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Journal articles on the topic 'Bantu languages Bantu languages Bantu languages'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

Donzo, Jean-Pierre Bunza. "Langues bantoues de l’entre Congo-Ubangi (RD Congo): documentation, reconstruction, classification et contacts avec les langues oubanguiennes." Afrika Focus 28, no. 1 (2015): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02801008.

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This PhD thesis consists of the documentation, reconstruction and classification of ten Bantu langages (bolondó, bonyange, ebudzá, ebwela, libóbi, lingͻmbε, mondóngó, monyͻngͻ, mosángé, págaɓéte) spoken in the geographical area between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers in the northwestern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The study examines the interaction between these languages and seven neighboring Ubangian languages (gbánzírí, gͻbú, maɓó, mbānzā, monzͻmbͻ, ngbandi, ngbaka-mīnāgendē). By means of a lexicostatistical study which determines the degree of lexical similarity b
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2

Crane, Thera Marie, and Bastian Persohn. "What’s in a Bantu verb? Actionality in Bantu languages." Linguistic Typology 23, no. 2 (2019): 303–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2019-0017.

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Abstract The lexical and phrasal dimensions of aspect and their interactions with morphosyntactic aspectual operators have proved difficult to model in Bantu languages. Bantu actional types do not map neatly onto commonly accepted categorizations of actionality, although these are frequently assumed to be universal and based on real-world event typologies. In this paper, we describe important characteristics and major actional distinctions attested across Bantu languages. These, we argue, include complex lexicalizations consisting of a coming-to-be phase, the ensuing state change, and the resu
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3

Posthumus, L. "Wetenskaplike woordidentifikasie en -klassifikasie in Bantoetale met besondere verwysing na Zoeloe." Literator 22, no. 2 (2001): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v22i2.366.

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Scientific word identification and classification in Bantu languages with special reference to Zulu Despite the fact that Van Wyk’s word theory (1958) is the only scientifically justified word theory for Bantu languages, his work has not had the expected impact on the study of Bantu languages (especially the Nguni languages). This is partly due to the fact that his thesis was written in Afrikaans and is inaccessible to many Bantu language scholars. Secondly, this state of affairs is due to the fact that his treatise is highly theoretical and that the principles have not been applied exhaustive
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Knappert, Jan. "The Bantu languages : an appraisal." European Journal of Sociology 28, no. 2 (1987): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600005464.

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The fact that the Bantu languages are related was first mentioned in a short publication by Martin Heinrich Lichtenstein (Berlin) in 1811. Very few Bantu languages were known at that time: only Kongo (Kikongo) as it was spoken at the mouth of the Zaire river, and some languages of southern Africa, on which a few notes were published in the Narrative of an Expedition by Captain J. K. Tucker in 1818, but which were written originally by William Marsden (probably in 1808) and possibly published separately.
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5

DEVLIEGER, P. J. "Physical ‘disability’ in Bantu languages." International Journal of Rehabilitation Research 21, no. 1 (1998): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004356-199803000-00005.

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6

Güldemann, Tom. "Head-initial meets head-final nominal suffixes in eastern a southern Bantu from a historical perspective." Studies in African Linguistics 28, no. 1 (1999): 50–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v28i1.107378.

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Bantu languages in eastern and southern Africa possess nominal suffixes which serve to express locative relations or derive nominal stems. As these grammemes are final to their noun hosts, they are markedly distinct from canonic prefix morphology in Bantu nouns. Moreover, nominal syntagms are head-initial and canonic grammaticalization in this domain can be expected to yield prefixes. The elements under discussion are suffixes, yet they developed in Bantu from inherited nominal lexemes. Thus, they are unusual from a morphotactic viewpoint and cannot easily be accounted for by exclusively langu
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Ondondo, Emily Ayieta. "Long Vowels and Nasal-consonant Sequences in Kisa." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 8, no. 10 (2018): 1329. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0810.11.

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Nasal Consonant (NC) sequences, in Bantu languages, and the long vowels preceding them remains a puzzle in Bantu literature and research. This paper provides a descriptively oriented analysis of the relationship between long vowels and nasal consonant sequences in Kisa, a dialect of Luhya, a Bantu language spoken in Khwisero Constituency Western Province, Kenya. The data used in this paper was generated by the author as a native speaker of Kisa. The central descriptive fact is that NC sequences in words consisting of native Kisa morphemes are usually, but not obligatorily, preceded by long vow
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8

Kula, Nancy C. "Developing an Areal View of Intonation in Eastern Bantu." Journal of Law and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2020): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53974/unza.jlss.3.1.446.

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This paper is an initial attempt at trying to synthesise the state-of-art in the study on intonation in Bantu languages. The goal is to specifically investigate what central features emerge in the comparison of four Bantu languages to allow us to formulate a hypothesis on areal features and variation in Eastern Bantu languages. The base language used for the comparison is Bemba, for which details of local intonational effects such as final lowering in utterances, as well as global effects, such as pitch range expansion in questions, are provided. These same questions are compared and contraste
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9

Good, Jeff. "Reconstructing morpheme order in Bantu." Diachronica 22, no. 1 (2005): 3–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.22.1.02goo.

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The morphological ordering relationships among a set of valence-changing suffixes found throughout the Bantu family have been of theoretical interest in a number of synchronic studies of the daughter languages. However, few attempts have yet been made to reconstruct the principles governing their ordering in the parent language. Based on a survey of over thirty Bantu languages, this paper proposes a reconstruction wherein the order of suffixes marking causativization and applicativization was fixed in Proto-Bantu. This reconstruction runs counter to approaches to morphosyntax where semantic sc
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10

Lusekelo, Amani. "The Incorporation of the Kiswahili Names of Cereals and Tubers in the Non-Bantu Languages in Tanzania." Utafiti 14, no. 2 (2020): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-14010017.

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Abstract I articulate the mechanisms for the incorporation of Kiswahili names of the New World cereals and tubers in the Afro-asiatic, Khoisan and Nilo-Saharan languages spoken in Tanzania. The penetration of pastoral-terms from non-Bantu societies into Bantu communities is extensively documented. But research on the impact of Kiswahili on non-Bantu languages has not been given prominence except in a few studies. Thus, specific investigation of the names of cereals and tubers into non-Bantu languages is incomplete. With regard to transference of the nomenclature of the farm-related products, I
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11

Legère, Karsten. "Missionary Contributions to Bantu Languages in Tanzania." Quot homines tot artes: New Studies in Missionary Linguistics 36, no. 2-3 (2009): 393–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.36.2.11leg.

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Summary This paper deals with linguistic work by the lay missionary James Thomas Last (1850–1933), who was among the first Europeans to live up-country in what is now Tanzania. In the course of a seven-year stay he was exposed to African languages which have only partly been known outside Africa. Last collected linguistic data that culminated 1885 in the publication of the Polyglotta Africana Orientalis. This book is a collection of 210 lexical items and sentences elicited in or translated into 48 African languages, and supplemented by entries for some other languages. In order to demonstrate
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12

Downing, Laura J. "Questions in Bantu languages: prosodies and positions." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 55 (January 1, 2011): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.55.2011.404.

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The papers in this volume were originally presented at the Workshop on Bantu Wh-questions, held at the Institut des Sciences de l’Homme, Université Lyon 2, on 25-26 March 2011, which was organized by the French-German cooperative project on the Phonology/Syntax Interface in Bantu Languages (BANTU PSYN). This project, which is funded by the ANR and the DFG, comprises three research teams, based in Berlin, Paris and Lyon. The Berlin team, at the ZAS, is: Laura Downing (project leader) and Kristina Riedel (post-doc). The Paris team, at the Laboratoire de phonétique et phonologie (LPP; UMR 7018),
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Nurse, Derek. "‘Historical’ classifications of the Bantu languages." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 29-30, no. 1 (1994): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00672709409511662.

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14

Clements, G. N. "Vowel Height Assimilation in Bantu Languages." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 17, no. 2 (1991): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v17i2.1662.

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15

Marten, Lutz, and Jenneke van der Wal. "A typology of Bantu subject inversion." Linguistic Variation 14, no. 2 (2014): 318–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.14.2.04mar.

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This study charts variation in subject inversion constructions in Bantu languages. It distinguishes between seven types of inversion constructions: formal locative inversion, semantic locative inversion, instrument inversion, patient inversion, (clausal) complement inversion, default agreement inversion and agreeing inversion. Based on a set of nine surface variables, a matrix of inversion constructions is developed which identifies characteristics of the set of constructions overall as well as of each individual construction type. The distribution of the different inversion constructions is d
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Pakendorf, Brigitte, Hilde Gunnink, Bonny Sands, and Koen Bostoen. "Prehistoric Bantu-Khoisan language contact." Language Dynamics and Change 7, no. 1 (2017): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00701002.

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Click consonants are one of the hallmarks of “Khoisan” languages of southern Africa. They are also found in some Bantu languages, where they are usually assumed to have been copied from Khoisan languages. We review the southern African Bantu languages with clicks and discuss in what way they may have obtained these unusual consonants. We draw on both linguistic data and genetic results to gain insights into the sociocultural processes that may have played a role in the prehistoric contact. Our results show that the copying of clicks accompanied large-scale inmarriage of Khoisan women into Bant
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Downing, Laura, Annie Rialland, Jean-Marc Beltzung, Sophie Manus, Cédric Patin, and Kristina Riedel. "Papers from the workshop on Bantu relative clauses." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 53 (January 1, 2010): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.53.2010.388.

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All of the papers in the volume except one (Kaji) take up some aspect of relative clause construction in some Bantu language. Kaji’s paper aims to account for how Tooro (J12; western Uganda) lost phonological tone through a comparative study of the tone systems of other western Uganda Bantu languages. The other papers examine a range of ways of forming relative clauses, often including non-restrictive relatives and clefts, in a wide range of languages representing a variety of prosodic systems.
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18

Vansina, J. "New Linguistic Evidence and ‘The Bantu Expansion’." Journal of African History 36, no. 2 (1995): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034101.

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New linguistic evidence about the classification of the Bantu languages does not support the current view that these languages spread as the result of a massive migration or ‘expansion’ by its speakers. Rather the present geographic distribution of Bantu languages is the outcome of many complex historical dynamics involving successive dispersals of individual languages over a time span of millennia and involving reversals as well as successes. This is as true for eastern and southern Africa, where a close correlation between the archaeological evidence documenting the diffusion of basic food-r
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De Kind, Jasper. "Pre-verbal focus in Kisikongo (H16a, Bantu)." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 57 (January 1, 2014): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.57.2014.421.

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The present paper aims at describing different pre-verbal focus strategies in Kisikongo (H16a), spoken in the vicinity of Mbanza Kongo, northern Angola. This western Bantu language is part of the Kikongo Language Cluster (KLC), stretching from southern Gabon to northern Angola, including Cabinda and parts of Congo-Brazzaville and Congo-Kinshasa. Kikongo exhibits a clause-internal pre-verbal argument focus position, which has rarely been reported in Bantu languages, except in Mbuun (B87) (Bostoen and Mundeke 2012) and Nsong (B85d) (Koni Muluwa and Bostoen, this volume), both spoken in the neigh
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Bulkens, Annelies. "La reconstruction de quelques mots pour mortier en domaine Bantou." Studies in African Linguistics 28, no. 2 (1999): 113–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v28i2.107373.

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This article proposes reconstructions of words for "mortar" in Bantu languages. Comparative research indicates that a nominal stem of the type *-du - -nu can be reconstructed on a Proto-Bantu level; however, data from related non-narrow Bantu languages seem to indicate greater historical depth. In the eastern Bantu languages, a second nominal stem, O-tode, is reconstructed. It appears to be closely related to the geographical distribution of a cereal in south-eastern Africa. Finally, two other regional stems with less historical depth are reconstructed for the Great Lakes area and the central
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21

de Filippo, Cesare, Koen Bostoen, Mark Stoneking, and Brigitte Pakendorf. "Bringing together linguistic and genetic evidence to test the Bantu expansion." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 279, no. 1741 (2012): 3256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2012.0318.

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The expansion of Bantu languages represents one of the most momentous events in the history of Africa. While it is well accepted that Bantu languages spread from their homeland (Cameroon/Nigeria) approximately 5000 years ago (ya), there is no consensus about the timing and geographical routes underlying this expansion. Two main models of Bantu expansion have been suggested: The ‘early-split’ model claims that the most recent ancestor of Eastern languages expanded north of the rainforest towards the Great Lakes region approximately 4000 ya, while the ‘late-split’ model proposes that Eastern lan
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22

Letsholo, Rose. "The forgotten structure of Ikalanga relatives." Studies in African Linguistics 38, no. 2 (2009): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v38i2.107290.

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Demuth and Harford (1999) contend that in Bantu relatives, the verb raises from I-C if the relative morpheme is a bound morpheme while the subject remains in spec-IP resulting in subject –verb inversion. Ikalanga, a Bantu language spoken in Botswana has no subject verb inversion in relatives although the relative morpheme appears to be a bound morpheme. This observation challenges the conclusion reached in Demuth and Harford (1999). This raises the question, What then is the structure of the relative clause in languages like Ikalanga and Luganda? This paper argues that Ikalanga relative clause
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23

Spuy, Andrew van der. "Phonological relationships between the Southern Bantu languages." African Studies 49, no. 1 (1990): 119–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020189008707720.

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24

Yukawa, Yasutoshi. "Some Features of Bantu Languages in Cameroun." Journal of African Studies 1991, no. 39 (1991): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.1991.39_1.

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van der Wal, Jenneke. "Review of ‘The Bantu Languages, second edition’." Linguistic Typology 24, no. 2 (2020): 399–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2020-2031.

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26

Van de Velde, Mark L. O. "The Bantu relative agreement cycle." Linguistics 59, no. 4 (2021): 981–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0113.

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Abstract This article presents the Bantu relative agreement (BRA) cycle, a scenario of recurrent morphosyntactic change that involves the emergence of relativizers, which are subsequently integrated into the relative verb form, where they can ultimately replace the original subject agreement prefix. All logical outcomes at every stage of the cycle are amply attested in the languages of the Bantu family. The BRA cycle makes sense of many of the puzzling characteristics of relative clause constructions in the Bantu languages, especially in the domain of agreement.
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Grimm, Nadine. "Color Categories in Language Contact: ‘Pygmy’ Hunter-Gatherers and Bantu Farmers." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 38 (September 25, 2012): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v38i0.3320.

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<p>When speakers adopt colors from another language, do they only borrow certain lexical forms or do they absorb whole concepts? And if both a lexical term and a color category are borrowed, are they both borrowed at the same time or is one of them borrowed first? In this paper, I address the question of how color categories are borrowed, providing evidence from Gyeli ‘Pygmy’ hunter-gatherers (PHGs) in contact with Bantu farmers in southern Cameroon. The data shows rich variability in borrowing patterns. Color categories are not borrowed in toto, but only partially, i.e. the resulting co
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Spinner, Patti. "Review article: Second language acquisition of Bantu languages: A (mostly) untapped research opportunity." Second Language Research 27, no. 3 (2011): 418–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658310376217.

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This review article presents a summary of research on the second language acquisition of Bantu languages, including Swahili, Zulu, Xhosa and Lingala. Although second language (L2) research on these languages is currently very limited, work in morphosyntax and phonology suggests promising directions for future study, particularly on noun class, tense and aspect.
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Li, Sen, Carina Schlebusch, and Mattias Jakobsson. "Genetic variation reveals large-scale population expansion and migration during the expansion of Bantu-speaking peoples." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 281, no. 1793 (2014): 20141448. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2014.1448.

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The majority of sub-Saharan Africans today speak a number of closely related languages collectively referred to as ‘Bantu’ languages. The current distribution of Bantu-speaking populations has been found to largely be a consequence of the movement of people rather than a diffusion of language alone. Linguistic and single marker genetic studies have generated various hypotheses regarding the timing and the routes of the Bantu expansion, but these hypotheses have not been thoroughly investigated. In this study, we re-analysed microsatellite markers typed for large number of African populations t
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Gunnink, Hilde. "Language contact between Khoisan and Bantu languages: The case of Setswana." Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 38, no. 1 (2020): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073614.2020.1737158.

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Gibson, Hannah. "The grammaticalisation of verb-auxiliary order in East African Bantu." Studies in Language 43, no. 4 (2019): 757–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.17033.gib.

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Abstract Bantu languages employ a combination of simple and compound verb forms to encode tense-aspect-mood distinctions. Compound constructions typically involve an auxiliary form followed by an inflected main verb. However, the six East African Bantu languages under examination in this paper exhibit a word order in which the auxiliary appears after the verb. This order is typologically unusual for languages with SVO word order and comparatively unusual in the context of the Bantu languages. This paper presents a synchronic description of this word order and develops an account of its possibl
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32

Hyman, Larry M. "Nasal consonant harmony at a distance the case of Yaka." Studies in African Linguistics 24, no. 1 (1995): 6–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v24i1.107408.

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In a number of Bantu languages the [d-l] reflex of Proto-Bantu *-Vd- suffixes alternates with [n] when the consonant of the preceding syllable is nasal, e.g., /dim-id-/ 'cultivate for' ~ [dim-in-]. Because these Bantu languages do not allow nasalized vowels, it is necessary to view such assimilation as operating "at a distance" [Poser 1983], with the intervening vowel(s) being transparent. Transvocalic nasal consonant harmony (NCR) is widespread within Bantu [Greenberg 1951], and was repeatedly cited by phonologists in the 1970's, e.g., from Luba [Howard 1972, Johnson 1972] and Lamba [Kenstowi
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Schadeberg, Thilo C. "Spirantization and the 7-to-5 Vowel Merger in Bantu." Sound Change 9 (January 1, 1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.9.06sch.

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Abstract. Many Bantu languages have the balanced seven-vowel system i i e a c u u. It is the system that one would, on internal evidence, reconstruct for proto-Bantu. Many other Bantu languages have a reduced five-vowel system i e a c u. The five-vowel systems are historically almost always the result of a merger of the two highest front and back vowels, respectively; i.e., the result of a merger of *i /*i and of *u/*u ("7>5"). Another widespread sound change occurring in Bantu is the one here called "Spirantization". It occurs in seven-vowel languages and affects obstruents in the environm
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Bostoen, Koen, and Jean-Pierre Donzo. "Bantu-Ubangi language contact and the origin of labial-velar stops in Lingombe (Bantu, C41, DRC)." Diachronica 30, no. 4 (2013): 435–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.30.4.01bos.

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We examine the origin of labial-velar stops in Lingombe, a language from the northern Bantu borderland. Labial-velar stops are uncommon in Bantu. It is generally believed that they were acquired through contact with neighbouring non-Bantu speakers, in casu Ubangi languages. We show that the introduction of labial-velar stops in Lingombe is indeed a contact-induced change, but one which could not happen through superficial contact. It involved advanced bilingualism, whereby Ubangi speakers left a phonological substrate in the Bantu language to which they shifted. Once adopted, these loan phonem
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Dom, Sebastian, Guillaume Segerer, and Koen Bostoen. "Antipassive/associative polysemy in Cilubà (Bantu, L31a)." Studies in Language 39, no. 2 (2015): 354–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.39.2.03dom.

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Antipassive constructions are commonly associated with languages with a predominantly ergative alignment. In this article, we show that antipassive constructions can also occur in predominantly accusative languages such as Cilubà, a Bantu language of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is expressed by the verbal suffix -angan-, deriving an intransitive clause from a transitive one by omitting the object noun phrase. This suffix functions canonically as a reciprocal marker and is also used to express sociativity/reciprocity and iterativity. An analysis of the suffix’ polysemy is provided o
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Eaton, Helen. "A Discourse Analysis of Three Past TAM Forms in Vwanji." Studia Orientalia Electronica 8, no. 3 (2020): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.68999.

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This paper presents data from Vwanji, an under-documented Bantu language spoken by approximately 28,000 people in southwestern Tanzania. Bantu languages are well known for having multiple degrees of past time reference grammaticalized in their TAM systems, and Vwanji is a good example of such a language, but one with some interesting typological differences from certain general TAM trends in Bantu languages noted in Nurse (2008). Three past TAM forms, in particular, are the focus of the research: P1 /Anterior SM-VB-ile, P2 SM-a-VB-a, and the Near Past Habitual SM-a-VB-aɣa. The analysis of data
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Goodness, Devet. "The Bantu Preprefix, Morphology, Phonology or Syntax?" International Journal of Linguistics 9, no. 3 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v9i3.11339.

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Bantu languages are characterized with the presence of an initial element that appears after a noun class prefix. This initial element (also known as initial vowel, pre-prefix or augment) has attracted the attention of most Bantuists. One issue of concern with regard to this initial element (hereafter called the preprefix) is related to its form, its distribution and its function. A question often asked is concerned with what triggers its occurrence in Bantu languages. This paper seeks to examine the preprefix in Bantu so as to come to grips with what triggers its occurrence in different Bantu
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Pakendorf, Brigitte, Cesare de Filippo, and Koen Bostoen. "Molecular Perspectives on the Bantu Expansion: A Synthesis." Language Dynamics and Change 1, no. 1 (2011): 50–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221058211x570349.

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AbstractThe expansion of Bantu-speaking peoples over large parts of sub-Saharan Africa is still a matter of debate—not only with respect to the propelling force behind it and the route(s) taken, but, also, in terms of the question whether there actually was a demographic expansion of peoples, rather than just a cultural expansion involving the spread of languages and technologies. In this paper, we provide a critical review of the extant linguistic and molecular anthropological data on Africa and discuss the insights they provide concerning the expansion itself as well as the demographic proce
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Downing, Laura J., Lutz Marten, and Sabine Zerbian. "Introduction." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 43 (January 1, 2006): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.43.2006.282.

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The papers in this volume reflect a number of broad themes which have emerged during the meetings of the project as particularly relevant for current Bantu linguistics. [...] The papers show that approaches to Bantu linguistics have also developed in new directions since this foundational work. For example, interaction of phonological phrasing with syntax and word order on the one hand, and with information structure on the other, is more prominent in the papers here than in earlier literature. Quite generally, the role of information structure for the understanding of Bantu syntax has become
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Hyman, Larry M. "Positional prominence and the ‘prosodic trough’ in Yaka." Phonology 15, no. 1 (1998): 41–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675798003522.

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The issue of vowel height harmony – relatively rare in the world's languages – is one that most serious theories of phonology have addressed at one time or another, particularly as concerns its realisation in Bantu (e.g. Clements 1991, Archangeli & Pulleyblank 1994, Beckman 1997). As is quite well known, the majority of an estimated 500 Bantu languages exhibit some variant of a progressive harmony process by which vowels lower when preceded by an appropriate (lower) trigger. (Ki)-Yaka, a Western Bantu language spoken in ex-Zaire, designated as H.31 by Guthrie (1967–71), has a height harmon
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41

Aborobongui, Georges Martial Embanga, Fatima Hamlaoui та Annie Rialland. "Syntactic and prosodic aspects of left and right dislocation in Embɔsi (Bantu C25)". ZAS Papers in Linguistics 57 (1 січня 2014): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.57.2014.418.

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This paper deals with left and right dislocation in Embɔsi, a Bantu language (C25) spoken in Congo-Brazzaville. The prosody of dislocation has gathered considerable attention, as it is particularly informative for the theories of the syntax-prosody mapping of Intonation Phrases (a.o. Selkirk, 2009, 2011; Downing, 2011). Concentrating on selected Bantu languages, Downing (2011) identifies two main phrasing patterns. She primarily distinguishes languages in which only right dislocated phrases display a lack of prosodic integration ("asymmetric" languages), from languages in which both left and r
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42

Baka, Jean. "Definition de L’adjectif en Langues Bantu." Afrika Focus 14, no. 1 (1998): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-01401007.

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Definition of the Adjective in Bantu Languages In Bantu, as in other language groups, the definition of the adjective depends on the type of criteria that one uses. Some authors make use of morphological criteria, some of syntactic criteria and others of semantic criteria. From this variety of criteria there follows a diversity of definitions. One can reach, nevertheless, a more appropriate definition, by having recourse to the whole set of possible criteria but giving primacy to the syntactic ones. Such definition allows us – on the one hand – to bypass the dichotomy between nouns and pronoun
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43

Nurse, Derek. "Focus in Bantu: verbal morphology and function." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 43 (January 1, 2006): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.43.2006.291.

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Although verb forms encoding focus were recorded in various Bantu languages during the twentieth century it was not until the late 1970's that they became the centre of serious attention, starting with the work of Hyman and Watters. In the last decade this attention has grown. While focus can be expressed variously, this paper concentrates largely on its morphological, partly on its tonal expression. On the basis of morphological and tonal behaviour, it identifies four blocks of languages, representing less than a third of all Bantu languages: those with metatony, those with a binary constitue
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44

Macwilliam, Anita. "Expanding Swahili Lexicon by Means of Bantu Languages." Meta: Journal des traducteurs 33, no. 4 (1988): 577. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/004604ar.

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45

Downing, Laura J. "The prosody of ‘dislocation’ in selected Bantu languages." Lingua 121, no. 5 (2011): 772–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2010.11.006.

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46

Downing, Laura J. "Compounding and tonal non-transfer in Bantu languages." Phonology 20, no. 01 (2003): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675703004457.

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47

Zerbian, Sabine, and Etienne Barnard. "Phonetics of intonation in South African Bantu languages." Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 26, no. 2 (2008): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/salals.2008.26.2.5.569.

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48

Ngonyani, Deo. "Sentential Negation and Verb Movement in Bantu Languages." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 28, no. 1 (2002): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v28i1.3835.

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This paper explores a well-known asymmetry between negation marking main clauses and subordinate clauses in Bantu languages (Gilldemann 1999:551, Meeussen 1967:114). It is noted that pre-initial negation marking is usually restricted to main clauses, while post-initial marking is rarely restricted. Various studies have explored the diachronic origins of the various strategies. This paper focuses on how the strategies are constrained by clause structure. It is argued that negation projects a NegP as an element of Infl. Asymmetrical negation marking is due to two NegPs, one selecting TP, and the
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49

Botne, Robert. "Motion time and tense on the grammaticalization of come and go to future markers in Bantu." Studies in African Linguistics 35, no. 2 (2006): 127–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v35i2.107307.

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Many Bantu languages have grammaticized one or both types of motion verb -COME and GO - as future markers. However, they may differ in the semantics of future temporal reference, in some cases referring to a "near" future, in others to a "remote" future. This paper explores how the underlying image-schemas of such verbs in several languages - Bamileke-Dschang, Bamun, and Lamnso' (Grass fields Bantu), Duala, Chimwera, Chindali, Kihunde, and Zulu (Narrow Bantu) - contribute to how the verbs become grammaticized in relation to the dual construals of linguistic time: ego-moving vs. moving-event.
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50

Morimoto, Yukiko. "Agreement properties and word order in comparative Bantu." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 43 (January 1, 2006): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.43.2006.290.

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Agreement is traditionally viewed as a cross-referencing device for core arguments such as subjects and (primary) objects.1 In this paper, I discuss data from Bantu languages that lead to a radical departure from this generally accepted position: agreement in a subset of Bantu languages cross-references a (sentential) topic rather than the subject. The crucial evidence for topic agreement comes from a construction known as subject-object (S-O) reversal, where the fronted patient agrees with what has uniformly been taken to be a `subject marker'. The correct analysis of S-O reversal as a topic
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