian and Aegean Islands, mainland Greece, Constantinople and Smyrna. The Venetians ruling the Ionian Islands effectively combated plague in contrast to the Ottomans ruling all other regions. In 1922, plague appeared in Patras refugees who were expelled by the Turks from Smyrna and Asia Minor. Inoculation against smallpox was first performed in Thessaly by the Greek women, and the Greek doctors Emmanouel Timonis (1713, Oxford) and Jakovos Pylarinos (1715, Venice) made relevant scientific publications. The first leper colony opened in Chios Island. In Crete, Spinalonga was transformed into a leper island, which following the Independence War against Turkish occupation and the unification of Crete with Greece in 1913, was classified as an International Leper Hospital. Cholera struck Greece in 1853-1854 brought by the French troops during the Crimean War, and again during the Balkan Wars (1912-13) when the Bulgarian troops brought cholera to northern Greece. Due to successive wars, medical assistance was not always available, so desperate people turned many times to religion through processions in honor of local saints, for their salvation in epidemics.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "Storm over Serbia the rivalry between civilian and military authorities (1911-1914)." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 307–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344307b.
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As a new force on the political scene of Serbia after the 1903 Coup which brought the Karadjordjevic dynasty back to the throne and restored democratic order, the Serbian army, led by a group of conspiring officers, perceived itself as the main guardian of the country?s sovereignty and the principal executor of the sacred mission of national unification of the Serbs, a goal which had been abandoned after the 1878 Berlin Treaty. During the ?Golden Age? decade (1903-1914) in the reign of King Peter I, Serbia emerged as a point of strong attraction to the Serbs and other South Slavs in the neighbouring empires and as their potential protector. In 1912-13, Serbia demonstrated her strength by liberating the Serbs in the ?unredeemed provinces? of the Ottoman Empire. The main threat to Serbia?s very existence was multinational Austria-Hungary, which thwarted Belgrade?s aspirations at every turn. The Tariff War (1906-1911), the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (1908), and the coercing of Serbia to cede her territorial gains in northern Albania (1912-1913) were but episodes of this fixed policy. In 1991, the Serbian army officers, frustrated by what they considered as weak reaction from domestic political forces and the growing external challenges to Serbia?s independence, formed the secret patriotic organisation ?Unification or Death? (Black Hand). Serbian victories in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) enhanced the prestige of the military but also boosted political ambitions of Lt.-Colonel Dragutin T. Dimitrijevic Apis and other founding members of the Black Hand anxious to bring about the change of government. However, the idea of a military putsch limited to Serbian Macedonia proposed in May 1914 was rejected by prominent members of the Black Hand, defunct since 1913. This was a clear indication that Apis and a few others could not find support for their meddling in politics. The government of Nikola P. Pasic, supported by the Regent, Crown Prince Alexander, called for new elections to verify its victory against those military factions that acted as an ?irresponsible factor? with ?praetorian ambitions? in Serbian politics. This trial of strength brings new and valuable insights into the controversial relationship between the Young Bosnians and the Black Hand prior to the Sarajevo assassination in June 1914.
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Sena, Edmar Avelar, Guilherme Di Lorenzo, and Alaor Souza Oliveira. "Between a Traumatic Past and an Uncertain Future: a study on the representations of the Ottoman defeat in the Balkan War (1912-1913)." Estudos Internacionais: revista de relações internacionais da PUC Minas 8, no. 4 (February 18, 2021): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2317-773x.2020v8n4p80-96.
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Resumo: A derrota na Guerra dos Balcãs (1912-1913) foi um momento crítico para o Império Otomano. Foi um acontecimento traumático que desafiou os princípios e projetos até então vigentes e deu início a um período de profunda incerteza quanto ao futuro do Império. O artigo busca analisar algumas das representações sobre o trauma da derrota e o futuro do Império Otomano por meio dos editoriais de um jornal otomano, La Jeune Turquie, publicado em Paris durante o conflito. A intenção não é apresentar um quadro detalhado e abrangente das várias narrativas sobre o conflito, mas avaliar alguns dos impasses sobre o evento. Mais especificamente, procuramos apresentar a Guerra dos Balcãs como um período liminar. Foi uma experiência traumática que constituiu um rearranjo de tendências existentes, desvelando novas expectativas para o futuro. O argumento aqui apresentado é que mais do que um "ponto sem volta", a derrota trouxe um novo horizonte de expectativas para os líderes otomanos.
Palavras-chave: Império Otomano, Guerras dos Balcãs, Nacionalismo
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Kayapanar, Ayshe. ""Poor Pomaks"." Balkanistic Forum 28, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 334–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v28i2.25.
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The present work represents a translation of a brochure named “Poor Pomaks” from Ottoman Turkish to Bulgarian. This brochure gives very interesting information about the forced conversion in Christianity of the Pomaks in 1913. Printed in the publishing house "Hayriye and its associates", the only surviving copy of the brochure is preserved in the archive of the Ottoman Bank in Istanbul. There are a number of brochures printed by this publishing house. Between the years 1912-1915, 4 brochures with the similar topics were published. The brochure “Poor Pomaks” is the fourth one. The author of the “Poor Pomaks” brochure is not known. The brochure consists of 29 pages. The first 8 pages of the text contains the author's opinion about Bulgarians and Turkish-Bulgarian relations. In the other twenty-two pages, the author gives a place for stories about the torture and cruelty experienced by 150,000 Pomaks who were subjected to forced conversion in 1913. The important thing in this account, which is a valuable source of conversion, is that it testifies to real-world events, villages, and sacrifices. The territorial coverage of the conversion in the regions with numerous Pomaks populations and mainly the villages of today's Plovdiv, Smolyan, Pazardzhik, Kardzhali and Blagoevgrad regions in Bulgaria and the northern parts of Western Thrace in Greece are clearly outlined. The last two pages of the brochure include a letter and an epilogue. In the epilogue, the author makes a critical assessment of the behavior of the big states and of the Balkan allies during the Balkan War. Two photos are also featured in the brochure, one of which has a great historical value because it is one of the few preserved to our day authentic photographs of the victims and the baptists.
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Yelbaşı, Caner. "Ahmed Anzavur: Soldier, Governor, and Rebel." Archiv orientální 91, no. 3 (January 29, 2024): 497–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.91.3.497-517.
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Following the Russian conquest of the North Caucasus, many Muslims from the region were exiled to the Ottoman Empire from the 1860s onwards. They were settled in different parts of the empire from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Syria and Iraq vilayets. By following this policy, the Ottoman state ensured that many Circassians would become part of the Ottoman army, ruling elites, harems and agricultural workforce. Anzavur Ahmed’s family was one of them. Although he did not graduate from military school, he participated in the army during the war in Libya (1911), the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), and the First World War (1914–1918). He was also appointed as the governor of Izmit (1920). Anzavur Ahmet is portrayed as a rebel by Turkish official historiography, but in reality, he was much more than that. He was an Ottoman Governor, and supported byOttoman administrators such as Damad Ferid and Ali Kemal, who were against the Kuvayi Milliye because they believed that the empire would eventually emerge from the chaotic atmosphere of the post-First World War period and make an agreement with the British. This article argues that although Ahmed Anzavur has been labeled a rebel and a traitor according to the official historiography, it is difficult to use these labels given the circumstances of his time.
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Mandak, Rejhan. "THE LEGAL – POLITICAL POSITION OF THE ISLAMIC RELOGIOUS COMMUNITY IN THE KINGDOM OF SCS JUGOSLAVIA (1918-1935)." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2459–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072459r.
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The position and organization of the Islamic religious community of Muslims in the newly formed Kingdom of SCS in different parts of the country were set differently. The Islamic religion in the Kingdom of Serbia during the second half of the 19th century, up to the World War I, had the status of a recognized religion, but not equal to the Orthodox one. Up to the First Balkan War, Islam had the same status in Macedonia. After the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), the Ottoman rule ceased in Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak. The new territories were added to the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro. In these areas, the Muslim population was significant in numbers, so the question of their religious and civil-legal status was raised. These questions were also entered into the content of the Peace Treaty, signed between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Ottoman State on 14th March, 1914, in Istanbul. The Constantinople Agreement envisioned establishment of an entire religious organization of Muslims in the Kingdom of Serbia. The head of Muslims for the Kingdom of Serbia was the Supreme Mufti seated in Nis, and later in Belgrade, and in each Muslim-populated district there would be a mufti, which had local religious, administrative, educational and judicial power over the Muslim population. One of the characteristic of the Muslims in Vardar Macedonia, as well as in Kosovo and Sandjak, is that the religious and sharia-judicial functions were merged in one person – the mufti. With the Decree on the organization of courts and court proceedings in the incorporated areas in old Serbia, (referring to Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak) from 7th June, 1914, the jurisdiction of the mufti also included marital disputes of Muslims, disputes over support, guardianship and its obligations, as well as the emancipation of young people.
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Mandak, Rejhan. "THE LEGAL – POLITICAL POSITION OF THE ISLAMIC RELOGIOUS COMMUNITY IN THE KINGDOM OF SCS JUGOSLAVIA (1918-1935)." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2459–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082459r.
Full textAbstract:
The position and organization of the Islamic religious community of Muslims in the newly formed Kingdom of SCS in different parts of the country were set differently. The Islamic religion in the Kingdom of Serbia during the second half of the 19th century, up to the World War I, had the status of a recognized religion, but not equal to the Orthodox one. Up to the First Balkan War, Islam had the same status in Macedonia. After the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), the Ottoman rule ceased in Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak. The new territories were added to the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro. In these areas, the Muslim population was significant in numbers, so the question of their religious and civil-legal status was raised. These questions were also entered into the content of the Peace Treaty, signed between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Ottoman State on 14th March, 1914, in Istanbul. The Constantinople Agreement envisioned establishment of an entire religious organization of Muslims in the Kingdom of Serbia. The head of Muslims for the Kingdom of Serbia was the Supreme Mufti seated in Nis, and later in Belgrade, and in each Muslim-populated district there would be a mufti, which had local religious, administrative, educational and judicial power over the Muslim population. One of the characteristic of the Muslims in Vardar Macedonia, as well as in Kosovo and Sandjak, is that the religious and sharia-judicial functions were merged in one person – the mufti. With the Decree on the organization of courts and court proceedings in the incorporated areas in old Serbia, (referring to Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandjak) from 7th June, 1914, the jurisdiction of the mufti also included marital disputes of Muslims, disputes over support, guardianship and its obligations, as well as the emancipation of young people.
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Mandić, Ana, and Milan Mandić. "Medical service in Serbia before the First world war." Timocki medicinski glasnik 46, no. 3 (2021): 145–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/tmg2103145m.
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Modern medicine in Serbia began to develop only after the liberation from the Turks in the Second Serbian Uprising of 1815. The first European-educated doctors came to Serbia in 1819, by order of Prince Milos. The military medical service, in charge of systematic treatment and care of wounded and sick Serbian soldiers, was founded in 1835. The first military doctors and chiefs of Serbian medicine were foreigners, Dr. Emerich Lindenmeier (1806-1884) and Dr. Carlo Belloni (1812-1878), who founded military hospitals in Belgrade, Ćuprija and Paraćin. During the Serbian-Turkish wars (1876-1878), Serbia had only 19 military doctors for about 130,000 soldiers, the divisions had only dressing stations for first aid, and there was also a medical ship for the evacuation of the wounded. Foreign doctors were succeeded by Serbian doctors educated in Vienna, Dr. Vladan Djordjevic (Chief of Medical Services 1877-1884), Dr. Mihajlo Mika Markovic (Chief of Medical Services 1886-1903) and Dr. Lazar Gencic (Chief of Medical Services 1909-1915). By 1885 (Serbian-Bulgarian war), the number of military doctors was increased to one doctor per 1,000 soldiers, and each division (5,000 soldiers) received a field hospital with 200 beds and a medical company with 5 doctors and 100 paramedics. Before the Balkan War (1912), 5 permanent military hospitals with surgical wards were opened, and the medical companies of the divisions had 4 doctors and 450 paramedics, and 4 field hospitals for 400 wounded. For the first time, ambulance trains were used for evacuation and treatment of the wounded. The hygienic-epidemiological service was neglected, and dysentery, typhoid fever and malaria were frequent: in 1913, over 5,000 Serbian soldiers died of cholera alone.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Between deosmanization and balkanization: refugee’s steps of bosniak history." Historijski pogledi 1, no. 1 (October 30, 2018): 36–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2018.1.1.36.
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The past and the present are inseparable, one interprets the other. Many "long-lasting" processes go beyond local frameworks and regional borders. This also applies to the complex "Eastern question", as well as the problem of the deosmanization of the Balkans, whose political geography in the 19th and 20th centuries was exposed to radical overlaps. Wars and persecutions are important factors in the history of Balkan Muslims. In the seventies of the XIX century, they constituted half of the population in the Ottoman part of the Balkans. With war devastation, a considerable part was killed or expelled to Anadolia between 1870 and 1890. The emergent "Turkish islands" in the Balkans after 1878 were increasingly narrowed, or disappeared due to the displacement of Muslims. Multiethnic and religious color of the Balkans disturbed accounts with simple categorizations. The term "balkanization" signified, after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, "not only the fragmentation of large and powerful political units, but became synonymous with returning tribal, backward, primitive, and barbaric." The Balkanization of "Ottoman Europe" and the violent changes in its ethnic-religious structure led to discontinuity, the erosion of history, as well as fragmentation of the minds of the remaining Muslims and their afflicted communities, the lack of knowledge of the interconnectedness of their fates. The emigration of Bosniaks and other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, and then to Turkey, during the XIX and XX centuries, had a number of consequences.
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Гайда, Ф. А. "The Balkans and the Russian Liberal Opposition (1908–1914)." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history 7, no. 3 (September 15, 2023): 991–1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-3-6.
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Статья посвящена осмыслению взглядов русской либеральной оппозиции на балканские события 1908–1914 гг., которые, начиная с Младотурецкой революции, развивались в направлении все более острого кризиса. Проанализированы материалы политических партий и источники личного происхождения, принадлежавшие партийным лидерам. По сравнению с предшествующей историографической традицией автором впервые тесно увязаны тенденции в восприятии внешнеполитических реалий и внутриполитические интересы партий. Автор показывает, что российская либеральная оппозиция (кадеты, а позднее и перешедшие в оппозицию октябристы) в полной мере использовала те возможности, которые появились у нее в результате революции 1905–1907 гг.: парламентскую трибуну, печать, партийные форумы. В статье отмечается, что внешнеполитическая позиция ведущих либеральных партий России определялась их текущим политическим положением и партийными интересами. Младотурецкая революция 1908 г. привлекала и октябристов, и кадетов своим опытом национальной революции. Автор приходит к выводу, что Первая Балканская война 1912–1913 гг. резко усилила интерес к событиям в этом регионе, однако почва для этого интереса уже была подготовлена внешне- и внутриполитическими факторами. Война обострила внутренние противоречия в кадетской партии, приведшие к возникновению экспансионистского крыла, противостоявшего более осторожному и более информированному П.Н. Милюкову. В статье также показано, что эволюция октябристов была связана с их постепенным переходом в оппозицию. С 1912 г. А.И. Гучков начал воспринимать возможную войну с участием России как шанс на политические изменения внутри страны и возрождение октябристского влияния на правительство. Автор заключает, что к 1914 г. многие представители либеральной общественности – и октябристы, и кадеты – занимали в балканском вопросе и в вопросах внешней политики в целом более жесткую и бескомпромиссную позицию, чем российское правительство. По мнению либералов, участие Российской империи в войне лишь увеличило бы политическое влияние их партии, при этом ответственность за ее возможный неудачный исход либеральная оппозиция целиком возлагала на власть. The article is devoted to the views and opinions of the Russian liberal opposition on the Balkan events of 1908–14, which developed in the direction of an increasingly acute crisis, starting from the Young Turk Revolution. The materials of political parties and sources of personal origin belonging to party leaders are analyzed. The author closely links the trends in the perception of foreign policy realities and the domestic political interests of the parties, which is a new approach if compared to previous historiographical tradition. The author shows that the Russian liberal opposition (the Kadets, and later the Octobrists who joined the opposition) made full use of the opportunities that appeared as a result of the revolution of 1905–07: the parliamentary rostrum (the Duma), the press, and party forums. The article notes that the foreign policy position of the leading liberal parties in Russia was determined by the current political situation inside those parties and by party interests. Due to its experience of a national revolution, the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 attracted both the Octobrists and the Kadets. The author concludes that the First Balkan War of 1912–13 sharply increased interest in events in the region, but that interest had already been prepared by both foreign and domestic political factors. The war intensified the internal confrontation within the Constitutional Democratic Party (the Kadets), which led to the formation of the expansionist wing that opposed more cautious and much better-informed P. Milyukov. The article shows that the evolution of the Octobrists was associated with their gradual move to the opposition. In 1912, A. Guchkov began to perceive a possible war with the participation of Russia as a chance for political changes within the country and the revival of the Octobrist influence on the government. The author concludes that by 1914 many representatives of the liberal community (both the Octobrists and the Kadets) had adopted a tougher and more uncompromising stance in the Balkan issue and in the matters of foreign policy in general than the stance of the Russian government. According to the liberals, war as such would only strengthen the position of their party, and the authorities would be made responsible for its possible unsuccessful outcome.
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Iseni, Fati, and Agim Jakupi. "British Diplomacy on Demonstrations of March and April 1981 in Yugoslavia (Kosovo)." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/976fdv73.
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Great Britain since the late 19th and early 20th centuries had increased its interest for the developments in the Balkan region. Since the Berlin Congress in June 1878, the Conference of Ambassadors in London, December 1912-May 1913, then during WWI and WWII. Her interest continued also during the Cold War. Tito's Yugoslavia as a conglomerate of peoples had special diplomatic treatment from UK because of political, economic and military interests of the latter. Mostly after 1948 the UK built good relations with Yugoslavia. Her interest was Yugoslavia to remain stable as it was the west "protected" area from any Soviet Union threat. From this perspective the predictions were that the British could approve of any kind of internal behavior towards other ethnic minority communities. Thus in 1981 riots broke out in the province of Kosovo, Yugoslavia, and they escalated widely all over Kosovo. The UK closely followed all developments through its embassy in Belgrade and reported continuously to the FCO in London. This research will be exclusively based on these Telegrams. The declassified diplomatic reports testify more to a diplomatic and political correctness since then, from the fact that they clearly write about the discrimination that has been done to Kosovo in the Yugoslav legal and political system.
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Neuburger, Mary. "Pomak Borderlands: Muslims on the Edge of Nations." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002506.
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We contact the worldonly through our boundaries.Blaga DimitrovaIn a recent issue of the Bulgarian periodicalSega(Now) a reporter related an extraordinary tale of how various name-changing campaigns had marked the experience of a Bulgarian-speaking Muslim—hereafter “Pomak”—in the village of Bachkovo. The story began during the Balkan Wars in 1912–1913 when Hasan, the aforementioned Pomak from the Rhodope mountains of southern Bulgaria, was forced to change his name to Dragan as part of the wartime state campaign for Muslims with “Slavic origins” to “reclaim their Bulgarian names.” A change in politics at the beginning of World War I opened the door for Dragan to change his name back to Hasan; and so he did. In the late 1930s, however, he was again compelled to change his name back to Dragan, in line with theRodina(Homeland) directed name-changing campaigns, described in depth below. After the Communist takeover in 1944 Dragan was able, again, to change his name back to Hasan as wartime “Fascist” policy was reversed. But with the movement towards “national integration” in the 1960s Hasan was forced, again, to change his name back to Dragan. After the fall of Communism in Bulgaria in November 1989 “Dragan” again was allowed to change his name back to Hasan; and so he did. In his one lifetime this “Bulgarian” of Islamic faith, subject to the whims of the fickle and contested Bulgarian national project, changed his name six times. Admittedly, the Pomak's fate in Balkan history seems to be primarily as pawn in Bulgarian and other Balkan national rivalries and domestic designs. Pomak history is, more often than not, the story of the center looking to the margins and imposing its own designs. Having said that, these designs—generally driven by the dual forces of modernity and nationalism—were always subject to a spectrum of Pomak responses and strategies.
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Ahmad, F. "War and Nationalism: The Balkan Wars, 1912-1913, and the Sociopolitical Implications Edited by M. HAKAN YAVUZ and ISAL BLUMI, foreword by EDWARD J. ERICKSON." Journal of Islamic Studies 26, no. 1 (November 13, 2014): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etu057.
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Adak, Hülya. "Teaching the Armenian Genocide in Turkey: Curriculum, Methods, and Sources." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 5 (October 2016): 1515–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.5.1515.
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Since 2001, I Have Been Teaching Courses in Cultural Studies, European and Turkish Literature, Modern Drama, and Gender and sexuality studies at Sabancı University in Istanbul. During my fifteen years of teaching undergraduate and graduate students, the Armenian genocide was a particularly challenging theme to bring into the classroom. Even at Sabancı University, one of the rare liberal universities in Turkey to offer courses that challenge Turkish national myths, most students, including those who graduated from “liberal” high schools, had received a nationalist education and came to college either not knowing anything about the Armenian genocide or denying it altogether. Denial of the Armenian genocide is still pervasive in Turkey; 1915 is identified in history textbooks as the year of the Battle of Gallipoli, the most important Ottoman victory against the British and French naval forces during World War I. For most of the twentieth century and up until 2005, when the seminal Ottoman Armenians Conference opened a public discussion of the topic, silence regarding the deportation and genocide of the Ottoman Armenians prevailed. If denialist myths in Turkey acknowledge the deaths of the Ottoman Armenians, they justify such deaths as “retaliation” for the deaths of Turkish Muslims during the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 or equate the massacres of Armenians with Turkish casualties of war from the same period. For instance, Talat Paşa, the mastermind behind the deportations and massacres of roughly one million Armenians in 1915-16, argues in his memoirs that an equal number of Turks were killed by Armenians during World War I and in its aftermath (51-56).
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Atrashkevich, Alexandra. "How conflicts beteen Greece and Turkey in the 19th – early 20th centuries affected the formation of historical memory in both states." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080018177-1.
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Present-day relations between Greece and Turkey cannot be defined as neighborship. One of the main reasons for this is a negative influence of the historical memory of relations (HMR) on the two peoples’ mutual vision. Addressing the HMR from this angle can help to identify the degree of hostilities and assess the prospects for improving relations. Therefore, the authors tried to trace, by means of historical narrative, the eventual determinants of both HMRs in 1821–1923, i.e. during the period when the events most actualized by the HMRs of modern Greeks and Turks took place. In this century, the HMRs were formed under the pressure of conflict situations. Those were the liberation war of the Greeks in 1821–1829, the “30-day war” in 1897, the Balkan wars of 1912–1913, and the Greek-Turkish war of 1919–1922. Because of them, the HMRs and the nationalisms in Greece and Turkey acquired mutually accusatory orientation. As such, they in a way guaranteed irreconcilability between the states on the issues dividing them. Also, the Greek-Turkish relations as well as the growth of nationalisms, fell into the context of the great powers struggle for the Ottoman legacy. The current Turkish-Greek disputes concerning Cyprus and over the Aegean shelf are also influenced by other countries’ interests. Nationalisms in Greece and Turkey block reconciliation of the parties, while the interdependent hostility of the two HMRs guarantees the continuity of confrontational motivations in their political consciousness. What results, is a cyclical nature of the Greek-Turkish clashes, long-term tensions between the two countries and recurring outbreaks of conflicts between them.
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Kerimi, Salim Kadri. "Iseljavanje Turaka iz Jugoslavije u Tursku: 70. godina od “Džentlmenskog sporazuma”." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 9 (June 20, 2023): 184–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.184.
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This (2023) year marks the 70th anniversary of the achievement of the so-called “Gentlemen’s Agreement”, for the emigration of Turks from FPR of Yugoslavia to the Republic of Turkey. According to some indications and documents, this agreement was reached between the President of FPR of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito and the Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of the Republic of Turkey, Fuad Köprülü, in Brioni, on January 22nd or 23rd, 1953. In order to operationalize this agreement, about three months later an “Agreement between the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of the FPR of Yugoslavia and the Embassy of the Republic of Turkey in Belgrade, for the emigration of Turks”, was signed. After reaching the two aforementioned agreements the process of emigration of the Muslim population of Yugoslavia to Turkey gained dramatic proportions. Beside the Turks, especially between 1953 and 1968, a large number of Albanians, Bosniaks and Pomacs immigrated to Turkey. In other words it was the largest exodus that took place in Europe in the period after the Second World War. As it is already known, the emigration of Turks and other Muslim populations of Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50’s and 60’s of the 20th century was not new, because the emigration of the aforementioned population began in the second half of the 17th century - after the second defeat of the Ottoman army at the gates of Vienna in 1683, and continued in the period after the Second World War. In a period of more than 300 years, the most massive emigrations of the Muslim population from the territory of former Yugoslavia took place especially after the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878, after the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the First World War (1914-1918). The emigrations which took place after the Second World War, that I am writing about, are characteristic in that they took place in a peacetime period, as a result of the insidious abuse/ disrespect by the Yugoslav side of the agreement from 1953, which was signed between representatives of Yugoslavia and Turkey. Among the researchers of this issue, there are different views about the total number of emigrants who emigrated from Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50s and 60s of the 20th century, and especially about their nationality. Albanian historians and other authors from Albania and Kosovo go so far as to treat almost all emigrants from Kosovo and Macedonia as Albanians. Unlike them, Albanian historians and other authors from Macedonia admit that there were Turks among the emigrants from Macedonia, but that the dominant part of the emigrants were allegedly Albanians. Unlike them, I and several other authors from the Republic of Northern Macedonia (V. Achkovska, B. Ilievski, G. Todorovski, and others) claim that the majority of emigrants from the Republic of Macedonia were Turks.