Journal articles on the topic 'Balkans – Histoire – 1989-'

After the communist system fall, the countries in the Balkan region have faced a historical period known as “transition”, a period in which the parliamentary democracy and market economy were established. Having a sustainable historic past, Balkan countries overcome the transition phase with numerous contradictions, by protecting the borders of nation-states. Whereas, in Federative Yugoslavia, a state without a historical past, new political realities were created; a process which went through many wars and as a result, new national countries were established in the Balkans. Actually, in this corner of Europe, seventy years after Yugoslavia’s constitution as a state, the process of "dismantling" the creation of Versailles begins. In the Treaty of Versailles (1919), the United States had attempted to give its contribution to build the 20th century Europe through the process of "self-determination", but at that time American proposals were not taken into account. However, issues of the early 20th century were again put to the table in the late 20th century,The role of America at this period was quite different. In the late twentieth century America was engaged in various world regions as a "guardian" observing the global processes of contemporary civilization. In this context, noticing the “Europeans” inability, USA has got involved to a great extent in the development processes of the Balkans, contributing to the establishment of peace, political stability and the parliamentary democracy system, which in fact constitute the foundations for the "Europeanization” of the peoples and countries of the Balkans.

Neven Andjelić, Bosnia-Herzegovina. The End of a Tragedy (London: Frank Cass, 2003), 228 pp., $34.95 (pb), ISBN 0-7146-8431-7.Tom Gallagher, The Balkans after the Cold War. From Tyranny to Tragedy (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), 256 pp., $114.95 (hb), ISBN 0-415-27763-9.John Lampe and Mark Mazower, eds., Ideologies and National Identities. The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe (Budapest and New York: Central European University Press, 2004), 309 pp., $23.95 (pb), ISBN 9639241822.James Pettifer, ed., The New Macedonian Question (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave and St. Martin's Press, 1999), 311 pp., $24.95 (pb), ISBN 0-333-92066-X.Michael Parenti, To Kill a Nation. The Attack on Yugoslavia (London and New York: Verso, 2000), 246 pp., $10.00 (pb), ISBN 1-85984-366-2.Maria Todorova, ed., Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory (London: Hurst & Co., 2004), 374 pp., £17.50 (pb), ISBN 1-850-65715-7.Emerging from the obscurity of old-fashioned, specialised ‘area studies’, since 1989 the Balkans have attracted much attention from historians. The primary reason for that has been, tragically, the war in Yugoslavia and the emergence of a postwar order. Even the post-communist transitions (in Romania, Bulgaria and Albania) attracted less attention. Nevertheless, the field benefited substantially from the increased interest in the area, and lively debates took place on contested issues, sparked not least by hasty initial schemata (and stigmata) used by outside observers, such as ‘ancient hatreds’ and the like. Parallel to the attention paid to what was going on in Yugoslavia, and perhaps more productively in the long run, was the postmodern, postcolonial approach to Balkan history, inspired by Maria Todorova's Imagining the Balkans, which followed Edward Said's monumental Orientalism and appeared parallel to Larry Wolff's Inventing Eastern Europe. Such refreshing studies of Western representations of the region were later complemented by the internal perspective of how such representations were received, and coped with, in the region. A profusion of ‘cultural studies’ in the broadest sense followed, reflecting both the ongoing reshaping of Balkan identities and outside demand for such studies.

One of the important consequences of the end of the Cold War has been the growing impact that ethnicity has had on the domestic politics of countries as well as international politics. An area that has been deeply affected by ethnopohtics is the Balkans. The collapse of communism and the disintegration of Yugoslavia have led to tremendous instability and ethnic strife in the Balkans. Turkey's domestic politics as well as its foreign policy have been deeply affected by these developments. One reason for this can be attributed to the fact that in Turkey there are large numbers of people of Balkan descent.As the frontiers of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans began to contract, large numbers of people who identified themselves with the Empire steadily migrated to Thrace and Anatolia. They were mostly the descendants of Turks who had settled in various parts of the Balkans during the past centuries (Karpat 1985, ch.4). Although there are no exact figures, one source puts the size of this migration between late 1870s and early 1920s at as high as 1,445,000 (Eren 1993, p. 298). In spite of this massive migration many Turkish and Muslim communities were left behind in various parts of the Balkans after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The modern Turkish State has continued to allow members of these communities to migrate and settle in Turkey.

The article analyzes the involvement of Southeast European historians in unesco’s History of Humanity: Scientific and Cultural Development, the second attempt of the organization at drafting a world history. It is a case study of a successful epistemic internationalization of regional and national narratives from the Balkans on a global stage. It is argued that this story is premised on the activity of the International Association of Southeast European Studies (aiesee—created in 1963 with unesco sponsorship), which functioned as the preexistent international milieu of conceptual, institutional, and personnel alignments. However, regional academic cooperation was dependent on the political context in the Balkans since the end of the seventies. Individual regimes employed scholars as experts representing these countries in this unesco project. In addition, the analysis also emphasizes the similarities and cross-fertilizations between Global South and Southeast European historians’ self-affirmations in the context of shifting narratives about humanity, cultures, and civilizations within unesco. However, while the “Third World” wanted to shatter Eurocentrism as the South challenged the North, the Southeast wished to affirm its Europeanness by breaking the Western and Soviet perceived monopoly on Europe-talk. Balkan historians’ anti-hegemonic association with Global South peers targeted de-marginalization within the confines of Europe. The article underlines that a full account of local narratives and phenomena should be examined in the context of the intersecting stories of the Cold War, decolonization, and globalization.

The recent economic crisis has led to a deterioration of the social situation in the Western Balkans. Already before the crisis, a combination of war and conflict, legacies of economic underdevelopment, labour market problems, inadequate social expenditure, and faltering economic growth had produced lingering poverty, unemployment, and income inequality. These trends can be explained in the context of fragmented and uneven welfare regimes that do not approximate any of the available types of welfare capitalism. From 2009 to 2012, the economies of the region suffered from a ‘double dip’ recession, which exacerbated earlier adverse social effects. Poverty, which had been partly alleviated before 2008, became extensive again, while unemployment has been on the rise over the last five years. Extreme poverty, new poverty, and youth unemployment are examples of the crisis’ effects. In spite of this situation, the policy responses of West Balkan governments to the social effects of the crisis have been haphazard, while international assistance never considered the fight against poverty to be a major priority. Such a fight, however, calls for a combination of new, socially sensitive priorities on the part of international donors, including international financial institutions and the eu, and a more systematic ‘welfare effort’ by national governments in the region. A human security-based strategy will also be needed in order to avoid further deterioration in the living conditions of the poverty-stricken categories of the Western Balkan populations. National governments will therefore need to reconstruct the welfare regimes of the West Balkan states, which have been left incomplete since the transitions of 1989.

We all know why the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) disintegrated and why the War of Yugoslav Succession (1991–1995) broke out. It was all because of Milošević/Tudjman/“the Slovenes”/communists/organized crime/Western states/the Vatican–Comintern conspiracy, who planned it all by himself/themselves in order to advance his own personal/Serbian/Slovenian/American/Vatican interests—your choice. Or again—it all happened because of local bad traditions/economic problems/structural issues/system illegitimacy/legitimate grievances/illegitimate grievances/the long shadow of the past. Or again—it really started in 1389/1463/1878/1918/1941/1986/1987/1989/1990/1991—your pick. Of course, we all know that both the breakup and the war were completely avoidable/inevitable, don't we? And best of all, we all know that the real villain(s) in this drama can only be Milošević/Tudjman/“the Serbs”/“the Slovenes”/“the Croats”/“the Muslims”/Germany/Balkan peoples generally/the Great Powers, who must be held (exclusively/jointly) responsible for most of the killing, though some of us also know that all parties were equally guilty. Well, maybe we all know what caused the Yugoslav troubles, but it seems that we “know” different things.

<p>Nikos Sigalas, review of <em>The "lost homelands" beyond nostalgia: a sociocultural-political history of Ottoman Greeks, mid-19th–early 20th centuries</em>, by Haris Exertzoglou.</p><p>Elias G. Skoulidas, review of <em>"Blessed are those who possess the land": Land-conquering plans for the "disappropriation" of consciences in Macedonia, 1880-1909</em>, by Spyros Karavas.</p><p>Roumen Daskalov, review of <em>The Balkans: modernisation, identities, ideas; in honour of Prof. Nadia Danova</em> (collective volume).</p><p>Loring M. Danforth, review of <em>Battlefields of Memory: The Macedonian Conflict and Greek Historical Culture</em>, by Erik Sjöberg.</p><p>Sada Payır, review of <em>Les Grecs d'Instabul au XIXe siècle: Histoire socioculturelle de la communauté de Pera</em>, by Méropi Anastassiadou.</p><p>Dimitris Stamatopoulos, review of <em>Society and Politics in Southeastern Europe during the 19th Century</em>, by Tassos Anastasiadis and Nathalie Clayer (eds).</p><p> </p>

V.P. (Chip) Gagnon, Jr. (2004, 2010) has provided a useful corrective to what he has called the “Myth of Ethnic War,” the notion that what was Yugoslavia was torn apart by primeval communal hatreds. He is not alone in this. Maria Todorova's variation on Edward Said's “Orientalism” take on the same question, and edited volumes put together by Dušan Bjelić and Obrad Savić and by Raymond Detrez and Pieter Plas have also attacked the problem posed when public intellectuals and politicians paint a crude caricature of Balkan history. The readers of this journal no doubt have their own favorites when it comes to the sport of bashing this particular myth.

Greece entered NATO in order to guarantee its existence against the revisionism of the Balkan communist states during the Cold War. The rise of Greek-Turkish rivalry during the 1950s and 1960s and its climax, the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus, caused Greece’s withdrawal from NATO structure from 1974 to 1980. After the end of the Cold War Greece attempted to form a multilateral approach in its foreign policy and secure its interests in both the Balkan area and the Eastern Mediterranean. The new unstable environment of the early 21st century and Greece’s economic crisis complicated Greece’s position in NATO. Still the macro-historic parameters of Greece’s identity as a sea power confirm its ties to the Atlantic world and predict a possible realignment of Greece in an increasingly unstable European framework that could well see the demise of the European Union.

Abstract Summary: This article surveys the state of diversity in Southeastern Europe by examining the nature of interethnic relations and diversity, minority rights protection and political participation of minorities. During the past decade, state repression and hostility towards minorities have largely made way to including minorities in government and introducing comprehensive minority rights protection laws. These improvements at the level of policy are often not matched in terms of general interethnic relations. Majority-minority relations remain burdened by the 1990s and Southeastern Europe is considerably more homogenous than it was in 1989. As a consequence, legal and policy changes are often the consequence of international and in particular EU pressure rather than domestic processes.

1877-1878 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı sonunda imzalanan Ayastefanos Antlaşmasıyla Bulgaristan'a verilen Makedonya topraklarının, Berlin Antlaşmasıyla Osmanlı İmparatorluğuna geri verilmesi, Balkan sorununu "Makedonya Sorunu"na dönüştürdü. Bulgaristan, Ayastefanos ile kendisine verilen Makedonya'yı topraklarına katmak için girişimlere başladı. Bir yandan topraklarını genişletirken, diğer yandan da kurduğu komiteler, konsoloshaneler ve ruhani önderler aracılığıyla Makedonya'daki Bulgar etkisini arttırmaya çalıştı. Bulgarların bu faaliyetleri bölgedeki Rum, Sırp, Ulah vb. diğer unsurları da kışkırttı. Onlar da çeteler kurarak Makedonya'da etnik, demografik ve siyasal üstünlüğü ele geçirme mücadelesine giriştiler. II. Meşrutiyetin ilanını izleyen günlerde çeteler ile Osmanlı yönetimi arasında bir barış havası esmeye başladı. 1909 yılında anayasada yapılan değişikliklerle özgürlükçü ortamdan yararlanan çeteler adlarını "meşrutiyet kulüpleri"ne çevirerek yasal bir nitelik kazandı. Ancak barış havası kısa sürdü. Edirne Mebusu Talat Bey'in önerisi, Hareket Ordusu Komutanı Mahmut Şevket Paşa'nın ısrarı üzerine çıkarılan "Cemiyetler Kanunu" hükümet ile meşrutiyet kulüpleri arasında havayı gerginleştirdi. Bu nedenle 1909 sonrasında "Makedonya Sorunu" ivme kazandı. Böylece Balkan Devletleri, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun bölgedeki topraklarına yönelik daha büyük ve daha organize bir paylaşım sürecine girdi.

“We Serbs must militarily defeat our enemies and conquer the territories we need.”Vojislav Maksimovic, MemberBosnian Serb Parliament“I don't see what's wrong with Greater Serbia. There's nothing wrong with a greater Germany, or with Great Britain.”Bosnian Serb LeaderRadovan KaradžićThe break-up of Yugoslavia has come about as a result of national, economic and political conflicts which by the end of 1987 had taken on unprecedented dimensions. At that point, latent political conflicts between various republics came into the open. More specifically, the conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo had turned into a low-intensity war. Under Slobodan Miloševićs leadership in Serbia, the Serbo-Slovenian conflict over Kosovo deepened, forcing other republics and provinces to take sides. The Slovenian leadership opposed a military solution to the Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo. By 1990 the Serbo-Slovenian conflict had spilled over into Croatia, completely polarizing the Yugoslav political elite into two distinct camps; one encompassed Slovenia and Croatia, the other Serbia and Montenegro, with Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina playing the role of unsuccessful mediators.

From the estimated ten million refugees in interwar Europe, more than 250,000 were ethnic Bulgarians who found their way in the Bulgarian Kingdom following Bulgarian defeats in the Second Balkan War and World War One. For a country with a population of five and a half million in the mid-1920s, this refugee flow constituted a significant challenge from economic, political, social, and cultural viewpoints. Similarly to Germany, Hungary, and Austria, the refugee presence served as a constant reminder of national failure because Bulgaria lost territories, perceived as a part of the national homeland, to all of its neighbors. The Bulgarian state received refugees from the Ottoman Empire, Greece, Yugoslavia, and Romania, and the interwar governments were compelled to deal with a large and diverse population that suffered harsh socioeconomic problems and psychological traumas. Due to the Convention for Emigration of Minorities between Greece and Bulgaria of 1919 as well as the Greek-Turkish War of 1921–1922 and the obligatory population exchange it initiated in the period 1922–1924, refugee flows in the Balkans lasted well into the mid-1920s. Hence Bulgarians were on the move throughout 1924 and 1925. Despite these strenuous circumstances, interwar politicians boasted the successful integration of the refugees. Immediately after World War One, the government provided temporary assistance to the newcomers. In 1926, an international loan allowed the agricultural settlement of the most destitute new arrivals, and all refugees were granted the rights of Bulgarian citizens. A second loan in 1928 guaranteed the continuation of vital infrastructure projects. By the end of the 1930s, both domestic and international agencies involved in the refugee accommodation viewed the process as a successfully completed mission.

Ahmet Tetik meslekten tarihçi olmayıp Türk dili ve edebiyatı uzmanıdır. Lisans eğitimini Atatürk Üniversitesinde görmüş; doktorasını Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsünde yapmıştır. Genelkurmay Askeri Tarih ve Stratejik Etüt Başkanlığında (ATASE) arşiv şube müdürlüğünde bulunmuştur. Adıgeçenin, Balkan Savaşları (1912-1913), Birinci Dünya Savaşı (1914-1918) ve Kurtuluş Savaşı (1919-1922) dönemleri hakkında yayına hazırladığı ATASE arşiv derleme kitap ve makaleleri mevcuttur. XII + 500 sayfa uzunluğundaki çalışma; sunuş, kuruluş ve kapatılış, İspanya-Fas 1914- 1916, Trablusgarp 1914-1916, Rusya 1914-1916, İran 1914-1916, Kafkas Cephesi 1914-1916, Ek Bilgiler (1. Fuat Balkan'ın Balkan Harbindeki Faaliyetlerine Dair Raporu, 2. Rusya'da Sakin Müslüman Türk Tatarların Haklarını Müdafaa Cemiyetinin 14 Kasım 1915 Tarihli Bildirisi, 3. İran Özel Komisyonu Raporu, 4. Harb-i Umumide Mücahiddin-i Mevleviye Alayı, 5. Ömer Naci Bey), Notlar ve Dizin bölümlerinden meydana gelmektedir. Birbirinden ilginç fotoğrafların yer aldığı eserde bibliyografya bulunmamaktadır. Ekler Balkan Savaşları ve Birinci Dünya Savaşı alanlarında birçok araştırmacı için değerli mehazdır. Ele alınan konuların coğrafi kapsamı ve stratejik özellikleri göz önüne alındığında, kitapta tek bir harita, savaş planı veya cephe krokisinin bulunmayışı hayret-i muciptir. Ciddi bir eksiklik teşkil ettiği düşünülen bu konuda ATASE Haritalar-Albümler koleksiyonundan yararlanılabilecek olunması aşikardır.

This collection of essays, the latest in a long list of collected works put together by Variorum's Studies in East–Central Europe, 1500–1900, is supposed to give the reader a broad range of Nikolai Todorov's lifetime work. Todorov's contribution to the field is not in doubt, although this collection hardly does justice to that contribution. The fourteen separate articles often overlap in theme, and on one occasion they almost reproduce the same article, as they span a period that reaches back to Todorov's early career in Bulgaria (1964–92). The essays somewhat misplace Todorov's importance to the field, as most of the language appropriated has become outdated with the collapse of the Bulgarian institutions that funded Todorov's research until 1989. I would like to think Todorov can survive the fall of historical materialism.

This article brings a reassessment of the survey of relations published in the author's 1985 book. The discrepancy in chronology seems now to be much nearer to a solution: more material evidence is known from the frontier area and from the Balkans in general, thus enlarging the documentation of the extent of Mycenaean influence in the north, and also clarifying the situation in Late Mycenaean times, when various northern influences were felt in Mycenaean Greece. The crisis at the end of the Aegean Bronze Age was connected with an influx of new populations, though substantial local traditions were also retained. The joint efforts of tradition and innovation prepared the further development of Greece.

In the fall of 1949, after the end of the Greek Civil War, the bulk of the defeated Greek Communist (KKE) fighters were covertly transported from Albania to Soviet Uzbekistan. This article addresses the covert relocation project, organized by the Soviet Communist Party, and the social engineering program intended to create a prototype Greek People’s Democracy in Tashkent. Drawing on Soviet and Greek Communist Party records, the article raises three major issues: first, the contingencies of postwar transition in the Balkans and the precarious status of the Albanian regime; second, the international Communist response to the military defeat of the KKE in 1949 and the competing visions of the Greek, Soviet, and Albanian parties regarding the future of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG); third, the intentions of the KKE to establish military bases in Albania and the party’s ensuing effort to transform the agrarian fighters of the DAG into revolutionary cadres for a future victorious repatriation in Greece. Drawing these elements together, the article elucidates the relocation operation of 1949, positions the Greek political refugee experience within the postwar “battle of refugees,” and challenges the widespread historiographical assumption that the KKE immediately abandoned the prospect of a renewed armed confrontation.

Despite the euphoria surrounding the 1989 revolutions, over the past 15 years voices have warned that resurgent nationalism may bring “democracy in dark times” (Isaacs, 1998; Tismaneanu, 1998; Ramet, 1997). Reflecting this fear, a stream of articles has asserted that nationalism in the East is different from the more civic nationalism of the West (Vujacic, 1996; Bunce, 2001; Schöpflin, 2003). If true, these sentiments should be reflected in the constitutions, documents that define the polity and the foundational values of the state in addition to creating the basic institutional order. Debates over religious references in the European Union constitution and the focus on constitutional change by Albanian forces in Macedonia in 2000 serve as reminders of the centrality of constitutions in contention over identity. However, as all constitutions in East Central Europe and the Balkans set out a democratic structure informed by a tangle of national and liberal ideas, they cannot be neatly divided between those which are nationalist and those which are civic, between those which respect minority rights and those which do not. In fact, what is striking about the constitutions is how they combine ideas of liberal individualism, strong democracy, and pluralism.

We contact the worldonly through our boundaries.Blaga DimitrovaIn a recent issue of the Bulgarian periodicalSega(Now) a reporter related an extraordinary tale of how various name-changing campaigns had marked the experience of a Bulgarian-speaking Muslim—hereafter “Pomak”—in the village of Bachkovo. The story began during the Balkan Wars in 1912–1913 when Hasan, the aforementioned Pomak from the Rhodope mountains of southern Bulgaria, was forced to change his name to Dragan as part of the wartime state campaign for Muslims with “Slavic origins” to “reclaim their Bulgarian names.” A change in politics at the beginning of World War I opened the door for Dragan to change his name back to Hasan; and so he did. In the late 1930s, however, he was again compelled to change his name back to Dragan, in line with theRodina(Homeland) directed name-changing campaigns, described in depth below. After the Communist takeover in 1944 Dragan was able, again, to change his name back to Hasan as wartime “Fascist” policy was reversed. But with the movement towards “national integration” in the 1960s Hasan was forced, again, to change his name back to Dragan. After the fall of Communism in Bulgaria in November 1989 “Dragan” again was allowed to change his name back to Hasan; and so he did. In his one lifetime this “Bulgarian” of Islamic faith, subject to the whims of the fickle and contested Bulgarian national project, changed his name six times. Admittedly, the Pomak's fate in Balkan history seems to be primarily as pawn in Bulgarian and other Balkan national rivalries and domestic designs. Pomak history is, more often than not, the story of the center looking to the margins and imposing its own designs. Having said that, these designs—generally driven by the dual forces of modernity and nationalism—were always subject to a spectrum of Pomak responses and strategies.

The Dictator's Photo Albums: Private and Public Photographs in the Metaxas-Dictatorship The Greek authoritarian «Fourth of August Regime» (1936–1941) focussed in its propaganda on promoting the dictator Ioannis Metaxas as father, grandfather and «First peasant» and while in foreign policy the close ties to the Balkan Entente was advertised, the transfer of ideas from the European fascist regimes was negated. By examining 57 photo albums preserved today in the Hellenic Parliament Archives the article discusses photo albums as a source for the interpretation of the Metaxas dictatorship and as a source for the history of photography in Greece. It examines the private photo album aesthetics and its use in three official brochures with an exceptional high amount of photographs: Fourth of August 1936–1938, Fourth of August 1938–1939 and Four Years of Government by I. Metaxas, 1936–1940. The article's main argument is, that due to their photo album aesthetic the propaganda brochures were invoking the intimacy of a family album.

From 1960 forward, Yugoslavia based its independent foreign policy on three “special relationships”, balancing its accommodation with the Soviet Union by close relations with the United States and the new Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Paying special attention to the roles of Yugoslavia’s Foreign Ministry and the US State Department as well as President Tito, this article addresses three crucial periods in which the intersection of Yugoslavia’s relations with the US, the USSR and the NAM prompted a decisive turn in its foreign policy. In 1961–63, Tito’s support for the NAM damaged its US relations to Soviet benefit. But in 1967–71, NAM indifference to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia turned Tito back toward the US, as advocated by his Foreign Ministry. And in 1976-79, Soviet and Bulgarian efforts to coopt the NAM through Cuba’s Presidency prompted a successful rebuff led by Yugoslavia and appreciated in Washington. After 1979, however, Belgrade’s post Tito reliance on economic relations with the NAM members had unintended and damaging domestic consequences, obstructing the Slovenian and Croatian commitment to West European trade while also dividing Bosnian Muslims from Bosnian Serbs.

RESUMENLa historia del cristianismo no se entiende sin el complejo fenómeno mariano. El culto mariano ha afianzado la construcción de identidades colectivas, pero también individuales. La figura de la Virgen María estableció un modelo de conducta desde cada contexto histórico-cultural, remarcando especialmente los ideales de maternidad y virginidad. Dentro del imaginario católico, la Europa contemporánea ha estado marcada por la formación de una cultura aparicionista que se ha generadoa partir de diversas apariciones marianas que han establecido un canon y un marco de interpretación que ha alimentado las guerras culturales entre secularismo y catolicismo.PALABRAS CLAVE: catolicismo, Virgen María, cultura aparicionista, Lourdes, guerras culturales.ABSTRACTThe history of Christianity cannot be understood without the complex Marian phenomenon. Marian devotion has reinforced the construction of collective, but also of individual identities. The figure of the Virgin Mary established a model of conduct through each historical-cultural context, emphasizing in particular the ideals of maternity and virginity. Within the Catholic imaginary, contemporary Europe has been marked by the formation of an apparitionist culture generated by various Marian apparitions that have established a canon and a framework of interpretation that has fuelled the cultural wars between secularism and Catholicism.KEY WORDS: Catholicism, Virgin Mary, apparicionist culture, Lourdes, culture wars. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAlbert Llorca, M., “Les apparitions et leur histoire”, Archives de Sciences Sociales des religions, 116 (2001), pp. 53-66.Albert, J.-P. y Rozenberg G., “Des expériences du surnaturel”, Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions, 145 (2009), pp. 9-14.Amanat A. y Bernhardsson, M. T. (eds.), Imagining the End. Visions of Apocalypsis from the Ancient Middle East to Modern America, London and New York, I. B. Tauris, 2002.Angelier, F. y Langlois, C. (eds.), La Salette. Apocalypse, pèlerinage et littérature (1846-1996), Actes du colloque de l’institut catholique de Paris (29- 30 de novembre de 1996), Grenoble, Jérôme Million, 2000.Apolito, P., Apparitions of the Madonna at Oliveto Citra. Local Visions and Cosmic Drama, University Park, Penn State University Press, 1998.Apolito, P., Internet y la Virgen. Sobre el visionarismo religioso en la Red, Barcelona, Laertes, 2007.Astell, A. W., “Artful Dogma: The Immaculate Conception and Franz Werfer´s Song of Bernadette”, Christianity and Literature, 62/I (2012), pp. 5-28.Barnay, S., El cielo en la tierra. Las apariciones de la Virgen en la Edad Media, Madrid, Encuentro, 1999.Barreto, J., “Rússia e Fátima”, en C. Moreira Azevedo e L Cristino (dirs.), Enciclopédia de Fátima, Estoril, Princípia, 2007, pp. 500-503.Barreto, J., Religião e Sociedade: dois ensaios, Lisboa, Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa, 2003.Bayly, C. 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AbstractThis paper surveys the private lands owned by of Sultan Abdülhamid II in Palestine and analyzes their spatial distribution and impact, in the context of regional imperial policy. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire faced serious external and internal problems. Sultan Abdülhamid II (r. 1876-1909) used various traditional and modern methods in order to increase the internal cohesion of the empire and strengthen it vis-à-vis external threats.One unique measure taken by the sultan was the purchase of large tracts of land. He became one of the largest landowners in the empire. In Palestine alone, the sultan purchased around 3% of the total area and initiated measures to increase these lands' productivity for his Privy Purse. In addition to gaining economic profit, Abdülhamid II employed his private lands to solve problems which challenged the sovereignty of the empire. These included attempts to settle the Bedouins, the establishment of new towns in order to subjugate nomads in regions where they threatened rural settlements, settling Muslim refugees from the Caucasus and the Balkans, and protecting strategically sensitive lands located on the frontiers, by purchasing them and thus keeping them out of the hands of others.

Romania’s foreign policy during the first decades of the 20th century was not accidental or spontaneous. It was implemented by the leadership of the Kingdom as part of a targeted program for the creation of “Greater Romania.” The foreign policy of Bucharest during the World War and formation of the Versailles system of international relations can be considered as indicative in terms of achieving national interests to gain the regional leader status in the Balkans. The article analyses the struggle around the “Bessarabian question” at the Paris Peace Conference during 1919–1920. This period became decisive for the Romanian Kingdom in the question of the recognition by the international community of its exclusive right to annex Bessarabia. The purposeful work of the Romanian politicians I. Bratianu, A. Vaida-Voevoda, A. Averescu and others in solving the “Bessarabian question” has undoubtedly yielded positive results for Romania. On October 28, 1920, the Paris, or Bessarabian, protocol was signed in Paris to legally recognize the annexation of Bessarabia to the kingdom. Thus, the long and the exhausting struggle of the Romanian diplomacy ended with the victory of Bucharest on the one hand, while on the other, this fateful document was never ratified by the individual participants, which automatically made it legally “incomplete” international act.

Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth century. Although its roots can be traced back to the Hamidian period (1876–1909), Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the most important political ideologies during the Constitutional Regime. Wars that the Ottoman State participated in from 1911 to the end of the empire in 1918 resulted in population and land losses. Especially, following the Balkan Wars, most of the lands that were populated by non-Muslim and non-Turkish subjects were lost. Within this context, Turkish nationalism came to be seen as the most dominant ideological tool intended to save the Empire. This article argues that Turkish nationalism emerged as a reactive ideology that addressed Ottomanism and Islamism, which were the two other dominant state ideologies during the late Ottoman State, due to the changing political context. In this article, Türk Yurdu, a well-known and influential periodical, is used as the primary source of reference to demonstrate the basic features of Turkish nationalism in its infancy.

Abstract Two silver vessels: a silver aryballos from the mid-5th century BC burial No. 11/1969 in Vani and a silver goblet from the ritual complex No. 1 of the Ulyap barrow No. 1 in the Kuban basin, dated to the late 5th-early 4th century BC, are discussed. e similarities in details of the vessels and their decoration with those of the silver vessels found in Lydia and the vicinity of Sinope are pointed out. A group of items of toreutics from the 5th-4th centuries BC complexes in Colchis and outside it is singled out: they are decorated with incised animal or mythological images, the bodies of which are covered with vertical rows of horizontal notches. One can not exclude, that this kind of decoration goes back to the images on the Colchian bronze axes and belts of the 8th-6th centuries BC. The characteristic rosette decorating the bottoms of the vessels from Vani, Ulyap and the phiale No. 61 from the Treasure of Akhalgori is analysed; its genesis is discussed going back to the rosettes on the 6th century BC phialai from Iran, Asia Minor and the Balkans. Further the examples of Lydian metalware found in Colchis are discussed, including the phiale with the votive inscription to the temple of Apollo in Phasis found in the later Sarmatian burial in the Kuban basin. Finally, the problem of the 'international Achaemenid style' and the regional school of Achamenid-inspired toreutics is analysed. In general the author comes to the conclusion of the strong influence of toreutics of the Lydian-Ionian school and Anatolia in a broad sense of this term on the local school of toreutics, which emerged in Colchis in the 5th-4th centuries BC.

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