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Ali, Irum Shehreen. "Understanding the illiberal democracy : the nature of democratic ideals, political support and participation in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669820.
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Shahid, Tahrat Naushaba. "Imaginary lines? : 'Islam', 'secularism', and the politics of family laws in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5d092800-be1a-42bf-8632-e733889ada15.
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With the world's fourth-largest Muslim population, Bangladesh is an important case study in the exploration of what it means to be a 'secular' country with Islam as a state religion. One important mechanism through which to analyse the relationship between religion and the state is through the country's laws, and family laws are especially significant in that they represent the state's determination of which long-standing social and religious practices find their way into legislation as a representation of societal values. As with many other countries with significant Muslim populations, personal status legislation has remained relatively static in the years following independence, despite attempts at change. Inspired by studies of negotiations between state and civil society actors in bringing about changes in law, this study analyses the evolution of family laws for Muslims in Bangladesh, revealing a range of voices using such laws in their negotiations between competing notions of 'Islam' and 'secularism' and their role in governance. Using parliamentary and Supreme Court records, newspaper archives, expert interviews, and secondary literature, I show that there has been little change in personal status legislation beyond procedural simplification, and that the judiciary and policymakers have had a tendency to support freedom of religious practice except in family laws. This study explores why this is the case, and focuses on the discourse around the National Women Development Policy and its clause on property and inheritance as the greatest point of contention in enhancing women's rights in family laws.
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Choudhury, Zahidul Arefin. "Politics of natural disaster : how governments maintain legitimacy in the wake of major disasters, 1990-2010." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1566.
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This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters.
To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process.
This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas
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Rahman, Muhammad Sayadur [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "Politics-Bureaucracy Relations, Governance and Development in Bangladesh: The Case of Local Government / Muhammad Sayadur Rahman ; Betreuer: Subrata. K. Mitra." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1180609204/34.
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Asaduzzaman, Mohammed. "Governance in practice : decentralization and people's participation in the local development of Bangladesh /." Tampere : Department of Management Studies, University of Tampere, 2008. http://www.niaslinc.dk/gateway_to_asia/nordic_webpublications/x506055123.pdf.
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Khan, Enamul Haque. "A Technology and Management Perspective on Performance in Private and State-owned Banks – Bangladesh Cases." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Umeå universitet, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-37868.
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Abstract Title: Comparative Study Between Private and State-owned Banks: Technology and Management Perspectives Author: Khan, Enamul Haque Supervisor: Catherine Lions Background: Bangladesh is a lower developing country with limited resources and income. In Bangladesh, both private and state-owned banks operate side by side but under dissimilar conditions. State-owned banks are obviously overstaffed but secured by the government guarantee while private banks need to be competitive and profitable to survive. Two major competitive factors are technology innovation and good governance system. Private banks in Bangladesh are providing complete online solutions and function with a decentralized management while state-owned banks behave opposite due to government’s traditional attitude. Therefore it is relevant to explore what the state-owned bank can learn from the private bank so that the former can be more effective and profitable like private banks. Purpose: The purpose is to explore what the state-owned bank can learn from its private competitor. My first purpose is to analyze the functioning of technological improvements that, due to generation change, are vital for banks in developing countries. Secondly, since good governance is necessary for the organization to be efficient, I want to identify the main differences between state-owned and private banks that influence the performance. Finally, how to adapt these issues by state-owned banks to improve the performance is other purpose of this study. Method: Unstructured interviews with qualitative approach were carried by interviewing a private bank and a state-owned bank expertise. Primary data collected through telephone interviews helps to identify the practice in the different ownership systems and how growth factors work. Secondary data works as accelerator of the primary data. Conclusion: I have found that state-owned banks have three major problems are: Poor IT infrastructure, clumsy managerial governance working on regulatory bindings and political influence. To overcome these problems, state-owned banks should try to move towards decentralization of managerial activities and meet the technology standard requirements. Key words: Information Technology (IT), Private Bank, State-owned Bank, Developing Countries, Management, Ownership, Government, Regulation, Politics, Interview, Primary and Secondary Data.
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Ahmed, T. "Decentralisation and the local state under peripheral capitalism : a study in the political economy of local government in Bangladesh." Thesis, Swansea University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.635859.
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Conventional social sciences literature usually presents decentralisation as a means of achieving development and democracy. The present thesis, however, argues that the significance of decentralisation and local government is rooted in the specific material conditions of a society which in turn are reflected in the nature of the state stemming out of it. In a developed capitalist society, the local state helps to reduce the variable costs of accumulation to private capital through its 'social investments' and 'social expenditures' and legitimises bourgeois institutions as humane and benevolent providers of social services. Nevertheless, in the developed capitalist societies, because of the development of the productive forces and the existence of an organised working class, the local state can also be used as an arena of class struggle against the hegemonic bourgeois class. While decentralisation and local government support the process of private accumulation and political legitimation in the peripheral capitalist societies as well, the difference in the material conditions of society there and the corresponding class nature of the state make for substantial differences in the character and functions of local government. The absence of a single hegemonic class brings different fractions of contending classes into coalition in order to control the state because control of the state is central to the whole process of accumulation. Local government in these societies provides the central state with an institutional basis on which to forge and extend the class alliance on which the state is based. As peripheral capitalist accumulation is not dependent on the indigenous production system, the provision of social investment and social expenditure is not intended to support the reproduction of labour power in general, but rather to secure the support of class alliance. State-induced development initiatives are designed as a patronage distribution system for the local power structure in order to serve their support to the central power bloc. Local government in Bangladesh since 1958 has been used by military-bonapartist regimes to create local support through a patron-client network. Because of this the potential of local government institutions to act as a viable means of progress and social change has been arrested. However, the potential still remains if progressive social and political forces could be realigned for enlarging the class consciousness of the rural majority, enabling it to participate authentically and more fully in the political process at local and national levels.
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Monem, Mobasser. "The politics of privatisation in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324961.
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Karim, Shahnaz. "The politics of aid in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272565.
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Hasan, Mubashar. "Ummah(s), Islam and Politics in Bangladesh." Thesis, Griffith University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367255.
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Against the backdrop of the resurgence of Islam and emergence of political Islam post 1970s, as well as the replacement of the ‘Red’ menace with the ‘Green’ menace at the end of the Cold War, Islam as a religion and political ideology has attracted renewed attention in international relations. Predictably, scholarship remains divided over Islam’s influence in politics and international relations. On one hand, many liberals, Western conservatives and neo-conservatives see Islam as an illiberal, violent and fascist religion. On the other hand, critics of conservatives and post-Islamist scholars argue that the forces of modernity, particularly democratisation and globalisation, can tame Islam. This thesis, by contrast, argues that international relations scholarship requires a more nuanced approach to explain and understand the relationship between Islam and politics. Drawing upon the political experience of Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim state in the world, this thesis shows that various waves of modernity, democratisation and globalisation have formed Islamist narratives of international relations and domestic politics, pushed nominally secular parties of Bangladesh towards supporting political Islam, and produced conflict within Islamist movements. Ultimately, it is the Islamic concept of “ummah” (the global brotherhood of Muslims) that forms the basis of ‘post-Western IR’ narratives.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Hassan, Mirza Masood. "Politics of decentralization : the case of Upazila reform in Bangladesh." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/66759.
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Satu, Shammi Akter. "Foreign aid and capacity building of municipal government selected case studies of Bangladesh /." Thesis, Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B41680078.
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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.
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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.
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Kabir, Md Ariful Haq. "The Politics of Neoliberalism in the Higher Education Sector in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Literacies and Arts in Education, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5752.
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A new phase of higher education in Bangladesh begun in the 1990s in which a remarkable transformation took place in the higher education system, largely based on market-driven economic forces. The government promulgated the Private University Act in 1992, which has been recently repealed in order to enact the new Private University Act 2010. It formulated a twenty-year Strategic Plan for Higher Education 2006-2026 (SPHE) in 2006. Consequently economic as well as political goals became drivers of the higher education system. This transformation informs a set of changes in the higher education sector. Often higher education institutions rely on private investment and the education they offer is shaped in line with the demands of global markets. This thesis explores the degree to which neoliberalism is a prominent feature of the higher education sector in Bangladesh, and the perception of key stakeholders about the influence of hegemonic neoliberal policy on their academic goals.
This research is analytic and qualitative in nature. The overall approach is one of critical analysis, applying what is discussed in the international literature about neolibralisism to the higher education sector in Bangladesh. In the first instance I analysed documents from policy makers, commentators and news reporters in Bangladesh and related these to concepts in the internationals discussion of monetarism, global market economy and neolibralism. I then turned to a range of key participants in the sector itself and sought their perceptions through interview in order to fill out the initial document analysis and to ground this discussion in the experiences and understandings of people involved in the sector. The data from these interviews is accompanied by an analysis of further documents relating to the participants’ specific workplaces and once again aligned to the international discourse.
The views of participants were sought through interview. A total of twenty-one participants were interviewed under six categories: the University Grant Commission (UGC) and government officials, owners of private universities, politicians and student activists, public and private university authorities and faculty members, education expert and sociologists, and public and private university students. In addition, I searched and analysed a range of documents as further tools for examining the context of the neoliberal agenda within higher education.
The findings are structured into four subsections: neoliberal hegemony and ideological transformation of higher education, neoliberalism and knowledge-based economy, neoliberalism in the higher education sector and its structural consequences, and neoliberalism and resistance. The findings suggested that the neoliberal shift in the higher education sector in Bangladesh explicitly changes the overall socio-cultural, political and economical patterns of society. Not only are philosophical and pedagogical aspects of higher education changed through neoliberal policy agenda, but higher education also becomes a most expensive commodity in contemporary Bangladesh. Private universities have evolved with an underlying notion of privatisation of higher education, and the process of marketisation of higher education leads to a vocationalisation of higher education. The notion of 'academic entrepreneur' contributes to the development of discriminatory attitudes between students, and between teachers. Profit motivated higher education is adversely impacting on the critical insight of the young generation. The neoliberal policy shift within higher education sector is also leading to large-scale violence in higher education institutions.
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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.
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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.
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Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.
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Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.
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RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.
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Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.
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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.
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Hossain, Mallik Akram. "Partnerships in sanitary services delivery for the urban poor in Bangladesh cities: governance and capacitybuilding." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B39557303.
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Moinuddin, Golam. "Metropolitan government : an examination into its prospects for improving urban basic services governance in Dhaka city, Bangladesh." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/194607.
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The purpose of this research is to investigate the contribution of basic services namely water supply, electricity, sewerage, telephone, roads and drainage network etc. for urban living in Dhaka. In the last three and a half decades, Dhaka’s urban basic services governance has been functioning scantily because of supply shortage, sub-standard quality, lack of inter-operator coordination, resource constraints etc. Fragmented governance of urban services – which allowed functioning of several independent special purpose providers in the city - has been argued to be the key contributor by the concerned local researchers, academics, politicians, user groups etc. The same have professed integrated governance of these basic services under the single institutional canvas of a general-purpose metropolitan government headed by elected leadership as the potential remedy.
The research is aimed at examining the prospects of metropolitan government for rendering improvements in this connection. In the process, the research investigated the institutional capacities of the selected service providers based on secondary information, carried out questionnaire interview on sampled users to gauge on their level of satisfaction with the present service governance. The above two investigations examined the effectiveness, equity, efficiency and responsiveness of the existing arrangement as in broad terms, these determines the governance performance. Additionally, the research reviewed cases of metropolitan government from overseas to learn how the arrangement can contribute in this regard.
Investigation results from Dhaka align with the assertion that fragmented mode of governing urban basic services have caused the surfacing of the present ailing status. Review of overseas experiences revealed that metropolitan government arrangement has been quite successful in improving governance problems of urban services similar to Dhaka.
Based on the results, the current research favors the establishment of a general-purpose metropolitan government in Dhaka with sole powers over urban basic services delivery and management. The research also suggests that key considerations for enacting such a governance arrangement needs to reflect on the prospects of consolidating functional and areal jurisdictions, financial affairs of urban basic services under its single institutional framework. The research is significant in context of Dhaka as well as Bangladesh in way that it crafts scope for conducting further examination on issues related to the strengthening of urban local government bodies, tentative functional domains and prospects of implementing metropolitan government in other Bangladeshi cities.published_or_final_version
Kadoorie Institute
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Sharmeen, Shaila. "Politics of Development and Social Change: the Munda in contemporary Barind, Bangladesh." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/142474.
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Mohsin, Amena. "The politics of nationalism : the case of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388423.
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Ahmed, Bokhtiar. "Beyond checkpoints: Identity and developmental politics in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh." Thesis, Australian Catholic University, 2017. https://acuresearchbank.acu.edu.au/download/9e31dff5c8745177718766afd3331cb84f4f7326d38e69b70d066b6a2be37383/8687922/Ahmed_2017_Beyond_checkpoints_identity_and_developmental_politics.pdf.
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This thesis is about contemporary identity and developmental politics in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh. Based on ethnographic research among the Pangkhuas, one of the twelve marginal ethnic groups living here, the thesis examines the everyday forms of identity and developmental practices in relation to a continuous hegemonic articulation of the state’s presence in this geopolitical margin. The central methodology of the research has been multi-sited ethnography characterized by anti-essentialism. A number of key themes and issues are explored in this thesis. First, the process of state hegemony is examined with a focus on its extraordinary articulation of nationalistic imaginations about communities living in the CHT and its colonial genealogy. Second, I argue that displacement is the most compelling norm of settlement in the CHT where the enclosure by the state has politically reproduced the settlement patterns of the region. Third, the complex and ingrained forms of identity construction among the hill communities are examined, explaining how identities are constantly reconfigured by the people themselves or by the State’s attempts to conscript them into governmental nomenclature. Fourth, I explain how the Pangkhuas, as well as other marginal communities in the CHT, become subjects of a developmental pedagogy that identifies their own tradition and culture as a barrier to their progress. Fifth, the thesis discusses a certain cultural politics of turning the communities from ‘fugitives’ to ‘citizens’ who have historically resisted political conscription by the state. I argue that a political process of conversion and cooption reproduces the Pangkhuas as ‘secondary citizens’ of a liberal nationstate. Sixth and finally, I illustrate how the Pangkhuas encounter the hegemonic enclosure of the state both through dissident and resilient strategies in relation to political strategies of other CHT communities in general, who tend to seek a future in the global alliance of the indigenous people confronting the hegemony of nationstates.
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Durazo, Herrmann Julián. "Subnational politics and regime change in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102799.
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What happens to subnational states when the parent federation undergoes a regime change process? This is a crucial question in understanding political processes in federal countries. The visible political differentiation amongst subnational states belonging to the same federation underscores the fact that some processes are at work that are being ignored by the literature's current focus on national developments. To fill this lacuna, I develop an analytical model that seeks to explain regional differentiation during federal regime change by focusing directly on subnational politics and institutions in comparative fashion, while accounting for the inescapable influence of broader federal actors and processes. In constructing this model, I draw extensively from the theories of federalism, regime change and political parties. I argue that the decision to initiate a transition in an authoritarian setting belongs to the federation. However, regional political actors mediate federal processes in their territory and give them a profoundly subnational logic. Regionally specific institutions, interests and histories thus become intangible frontiers between subnational politics and external processes. The constant repetition of this mechanism throughout the transition creates distinct subnational polities. To test my hypothesis, I study three cases in central-northern Mexico: Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas.
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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.
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Greig, Lorne Cameron George. "Court politics and government in England 1509-1515." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1733/.
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The aim of this thesis is to provide an overview of the period 1509-1515 in England, this being the first six years of the reign of Henry VIII. Within this timespan it is possible to witness the rise of Thomas Wolsey and also to examine the political situation before his ascendancy. Reaction to the new king will be examined on a number of fronts. His succession and the expectations placed on him will be looked at, expectations not only from his own people but also from those abroad. The highly visual natural of Henry VIII's court heightened this sense of expectancy and set the boundaries of the succeeding years. That group of men which attached itself to the king at work and play provides the starting point for this thesis. These were the middling courtiers, the men who sought favours and provided services. The desire for promotion at court provided a common bond for this diverse group. Young courtiers on the up, seasoned campaigners seeking rejuvenation and men of service, all sought promotion, through patronage, pedigree, personal ability or the grace of the king. Many men continued in positions of responsibility as held under Henry VII, creating a certain amount of continuity in administration. Edmund Dudley and Richard Empson felt the wrath of a monarch anxious to clear the air at the start of the reign and stamp his own brand of kingship on the court. Their associate Thomas Lovell continued and prospered under a king with no intention of embarking on a purge. William Compton rose from humble beginnings to become one of the king's closest confidants, recognised by many as the man to befriend. Opportunities were available for the ambitious courtier.
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Pratchett, Lawrence. "The politics of new technologies in local government." Thesis, De Montfort University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4107.
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Brydon, William. "Politics, government and society in Edinburgh, 1780-1833." Thesis, Bangor University, 1988. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/politics-government-and-society-in-edinburgh-17801833(c9331ddf-c99a-4f2f-9972-74b42eba0a8c).html.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the development and impact of popular political consciousness in Edinburgh during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Particular attention is drawn to the growing political assertiveness of the middling orders in Edinburgh and to the threat which this posed both to the traditional political establishment in the city and to the established political constitution. The first section of the thesis examines some of the mechanisms by which popular political consciousness was nurtured and expressed. The structure, membership and influence of the myriad clubs and societies which flourished in Edinburgh are examined in Chapter Two. The role and influence of the press in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries are examined in Chapter Three. The second section of the thesis (Chapter Four) looks at the Town Council of Edinburgh, the lynchpin of government in the city. The third section of the thesis examines the impact which growing popular political consciousness had on the pattern of politics and government in Edinburgh. Chapter Five examines the municipal and parliamentary elections of 1780, in which disputes within the political establishment helped fuel growing politicisation out-of-doors. Chapter Six examines the radical Friends of the People reform movement of the 1790s and the reaction to it within the community. Chapter Seven discusses the origins and development of the Edinburgh Police Commission, which was set up in 1805. The role of the Commission is discussed in depth, as are the social and political themes which the controversies surrounding the Commission helped develop. Chapters Eight and Nine chart the course of reform in Edinburgh between the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the coming of the great reforms of the 1830s.
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Guhathakurta, Meghna. "The politics of British aid policy formation : the case of Bangladesh 1972-1986." Thesis, University of York, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238672.
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Goetz, Anne Marie. "The institutional politics of gender in development policy for rural women in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272656.
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Parial, Parag, MD Mizanur Rahman, and MD Lokman Hossain. "E-service Usability and Citizens Expectation : A study on Bangladesh E-government Service." Thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Institutionen Handels- och IT-högskolan, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-20472.
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In twentieth century we have witnessed an extensive growth of internet based services in our every sphere of life. The use of information technology has been a core element using by the government as a communication way to its citizen. E-services delivery is present in developing countries but the erudition is still in immaturity level. Most local governments only provide published information and downloadable forms. Most local government sites provide only one way communications. All are still at the basic level of publishing information online. Before implementing and developing any e-services, the authorities should know the expectation to the service from the users and it is also important to know the usability of the e-service in order to develop it with more usability function so that the users will satisfy by using the service. This study is designed to take descriptive look at whether three e-services of Bangladesh government are perceived usable by the citizens. The studies focused on the current usability level of the three e-services and also find out the citizens expectation from those services. The overall conclusion is about the usability level of the e-services, expectations from the citizens, and suggesting the usability criteria to make the e-service more usable.Program: Magisterutbildning i informatik
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Sundet, Geir. "The politics of land in Tanzania." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f73c896-4495-4aa7-89c5-a7cbc69a44c4.
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This is a study of the politics of public policy. It provides analysis of land policy and a study of policy making and of the Tanzanian state. Rather than deducing the state's agenda from its actions and the policies it produces, this thesis seeks to examine the interactions between the significant factions and personae of the Tanzanian political and administrative elites. This approach goes beyond identifying the divisions within the state between the Party leadership, the technocrats within the Government, and the Presidency. The thesis demonstrates how the ways in which conflicts are resolved, or deferred, and compromises are reached can lead to outcomes which do not necessarily constitute the sum of identifiable interests. In particular, a 'hidden level of government' is uncovered which consists of a technocratic elite which has, to a large extent, managed to depoliticise otherwise sensitive and controversial policy decisions and thus impose their stamp on policy outcomes. This approach to the analysis of rural land policies reveals the continuities in the state's approach to land issues. Since the colonial period, the objective of Tanzania's land policies has been to transform the countryside from the presumed inefficiencies of the 'traditional' modes of land use to fit the needs of a 'modern' and monetised economy. The modernising policies have provided the rationale for an authoritarian approach to land tenure and have been implemented by a centralised land administration. This thesis' historical analysis of the policies associated with the period of ujamaa and villagisation, and of the case studies of the 1983 Agricultural Policy and the 1995 National Land Policy, show that a modernising discourse and centralising administrative practices have remained at the centre of the policy agenda, despite dramatic changes in economic strategies and political institutions, and controversies over the future direction of land policies. The resulting land tenure regime relies on discretionary decision making by politicians and land officials and fails to provide workable procedures of checks and controls against malpractice. This study's detailed examination of the formulation of the National Land Policy reveals how a small elite of senior civil servants were able to hijack the policy making process and side-step political pressure for reform. They ignored, or appropriated selectively, the evidence and recommendations produced by comprehensive policy reviews, including the 1992 Presidential Commission of Inquiry, to maintain their direction of land policy while failing to address the evident shortcomings of the existing land policy regime.
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Goodwin, Mark. "Education governance, politics and policy under New Labour." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1771/.
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This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.
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Alamgir, Fariba. "Land politics in Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh : dynamics of property, identity and authority." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2017. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/66964/.
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Studies have revealed intense competition over land in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh. This study examines land dispute processes within and between hill people (Chakma Community) and Bengali settlers (who migrated through government initiated settlement program in 1979) in CHT. By understanding property, identity and authority as relational; my study explores mutually constitutive processes between property and authority relations, and between property and identity relations. It investigates how property in land is claimed and defined in the context of dynamic authority relation in land control, multiple categorisations and identity claims in CHT. By carrying out a historical analysis of state-making, I argue that CHT remains a frontier because of- the distinctive legal and administrative systems, ambivalence in property system, ongoing processes of reconfiguration of institutional arrangements in land control and state’s territorial strategies to control its population and space. The study employs an ethnographic approach and data are collected by engaging with disputants, institutional actors, academics, members of political organizations and civil society. Working across communities has enabled to encompass differences in narratives, practices and claims based on varied rules, sources of authority, history and identities. Dispute processes reveal that competing property claims are based on various norms (customary and statutory), varieties of land documents (formal and informal) and wide number of authority sources (formal and informal). Property rules (statutory and customary) are negotiated, continuously interpreted and reinterpreted through practices and claim-making. The findings show that in different kinds of disputes (within and between communities), there are different sets of authorities involved in recognising property in land. The study draws out various political constellation of institutions and authority relations that are formed through competition for authorising land relation. State institutions- bureaucratic, judiciary, regional government, traditional institutions, military authorities; and non-state authorities (political parties, leaders, brokers), all partake and compete in the process of constitution of property relation in ‘post’ conflict/mid conflict zone, suggesting that state-making or control over land/territory and property claims as an active and contested process. While the state rules and institutional competition for authority matter in shaping dispute processes, this study finds that land contestations are evolving through contestation over dakhal i.e. physical or forceful occupation of land, which depends on local authority structure for endorsement, individual’s/disputant’s position in the local power structure, proximity of the army camp and people’s ability to exist on the ground by taking certain strategies and actions. The research findings show that identity formation and social positioning play significant roles in competition over land. Struggle over recognition of property in land is intricately linked to people’s struggle for recognition of certain identities. Religious identities of Chakmas (Buddhist) and Bengalis (Muslim) are increasingly becoming stronger. Besides, religious identities are mobilised in relation to contestation over land. The study provides an account of recurrent and interrelated processes of constitution of property, authority and identity relations in a frontier region, which has also been at the margin of the state historically. In the absence of tenure security, the existing stalemate situation regarding the formalisation process and non-recognition of customary land rights of hill people, it is crucial to understand existing land relations in order to plan and implement development policies, particularly those related to land and forest in CHT. My research has taken a novel approach in studying land conflicts by investigating the making of property, authority and identity relations in a contested territory. It contributes to existing knowledge regarding land relations and related processes of authority and identity formation in CHT, and in regions that can be characterised as frontiers or at the margin of the state.
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Kalseth, Jorid. "Politics and resource use in local government service production." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-184.
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This thesis included five essays studying the performance of local governments in Norway. Four of the essays address variation in resource allocation and efficiency between the local governments, the fifth analyses variation in service level. The thesis has mainly an empirical orientation. One essay, presented in Chapter 4, provides a theoretical contribution to the study of efficiency variation in public sector service production. The empirical analyses concentrate on two spending components local government administration and long-term care. Chapter 2 and 3 study variation in the size of local government administration. Administration is a necessary input in both service provision and in the political decision-making process, and administrative spending competes with the welfare services for resources. The size of the administrative component determines the amount of resources available for the production of welfare services. Cost efficiency and service level within long-term care are the topics of Chapter 5 and 6 respectively. Long-tem care for elderly and disabled persons is, besides primary education, the major expenditure component of the municipalities.
Chapter 2 is reprinted with kind permission from Elsevier, sciencedirect.com
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Fleming, David Anthony. "The government and politics of provincial Ireland, 1691-1761." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439735.
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Nazarahari, Reza. "Early Islamic politics and government in Nahj al-balaghah." Thesis, University of Kent, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294321.
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Chowdhury, Shymal Kanti. "Government-NGO collaboration in poverty alleviation in rural areas : a policy study in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of East London, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.532653.
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Collaborative programmes between Government and NGOs have been identified as an effective mechanism to alleviate poverty in developing countries. This policy study explores the collaboration in programmes of rural agricultural improvements in Bangladesh to assess the benefits received by the target groups of village farmers and the poor women and the outcome of the collaborative process. This research carried out interview with 45 persons from the partner organisations like NGOs and the implementing government organisations, the international donor, and officials of the executing ministry. The study is based on these semi-structured interviews, and participatory research from 14 villages representing different parts of Bangladesh. The findings indicated that the NGOs were not involved until the implementation stage and, therefore, so had not been able to engage the poor people in a participatory process of planning, but in some cases the government officials at grass root level were effective in selecting competent participants. In some respect, the participants received better services from the grass-root level government officials than NGOs, though in some cases the expertise of the field level government officials regarding technical services was undermined. However, a good network of relationship among the field officials of partner organisations and the participants was underway in some cases. Lack of co-ordination, monitoring, and communication prevailed in the overall project management activities, which resulted in severe delay in the distribution of donor's fund for the NGOs. As a result participants dropped out in a few cases. Nevertheless, the study found an improvement in income as well as in the position of the poor people in the rural society. This raises a policy dilemma in that overall the programmes benefited their target populations even though some aspects of collaborative mechanisms have not worked well in some cases.
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Jackman, David Glenn. "Living in the shade of others : intermediation, politics and violence in Dhaka city." Thesis, University of Bath, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.723337.
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Bangladesh is often perceived as disordered, characterised by the absence of law abiding systems of governance, and with the poor left to rely on corrupt and dysfunctional relationships. This thesis tells a different story. Examining the lives of people living in the open and most basic slums ethnographically in Dhaka city reveals that people have complex dependencies on ‘intermediaries’ or ‘brokers’ to access resources. Rather than see these relationships as dysfunctional, the core argument developed is that they are inherently part of how social order is maintained in Bangladeshi society. If order is understood as contingent on actors throughout society establishing a dominant capability for violence and accruing resources on this basis, then intermediation can be seen as a prominent means by which both of these ends are achieved. These relationships are thus intertwined with how violence is organised and controlled. A young man who grew up at a bazar described how people need to live in the shade of others, and this metaphor is used to portray this phenomenon. This thesis argues that intermediation in Dhaka has changed significantly over the past decade, with the mastan gangs once identified as powerful in radical decline, replaced by wings of the ruling political party. At the lowest levels of urban society, a complex web of intermediaries exists, including labour leaders, political leaders, their followers and informers. Some people attempt to rise in this order by mobilising as factions and demonstrating their capability for violence, but more generally people employ tactics and strategies for avoiding, negotiating and even exiting these relationships. Negotiating these relationships and one’s place in this order is conceptualised here as the politics of intermediation.
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BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. "The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
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Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
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Martin, Charles 1975. "The politics of Northern Ontario : an analysis of the political divergences at the provincial periphery." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29838.
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From the outset, Northern Ontario has existed as an exploited natural resource region, vulnerable to the vicissitudes of a "boom and bust" verity. This has had profound effects on its ensuing political patterns and political processes. This thesis describes how and why the politics of Northern Ontario are different. This thesis demonstrates that the politics of Northern Ontario, unlike Southern Ontario, are distinguished by disaffection, dependency, domination, pragmatism, and parochialism. This thesis also argues that the North's divergent development and natural resource based economy, as well as pernicious provincial government policies and extensive interventions, provoked the differences apparent in its politics. These differences are evinced in the North's disparate political culture, political priorities, and political structure. Furthermore, this thesis confirms that Northern Ontario politics feature a low level of political efficacy which is primarily the result of its "centre-periphery" connection with Southern Ontario.
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Salloukh, Bassel Fawzi. "The king and the general : survival strategies in Jordan and Lebanon." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26324.
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This study is a comparative analysis of the survival strategies of two regimes: Jordan's King Hussein and Lebanon's Fu'ad Shihab. It is an exploration of the domestic determinants of foreign policy behaviour, and the relation between foreign policy behaviour and regime consolidation, legitimation, and survival in small, weak state actors located in a permeable regional system. The study advances an hypothesis of four explanatory variables to explain the success and failure of Hussein and Shihab's respective strategies. Husseinism's 'success'--as opposed to Shihabism's 'failure'--may be explained by a successful insulatory regional policy, the historical process of state formation, the availability of economic resources under state control, and the ability of the state to use its coercive resources without hindrance. This enabled the Hashemite regime to restructure state-society relations to consolidate social control, mitigate the effects of trans-national ideologies on the domestic arena, and achieve an acceptable level of national integration among the different segments of the society gaining the state allegiance from a sizeable number, or from strategic sectors, of the population.
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Hossain, Shahadat [Verfasser]. "Contested Water Supply: Claim Making and the Politics of Regulation in Dhaka, Bangladesh / Shahadat Hossain." Stuttgart : Franz Steiner Verlag, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1073647706/34.
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Devine, Joseph. "One foot in each boot : the macro politics and micro sociology of NGOs in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Bath, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301965.
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Mishu, Humayra M. "The politics of international law and India-Bangladesh land border management : a critical approach theory." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2018. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/34662/.
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This thesis explores the management of specific aspects of land border disputes on the India-Bangladesh frontier. Drawing on a critical theory approach which problematizes the politics of international law, it asks how a partial border dispute resolution between India and Bangladesh became possible and how and why it proved difficult to achieve in and after 1974, and it suggests that the interaction of law and politics is a major underlying cause of the patterns in that resolution. The specific approach used is taken from Koskenniemi (2005, 2011), who has argued that international legal theories tend to universalise conflicts which are better understood as specific problems in specific historical and political contexts, and that it is the politics of a dispute rather than the legal dimensions as law which shape the processes and possibilities of their resolution. The research asks how effective the available means for conflict resolution have been and why the ongoing border dispute between India and Bangladesh have proved so intractable. The employed methods, derived primarily from Strydom's (2011) account of critical theory methodology, use a qualitative analysis approach to examine substantive issues between the two countries, their history, diplomacy and geography, and to examine carefully how the disputes are seen, defined and acted upon by key players on both sides. The thesis includes a critical analysis of the India-Bangladesh land border dispute with the primary focus on the weaker actor, making sense of Bangladesh's response to attempts to dominate its border policies by a much larger country that was also, in the early 1970s, the sponsor of its independence. The thesis draws on a wide range of original sources, including primary documents sources from both sides and interview sources conducted by the author. It also includes a critical appraisal of the process of negotiation and the interlocking of legal and political arguments in the management of the conflict. The dispute has been partially resolved since the thesis was started, and the analysis aims to explain both the management and the degree of agreement reached by 2015.
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張逸峯 and Yat-fung Cheung. "Modernization and rural politics in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B27772718.
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Gould, Derek Bruce. "Improving policymaking in the Government Secretariat." Thesis, Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1990. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31963778.
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Corbett, Colin. "The 'politics of metropolitan power', Local Government and the 'politics of support' in Scotland, 1979-1997." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/56933/.
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This thesis analyses the Conservative Party's electoral demise in Scotland from 1979 to 1997. This subject has already been extensively explored elsewhere. However, whilst acknowledging the validity and importance of what might be described as the canon of traditional reasons given for the Party's problems north of the border, this thesis identifies and explains the importance of a previously undervalued dynamic in the Scottish party political process. The central argument of this thesis is that the role of local party politics in Scotland has a significant impact on General Elections. The hypothesis under consideration is whether the Conservative Party found it particularly difficult to recover in General Elections subsequent to notable losses in levels of Local Government representation north of the border. Thus, the more qualitative aspects ofthis thesis establish why this might have been the case. This extra aspect of the party political system in Scotland is developed through a series of studies that analyse primary and secondary sources and the results of an elite and Local Councillor interview programme. These studies assess what Conservative Governments in London were hoping to achieve with their policies, how Local Government in Scotland reacted and what effect these dynamics had on the electorate north of the border. After a case study on Stirling that examines how the matters in hand impacted upon a specific community, the Conclusion is then informed by a study of General and Local Government Election results from across the whole of the UK from 1979-1991. This thesis is not a comparative study of Local Government in Scotland and England. However, as the results in Chapter 1 demonstrate, the Conservatives did seem to find it much more difficult to recover from Local Government representation losses in subsequent General Elections north of the border. This suggests that the variable under consideration is a significant addition to the canon of reasons for their electoral demise in Scotland.