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1
Tchaparian, Vicky. "Linguistic Peculiarities of G. Bush’s and B. Obama’s Speeches on the Armenian Genocide." Armenian Folia Anglistika 11, no. 1 (13) (April 15, 2015): 193–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2015.11.1.193.
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The present article aims to reveal the peculiarities of the language units chosen and stringed together in the speeches on the Armenian Genocide made by George Bush and Barak Obama before and after their presidency. An attempt is made to reveal the functional and linguostylistic peculiarities that condition the ideological aspect of George Bush’s and Barack Obama’s speeches. Words, word combinations, syntagms that are part of the whole linguistic system are studied as means of realization of a certain ideological function.
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Volobuyev, V. "Barack Obama’s Budgetary Course: “Combined Deficits” and Stabilization Policy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2010): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-10-56-61.
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Metzler, Christopher J. "Barack Obama’s Faustian Bargain and the Fight for America’s Racial Soul." Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 3 (December 17, 2009): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934709352080.
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This article provides the theoretical and conceptual grounding for understanding how critical race theory (CRT), as a discourse of liberation, can be used as a methodological and epistemological tool to expose the ways that race and racism affect the lives of Blacks in the United States, post-Obama. To that extent, the goal is threefold. First, CRT is adequately defined by situating it within a specific sociohistorical context. Further, an argument is presented for why there is a need for CRT in current racial discourse. In doing so, a discussion is presented of why the term postracial is meaningless as a critique. Finally, the current racial discourse in the Obama presidency is examined, including his attempt to discuss race in a nuanced way that placates Whites and panders to Blacks, some of whom are so caught up in the symbolism of his presidency that they are willing to collude with many Whites who do not want a Black president but a president who happens to be Black. But the devil is in the details. As such, the case is made that Obama’s racial bargaining—as in the metaphorical Faustian bargain—is dangerous and tantamount to a deal with the devil.
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Shur, Elizaveta A. "US public diplomacy in India: Obama’s legacy." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-1-72-78.
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The article discusses the main trends in US public diplomacy in India under Barack Obama. The Obama presidency was characterized by “Pivot to Asia”. India took one of the dominant positions in Obama’s Asian strategy. Furthermore, public diplomacy became the leading strategy tool. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of public diplomacy concepts. Two areas prevailed in public diplomacy in India – educational programs and the “women’s issue”. Washington also launched programs to increase literacy and access to technology.
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Teasley, Martell, and David Ikard. "Barack Obama and the Politics of Race." Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 3 (December 17, 2009): 411–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934709352991.
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Many scholars across racial lines argue that the historic election of Barack Obama as the first African American president of the United States marks the dawning of a “postracial era” in our country. Despite this claim and unprecedented enthusiasm that abounds within African American circles about the direction of race relations in this country, there seems to be a glaring ideological disconnect between the desire and reality of a race-free society. Focusing attention on this disconnect and the symbolic capital of “hope” that Obama’s presidency constitutes for the Black community, this article exposes the potential pitfalls of wholesale investment in postracial thinking, particularly for the most economically vulnerable African American populations. Chief among the questions that the authors ask is how African Americans can productively address the continuing challenges of race-centric oppression under an Obama administration that is itself an embodiment of this postrace thinking.
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Mamaev, K. A. "Shifts in the inter-american system of international relations under the impact of shale gas revolution in the USA." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2015): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2015-3-50-54.
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The article dissects possible shifts in the inter-American system of international relations during Barack Obama’s presidency under the impact of shale gas revolution in the USA. Despite the fact that internal energy revolution can strengthen US political and economic heft in the Western Hemisphere, the system will not develop in the logic of the 20th century. The conclusions made by the author are confirmed by the 2015 National Security Strategy and recent Barack Obama’s remarks at the VII OAS summit in Panamá (2015).
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May, Laura A., Vera Stenhouse, and Teri Holbrook. "Critical Moment but not Critical Literacy: Perspectives on Teaching about President Obama." Social Studies Research and Practice 9, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-01-2014-b0010.
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This manuscript describes the findings of an examination of 21 pre-service teachers and one literacy course instructor within the context of a program focused on urban teacher preparation. Using inductive thematic analysis of multiple data sources, the research team identified three themes. First, general agreement existed amongst the pre-service teachers that Barack Obama’s 2008 election was a critical, important moment in U.S. history with consistent rationales for why they should include information about President Obama’s life and work as part of the curriculum, especially for African American students. This theme comprised three trends: the importance of teaching civics, the historical importance of the first African American president, and the importance of President Obama as a role model. Second, pre-service teachers enacted and responded to barriers to teaching critical literacy about the Obama presidency. This second theme also comprised three trends: a reluctance to detract from President Obama’s positive image, an unease in teaching politics, and the references to developmental issues related to the ages of the kindergarten children they taught. Third, inconsistencies occurred amongst pre-service teachers’ understandings of critical literacy.
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Grichenko, Lyudmila, and Lyudmila Gushchina. "President’s speech portrait." E3S Web of Conferences 273 (2021): 11039. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202127311039.
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The research of the speech portrait of a politician’s personality in the framework of several linguistic paradigms including pragmalinguistics, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, and political discourse contributes to a multidimensional, comprehensive study of this phenomenon, meeting the requirements of the nowadays scientific demands. The appeal to this topic is due to insufficient knowledge of the system of linguistic and pragmatic means that form the speech portrait of modern politicians. The purpose of this paper is to describe the specifics of Barak Obama’s speech portrait during the period of his presidency in 2015-2016. The authors point out that the speech portrait of Barack Obama is formed by multi-level linguistic means, whose use is determined both by the cognitive picture of the politician’s world and peculiarities of the language system, cultural and historical experience of the nation, as well as by the rules and norms of political communication. The paper reveals the specifics of Barak Obama’s implementation of a communicative strategy of positive presentation and self-representation by using a number of speech influence methods. The article offers the linguistic analysis of Barak Obama’s public speeches and their pragmatic specifics that contribute to the detailed and precise creation of a modern politician’s speech portrait.
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Bernstein, Michael J., Steven G. Young, and Heather M. Claypool. "Is Obama’s Win a Gain for Blacks?" Social Psychology 41, no. 3 (January 2010): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000021.
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Many have questioned what Barack Obama’s victory in the 2008 presidential election means for prejudice and intergroup relations in the United States. In this study, we examined both explicit and implicit prejudice toward African Americans prior to and immediately following the election of the first African American to the nation’s highest office. Results indicated that implicit prejudice (as measured by an IAT) decreased following Obama’s victory, though explicit prejudice remained unchanged. The results are discussed in terms of the malleability of implicit attitudes, race relations, and the impact an Obama presidency and other positive exemplars may have on intergroup relations.
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Dowe, Pearl K. Ford, and Sekou Franklin. "In Whom Do We Trust? Racial Trust in the Early Years of Barack Obama’s Presidency." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 3, no. 3 (October 31, 2016): 370–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649216674026.
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For many African Americans, Barack Obama’s presidential victory in 2008 was a step toward a racially tolerant society. Yet for others, the attack on Obama’s religious faith and citizenship status reflected long-standing racial divisions within the electorate. Using ordered probit analyses, our study focuses on racial trust and social capital in the early years of Obama’s presidency. In assessing the relationship between Obama’s domestic policies and racial trust, our study closely aligns with the research on policy feedbacks. We investigate the possibility that Obama’s flagship economic and social policies—specifically the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, and unemployment insurance—operated as a bridge between whites, blacks, and Latinos. We further consider whether higher support for these policies reproduced greater levels of interracial trust among the groups. To measure racial trust, we draw from a 2010 survey sponsored by the Diane D. Blair Center of Southern Politics and Society at the University of Arkansas. The Blair-Rockefeller Poll was administered shortly after the 2010 midterm elections and includes a sample size of 3,406 respondents with an oversample of blacks (825) and Latinos (932). Although we found noticeably high rates of racial distrust, blacks expressed the lowest levels of distrust compared to whites and Latinos. We also discovered varying effects of Obama’s policies on increasing racial trust.
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Wieczorek, Anna Ewa. "On covert and overt sayers: A pragmatic-cognitive study into Barack Obama’s presidential rhetoric of image construction and (de)legitimisation." "Res Rhetorica" 7, no. 4 (December 27, 2020): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29107/rr2020.4.10.
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This article aims to investigate narrative reports based on the use of reported speech frames from a pragmatic-cognitive perspective. As rhetorical means of image creation and (de)legitimisation, they are frequently employed to represent utterances that constitute integral elements of short narratives incorporated into American presidential speeches. This paper’s main objective is to propose an original taxonomy of sayers, namely speakers of words reported (Halliday 1981, 1985; Vandelanotte 2006) in political discourse and to investigate their potential for self- and other-presentation and (de)legitimisation of one’s stance, actions and decisions. The data used for illustrative purposes comprise extracts from Barack Obama’s speeches delivered during his presidency (2009 and 2016) and have been selected from a bigger corpus of 125 presidential speeches by three American presidents: Barack Obama, Bill Clinton and John F. Kennedy. Findings in this study indicate that specific sayer types have greater potential for effective image formation and contribute to (de)legitimisation of events.
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Sadler, Jennifer. "A qualitative contextual analysis of U.S. immigration coverage by media during the Obama and Trump presidencies." Newspaper Research Journal 42, no. 4 (October 6, 2021): 506–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07395329211049519.
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This qualitative analysis examines the frequency and sentiment of immigration-related posts by media organizations and audience reactions on Facebook from the last term of Barack Obama’s presidency and the first term of Donald Trump’s presidency, January 2013–December 2020, under the lens of critical race and agenda building theories. Results indicate that news media have increased posting about this topic since 2013, the sentiment is statistically negative and audiences have elevated their participation over time.
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Edge, Thomas. "Southern Strategy 2.0." Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 3 (December 17, 2009): 426–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934709352979.
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In the rush of excitement over Barack Obama’s nomination and ascension to the presidency of the United States, many media figures were loathe to analyze the impact of race on both the rhetoric of the election and the actual results. From across the political spectrum, pundits argued that race did not play a major role on Election Day, without offering any context to such comments. Likewise, conservatives in particular have used that idea to assert that racism is no longer a hindrance to advancement in American society. This article seeks to examine the role of race in the election, both in political attacks on Barack Obama and in an analysis of the voting patterns, with a particular emphasis on how conservatives have tried to shape the contours of these discussions. Their purpose, it is argued, is to launch Southern Strategy 2.0, which seeks to use Obama’s victory to attack some of the results of the civil rights movement that helped make his rise possible. At the same time, it still plays on some of the overt racism of the first Southern Strategy, using Obama’s racial identity and politics to challenge whether he is “American” enough to lead the nation. Thus, conservatives use Obama’s image as a sign that racism is dead, while simultaneously attacking him with the same race-based tactics that have played such an important role in the recent history of the Republican Party.
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Bubnova, N. "Russian Factor in Barack Obama’s Military-Political Strategy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2015): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-6-5-17.
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Upon becoming president of the United States, Barack Obama formulated the policy of reset in the U.S.-Russia relations – as part of his grand project of improving international relations on a more equitable basis, with a bigger role for diplomacy and international alliances and less reliance on unilateral actions and the use of force. As part of resetting their relationship in the military-political field, the United States and Russia were able, in the first and part of the second tenure of Obama’s presidency, to claim some major achievements in the military-political field, such as signing the New START Treaty, working on further nuclear disarmament measures, and developing bilateral anti-terrorist activities. U.S.-Russia cooperation also resulted in Russia’s agreement to open up its air space and railways for NATO transports which helped the International Coalition to conduct operation in Afghanistan in its “surge” phase and then to successfully withdraw combat units from that country. U.S.-Russia relations were also instrumental in bridging the positions of the two countries with regard to Iran’s and North Korea’s nuclear problem, with Russia and China voting alongside with the United States on UN Security Council resolutions for sanctions against North Korea and Iran to make them comply with the nuclear safeguards. Yet in various regions of the world, Obama’s policy – initially announced as an innovative breakthrough strategy proved instead to be reactive, aimed not at future perspective, but at dealing with the emerging crises on a case by case basis: in Lybia, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and then finally in Ukraine. The “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific, also announced by Obama’s administration, was formulated without consideration of Russia’s interests in the region, while at the same time causing turbulence in relations with China, and was finally overshadowed by the Ukrainian crisis and then the ISIS offensive in the Middle East. The reset fell prey to the contradictions in U.S.-Russia relations which particularly exacerbated after the events in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and led to freezing of arms control negotiations and bilateral U.S.-Russia cooperation in the military-political field. The Ukrainian crisis is likely to have long-term negative consequences, and in particular will increase hawkish tendencies in U.S. politics. Yet this does not preclude and to the contrary increases the importance of seeking ways to strengthen stability, searching for possible measures for nuclear weapons limitations which would become applicable after bilateral relations improve. U.S.-Russia cooperation remains essential for resolving key international challenges as well as major regional problems.
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Seidman, Steven A. "Barack Obama’s 2008 Campaign for the U.S. Presidency and Visual Design." Journal of Visual Literacy 29, no. 1 (January 2010): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23796529.2010.11674671.
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Kesler, Christel, and Amber Churchwell. "The Obama Effect on Perceived Mobility." Societies 10, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc10020046.
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Using American General Social Survey data from 1994 to 2018, this paper examines how Americans of different racial backgrounds perceive their past intergenerational mobility and their, and their children’s, prospects for future mobility, before, during, and after Barack Obama’s presidency. We find that White Americans are generally less positive than Black and Latinx Americans about mobility, especially their children’s mobility prospects. However, racial gaps in optimism widened considerably during the Obama presidency, due to a significant decline in White respondents’ perceived mobility. A more detailed analysis of White respondents’ views by levels of racial resentment and political partisanship shows that the Obama-era dip among White respondents is concentrated among those who are racially resentful and among Republican voters, two groups that substantially overlap. For these two groups, perceived future prospects for their and their children’s mobility increased again during the Trump administration. Black and Latinx respondents’ perceptions of mobility are stable across all earlier presidential administrations, but decline somewhat with the Trump presidency.
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Totman, Sally, and Mat Hardy. "The Presidential Persona Paradox of Barack Obama: Man of Peace or War President?" Persona Studies 2, no. 2 (December 7, 2016): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/ps2016vol2no2art614.
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On a wave of hope and rousing talk of building global bridges, President Barack Obama won office in 2008, in part on a pledge to end the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and to close the Guantanamo Bay detention facility. In contrast to his predecessor, who launched America into long, costly and ineffectual wars, Obama was seen to be more of a dove than a hawk. However, at the end of his two-term tenure America has been in a state of foreign belligerence for all eight years, making Obama the longest serving U.S. war president in history.The political persona of Obama as a dove originated with his opposition to the 2003 intervention in Iraq while he was still a senator. This was then cemented early in his presidency with his 2009 speech in Cairo, which seemed to signal a profound and optimistic realignment of America’s intentions towards the Middle East and its peoples. This speech was a watershed in defining his political persona and was instrumental in his being the only U.S. president to be awarded a Nobel Peace Prize while still in office. However, during his term the underlying political landscape of the Middle East changed significantly, with the withdrawal from then return to Iraq, the nuclear agreement with Iran, the increasingly chaotic legacy of the Arab Spring, the continued impasse of the Israel-Palestinian peace, the disintegration of Yemen and Libya and the rise of the Islamic State as the new threat in the political vacuum of northern Iraq and eastern Syria, and a resurgent Russian role in the region. All of these have provided novel challenges to Washington and a president attempting to live up to the positivity of his early days in office.At the end of his presidency Obama is faced with a public burned by the disappointments of the Iraq and Afghanistan campaigns and the new entanglements in the Middle East. This paper seeks to offer insights into the juxtaposition of Obama’s political persona and reality, as well as exploring what his political legacy might really be.
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Ferrari, Federica. "In lack of ‘Will’? Strategic ‘Future-ness’ and Barack Obama’s experiment: From intention negotiation to will creation and political action in Barack Obama’s e-mail campaigning." Time & Society 27, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 195–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x15596702.
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Time is conventionally conceptualized in terms of space, also affecting the articulation of identity. The relation between time, space and identity will be discussed through theoretically questioning the formal expression of future time, and particularly “will” future, in English to observe its potential cognitive and pragmatic implications – i.e. how ‘future-ness’ can become “strategic” – on identity construction – cf. “progressive identity” – and persuasion. Barack Obama’s e-mail campaigning (2008–2010) is used as a case in point. More specifically, the articulation of ‘future-ness’ emerging here suggests interesting consequences on national and political identity construction and consent creation. If the consistent use of new information and communication technologies has been crucial in determining Barack Obama’s communicative fortune, his rhetorical style (inclusive rhetoric, progressive logic, conceptual reframing) has also been undoubtedly significant in the construction of his audience consent, at least in the first part of his Presidency. But the question is, how this progressive logic comes to be specifically constructed and articulated along with the audience involvement? The present article focuses on some persuasive instances observable in Barack Obama’s e-mail campaigning (2008–2010) to reason on the discoursal move the President suggests from intention negotiation to will creation and political action. More specifically, it will investigate the discoursal construction of ‘progressive identity’, ideological change and involvement creation before and after the elections. Additionally, the strategic use of the shifting from public/institutional to private sphere will also be taken into account as a specific medium-driven characteristic. In this respect, particularly significant has come out to be the articulation of ‘future-ness’ as identity projection, which is in turn continuously negotiated amongst the subjects of the discourse.
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Mirhosseini, Seyyed-Abdolhamid, and Mahdieh Noori. "Discursive portrayal of Islam as “a part of America’s story” in Obama’s presidential speeches." Journal of Language and Politics 18, no. 6 (August 9, 2019): 915–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18023.mir.
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Abstract This article investigates the image portrayed of Islam and Muslims in official speeches of the former US President, Barack Obama during his two terms in office. Applying qualitative data coding procedures and based on a Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) approach, we examine 377 speeches delivered in the period of 2009–2016 within the macro context of US involvements in contemporary international politics to uncover the discursive image of Islam and Islamic attributes projected and subtly reproduced over time by Obama during his presidency. The outcome comprises four major themes shaped around the notions of America’s fundamental values; Dialogue with Muslim communities; Defining good Islam; and Defining bad Muslims. Through a detailed discussion of the discursive construction of these themes and specifically referring to their lexical highlights, we illustrate aspects of Islam-related issues in the view of an American president.
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Holifield, Cory. "Executive Order 13563 Creates Access to Affordable Child Support Orders for Incarcerated Parents." Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 5, no. 3 (April 2019): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v5.i3.2.
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Former President Barack Obama issued Executive Order 13563: Improving Regulation and Regulatory Review in his last month of presidency, prohibit- ing States from treating incarceration as voluntary when considering a par- ent’s request for a modification of his or her child support order. Although fully expected to, President Donald Trump has yet to act on the executive order, which right-wing politicians fought vehemently against for two years. This Comment argues that the President should leave the order in action be- cause it will promote payment of child support and relationships between non- custodial parents and their children, as well as help to combat the cycle of incarceration that plagues low-income, noncustodial parents. This Comment also argues that courts should opt to suspend child-support payments for non- custodial parents when they face sentences that will produce significant arrear- ages by the time the parent is released from incarceration. Finally, the Comment will address how incarceration affects modification of support orders and the cycle of incarceration, who is affected by this cycle, and public views as to President Obama’s executive order that attempted to resolve such issues.
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Simanjuntak, Anni Alvionita, T. Thyrhaya Zein, and Masdiana Lubis. "The Ethics of Care in Barack Obama’s Speech in the United States of Women Summit." Ethical Lingua: Journal of Language Teaching and Literature 7, no. 2 (October 11, 2020): 251–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.30605/25409190.212.
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Ethics of care refers to ideas concerning the nature of morality can be judge by the Attitude. This research examines the Appraisal in Barack Obama’s speech in the United States of Women Summit by using a qualitative descriptive approach by collecting data through speech. The objectives of this research are to identify the type of Attitude and to elaborate the reason why the types of the attitude and the ethics of care are used in Obama’s speech in the United States of Women Summit. The data consisted of 113 clauses. Source of data is Obama’s speech in the United States of Women Summit that gathered from the official website. The results showed that the most dominant attitude subsystem in Obama’s speech in is appreciation, 53 clauses (47%), while there are 40 clauses (35%) categorized as judgement, and 20 clauses (18%) categorized as affect. In this case the speaker uses all positive appreciation (there is no negative appreciation category) to express his evaluation and his appreciation for the women movement and empowerment in that summit and especially the women in his country, United States of America. Furthermore, the realization types of attitude is realized the ethics of care in Obama’s speech which show his decision making about the equality of gender specially women in his administration/presidency. From the analysis, types of attitude; judgment and appreciation employ the ethics of care in valuing the personal relationship, caring attitude, and caring action. While the type of affect employs the sympathy and direct attention in doing ethics of care. As the recommendation, the researcher suggest to used ethics of care in analyze person attitude in other speeches by using appraisal, not only the attitude type but also the engagement and the graduation types.
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Tanabe, Clifton S. "Educational Policy in the Post-racial Era: Federal Influence on Local Educational Policy in Hawaii." Paideusis 19, no. 1 (October 16, 2020): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1072324ar.
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On March 27, 2008, Newsweek ran an article titled, “Obama’s Postracial Test: How will the Democratic Candidate Deal with Potentially Divisive Ballot Initiatives Calling for an End to Affirmative Action?” And, the August 6, 2008 issue of the New York Times Magazine featured an article titled, “Is Obama the End of Black Politics?” Since then, writers from the right and left have raised and challenged the idea that the election of Barack Obama somehow signals a new, post-racial era and presidency. But what does this mean for Hawaii? With its unique racial diversity and its connection to Obama, might Hawaii somehow represent the first post-racial state? And, does this mean anything for the way education is run in that state? In addressing these questions, this paper looks carefully at the Obama Administration’s recent education initiative called the Race to the Top Fund and examines its implications for education in Hawaii.
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Guitart Escudero, Mª Pilar. "Barack Obama’s Inaugural Address: Metaphor and Values as Captivating Strategies to Celebrate a Presidency." Pragmalinguistica, no. 19 (2011): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25267/pragmalinguistica.2011.i19.03.
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JAGUSIAK, Bogusław, and Arnold WARCHAŁ. "BARACK OBAMA’S PRESIDENCY IN VIEW OF FOREIGN POLICY IDEAS AFFECTING REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY." National Security Studies 11, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/129885.
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Artykuł jest kontynuacją dyskusji na temat polityki międzynarodowej prezydenta Baracka Obamy w trakcie jego dwukrotnej kadencji, w odniesieniu do głoszonych wartości i wpływu na bezpieczeństwo globalne. Można zauważyć, że jego podejście do polityki międzynarodowej było nastawione bardziej ideologicznie niż w przypadku innych amerykańskich administracji. Jednym z ważniejszych i ostatnich eksplanacji takiego działania był wywiad z nim i późniejsza debata w miesięczniku „The Atlantic”. Autorzy sugerują w odniesieniu do tej dyskusji dychotomiczną korelację między lewicowo-liberalnymi poglądami prezydenta Obamy a poszukiwaniem przez amerykański establishment politycznie poprawnej ideologii, którą można było wykorzystać jako narzędzie lub tarczę ideologiczną dla potrzeb międzynarodowych rozgrywek w ramach „dobrych intencji” przez pryzmat odpowiednio rozwiniętych prezydenckich przemówień. Niektóre z amerykańskich mediów były częścią wytłumaczenia tej korelacji. W tym sensie pojawia się dwoiste pytanie, jak dobre jest takie podejście dla relacji transatlantyckich oraz jak wpływa na bezpieczeństwo światowe. Autorzy rewaluują z perspektywy swojego wcześniejszego artykułu część polityki prezydenta Obamy w odniesieniu do bezpieczeństwa światowego. Fundamentalna treść odnosi się do dyskusji w „The Atlantic”, jednakże główne elementy skupiają się na związkach przyczynowo-skutkowych, w sposób krytyczny przedstawiających prezydencką politykę bezpieczeństwa w odniesieniu do amerykańskiego realizmu w stosunkach zagranicznych oraz perspektywy pragmatycznej.
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Lowndes, Joseph. "Barack Obama’s Body: The Presidency, the Body Politic, and the Contest over American National Identity." Polity 45, no. 4 (October 2013): 469–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pol.2013.22.
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Schmidt, Kathleen, and Brian A. Nosek. "Implicit (and explicit) racial attitudes barely changed during Barack Obama’s presidential campaign and early presidency." Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 46, no. 2 (March 2010): 308–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2009.12.003.
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WARCHAŁ, Arnold, and Bogusław JAGUSIAK. "AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN SECURITY AGENDA IN TIME OF BARACK OBAMA’S PRESIDENCY IN VIEW OF A “DOCTRINE"." National Security Studies 10, no. 1 (November 7, 2016): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/129847.
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Głównym tematem analizy jest w artykule zagadnienie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w perspektywie ogólnej agendy dla przestrzeni Euro-Atlantyckiej, w wymiarach politycznych i wojskowych, oraz instytucjonalnych i organizacyjnych, w sektorach bezpieczeństwa, przez pryzmat oficjalnych streszczeń, dyskusji oraz działań ze względu na poglądy prezydenta Baracka Obamy i wpływu na relacje z Unia Europejską, Polską i innymi państwami regionu. W sensie metodologicznym nastawienie autorów w temacie jest analityczne, gdzie poszczególne fragmenty opisów, zwłaszcza ewaluacji bezpieczeństwa i podejścia w tej dziedzinie do opisu relacji międzynarodowych, mogą zostać zastąpione uogólnieniem i końcową syntezą. Analizowana czasoprzestrzeń określona jest przez dwie kadencje prezydentury Baracka Obamy. Jak autorzy stwierdzają, główne strategiczne założenia bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego określane są przez amerykańską egzekutywę. W związku z tym, zmiana nastawienia Amerykanów przez pryzmat władzy prezydenckiej rzutuje automatycznie na relacje z Europą, oraz determinuje jej sytuację polityczno-wojskową. Nie mniej wzrost znaczenia Unii Europejskiej w pokrywającym się okresie też odpowiednio wpływa na bezpieczeństwo Euro-Atlantyckie, również i Polski w sensie zdeterminowania ogólną polityką europejską, oraz partykularnych założeń bezpieczeństwa określanych przez pryzmat strategii partyjnych. W tym sensie autorzy rozważają sens znaczeniowy i wpływ tzw. „doktryny Obamy” na strategie bezpieczeństwa Euro-Atlantyckiego.
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Zeveleva, G. "Healthcare Reform in the United States: Difficult Road." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2015): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-81-89.
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The article focuses on a healthcare reform, one of the pillars of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author argues that the reform was driven by social considerations, and the goal was to make the American healthcare system more just by implementing universal mandatory health insurance. The author analyses how implementation of Obama’s reform has turned into an arduous process, and why the enactment of some of its regulations were postponed. The article examines why some of the new regulations have already begun to function, while others are due to begin in 2018 and 2020. In 2014 the reform entered its critical phase, as its most controversial element on mandatory health insurance for all Americans came into effect. Failure to comply is met with the fine, while citizens with low incomes can rely on state support. Opponents of the reform are still undertaking efforts to eliminate the universal health insurance requirement. The author comes to the conclusion that despite the challenges Obama has already made the pages of history as the president who succeeded in implementing universal health insurance. One of his greatest achievements has been the triumph over many of the healthcare reform’s opponents as he wrote the reform into law in the spring of 2010. All previous attempts to reform the national system had been met with failure due to conservative resistance. The controversy around this topic stems from many Americans’ understanding of fundamental values. The central point of debate is not about the American healthcare system, but rather about what kind of country the United States of America will be in the 21st Century. Democrats believe that the reform will make the country more just, while their opponents fear that the USA will turn into a welfare state with less freedom and more control of federal authority.
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Tkach, Anatoly. "NEW REGIONAL RESPONSIBILITY IN A FOREIGN POLICY IN RELATION LAC-AMERICAN REGION OF ADMINISTRATIONS OF GEORGE W. BUSH AND BARACK OBAMA." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.83-90.
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The article analyzes the priorities of the Obama’s administration in the region and the Latin American states actions in rebuilding the existing system of relations at the global and regional levels. The current financial and economic crisis has shown the need for changes in the economic world order, financial system, which was formed in the end of the Second World War, where the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) play a key role. For many decades developing countries were rather an object of economic expansion than serious actors in the world economy.In the article features of foreign policy of the USA of relatively Latin America are examined in the article; the conceptual providing of foreign policy is analysed the USA, the comparative analysis of foreign policy of administrations of presidents of relatively Latin America is carried out, the detailed analysis of influence of foreign-policy course of the USA is presented, the basic factors of forming of new foreign policy the USA of relatively Latin America are found out. Purpose of the research: External U.S. Relations with Latin America and the Caribbean under the Barack Obama Administration. The article of analysis is includes resolution of long duration aims and corporate strategic planning taking into account correlation of application in space and in time of necessary resources, as activity of the American state that is sent to determination and achievement of long-term aims in a region by means of corresponding facilities. Without belittling the importance of not denying the «national roots» the origin of these crises can not be ignored or underestimated the fact that the development of Latin America in previous decades influenced deep region in the processes of global integration with its «distortions» and instability, with increasingly the apparent inability of international institutions. The main mechanisms for implementation of the USA foreign policy strategy objectives are LAC, bilateral relations with main European countries and USA as well as crisis management. The work ascertains the limited effectiveness of multilateral instruments for the achievement of strategic objectives of the LAC foreign policy. LAC represents one of the power centers of the multipolar world in LAC strategy, but in this regard, has to possess proper political and military mechanism for regulation of international relations. LAC suggested a lot of proposals and projects in the field of crisis management under B.Obama presidency, but its initiatives did not receive proper support in the LAC.
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Bran, Ramona, and Andreea Pele. "From Candidate to President: Obama’S Discourse Two Years Later." Romanian Journal of English Studies 9, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10319-012-0001-3.
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Abstract The article explores Barack Obama’s most notable speeches after becoming president. The authors intend to write a sequel to their 2009 paper Yes We Can: A New American Identity in the Speeches of Barack Obama, which looked at Obama’s campaign discourse, and investigate if his rhetoric has changed in the first half of his mandate.
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Milkis, Sidney M., Jesse H. Rhodes, and Emily J. Charnock. "What Happened to Post-Partisanship? Barack Obama and the New American Party System." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (March 2012): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004907.
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Ascending to the presidency in the midst of a severe economic crisis and an ongoing war on terrorism, Barack Obama faced numerous political and policy challenges. We examine the responsibilities he faced in assuming the received tasks of modern presidential leadership amid a polarized political system. To a point, Obama has embraced partisan leadership, indeed, even further articulating developments in the relationship between the president and parties that Ronald Reagan had first initiated, and George W. Bush built upon. Thus Obama has advanced an executive-centered party system that relies on presidential candidates and presidents to pronounce party doctrine, raise campaign funds, mobilize grassroots support, and campaign on behalf of their partisan brethren. Just as Reagan and Bush used their powers in ways that bolstered their parties, so Obama's exertions have strengthened the Democratic Party's capacity to mobilize voters and to advance programmatic objectives. At the same time, presidential partisanship threatens to relegate collective responsibility to executive aggrandizement. Seeking to avoid the pitfalls that undermined the Bush presidency, Obama has been more ambivalent about uniting partisanship and executive power. Only time will tell whether this ambiguity proves to be effective statecraft—enshrining his charisma in an enduring record of achievement and a new Democratic majority—or whether it marks a new stage in the development of executive dominion that subordinates party building to the cult of personality.
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Bullock, III, Charles. "Barack Obama and the South." American Review of Politics 31 (April 1, 2010): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2010.31.0.3-24.
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Despite a tradition of racism, the South contributed to Barack Obama’s election as President. Obama won more electors than any Democratic nominee since 1976 although he did not carry the region. Obama’s mixed performance has spawned conflicting interpretations concerning the presence of racism among the region’s whites. Evidence of discrimination is at most mixed. Obama performed less well than Kerry among whites in states that have experienced less growth but elsewhere equaled or exceeded Kerry’s 2004 performance. When compared with statewide Democratic candidates, Obama attracted less of the white vote than went to winners but exceeded the performance of losers. Two other possible manifestations of a racist reaction to Obama in the South also failed to materialize. Across the region there was no Bradley effect nor was there a substantial mobilization among white voters.
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C. Llano, Jorge. "Cuba and the United States in Democratic and Republican times: continuity or change?" Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-25-38.
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For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.
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Ramsey, Michael D. "Constitutional War Initiation and the Obama Presidency." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 4 (October 2016): 701–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000763184.
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In 2007, presidential candidate Barack Obama argued that the U.S. president did not have independent constitutional authority to use military force except in response to an actual or imminent attack on the United States. Since 2008, President Obama has directed the use of U.S. military force in at least seven countries (Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yemen, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Somalia). Critics find inconsistency in these positions, contending that the Obama presidency will be remembered for expansion of the presidency's war powers. But when the administration's record is closely examined, these claims seem overstated. At least with regard to war initiation, the Obama presidency need not be regarded as materially enhancing the president's constitutional powers.This assessment begins by establishing two baselines. First, most war powers scholars agree that under the Constitution's original meaning, Congress’ power to “declare War” required the president to seek congressional approval prior to initiating war. This constitutional command had substantial grey areas, including responses to threats and attacks, relations with non-state actors, and low-level hostilities. Nonetheless, the basic proposition stated by candidate Obama appears well founded both in the Constitution's text itself and in early postratification practice. Second, in the modern (post-Vietnam War) era, most scholars agree that the practice has changed somewhat, with presidents asserting an expanded independent authority over uses of military force. This essay agrees with that description, although it contends that the change in actual practice is less dramatic than commentary sometimes claims.
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Crocker, Jennifer, and Shayne B. Hughes. "ECOSYSTEM PERSPECTIVE AND BARACK OBAMA'S CAMPAIGN FOR THE PRESIDENCY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 1 (2009): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09090110.
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AbstractThe presidential campaign of Barack Obama was remarkable for the millions of volunteers and donors it inspired. In this article, we argue that the Obama campaign was inspirational because it communicated an ecosystem perspective—a perspective in which people care about something larger than the self. We describe the characteristics of ecosystem perspectives revealed in a program of social psychological research and how these characteristics translate to ecosystem leadership. We then consider Obama's speeches and actions at critical moments in the campaign that suggest to us an ecosystem perspective.
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Viatra, Aji Windu. "POSTER “HOPE” OBAMA DALAM KOMUNIKASI MASSA." Imaji 17, no. 2 (October 26, 2019): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/imaji.v17i2.22332.
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Komunikasi menjadi hal yang pokok dalam berinteraksi dengan orang lain. Manusia memiliki kebutuhan yang signifikan dalam mengkomunikasikan dirinya terhadap orang lain bahkan dengan mahkluk lainnya. Komunikasi memberikan pengaruh dan peranan yang sangat bermanfaat dalam perkembangan manusia. Saat kita memulai beradaptasi di tempat yang baru, sangat diperlukannya suatu komunikasi yang aktif untuk mengenal budaya di tempat tersebut. Kegiatan ini menjadi hal yang alami, terjadi sesuatu tindakan spontan. Meskipun seringkali menghadapi kesulitan yang kadang kala menjadi suatu pengalaman yang berharga. Media-media komunikasi yang dipakai dalam menyampaikan pesan oleh komunikator dan diterima oleh komunikan memiliki fungsi dan manfaat yang variatif dan efesien. Proses komunikasi yang melibatkan suatu media juga seringkali memberikan suatu pemahaman yang berbeda-beda yang diterima oleh komunikan, banyak faktor yang mempengaruhi hal tersebut. Penelitian ini, membahas suatu topik kajian tentang poster Obama. Suatu media komunikasi massa dalam sebuah kampanye pemilihan Pemimpin Negara atau Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Poster Obama telah memberikan kontribusi besar, atas keberhasilan Barack Obama menjadi Presiden Amerika Serikat yang ke-44, dan menjadi orang kulit hitam pertama yang memimpin negara Adidaya tersebut. Suatu program kampanye yang sangat menarik untuk dikaji dalam ilmu desain komunikasi visual, hal ini merupakan topik yang dapat menjadi inspirasi setiap insan dalam mengembangkan dirinya dalam berkomunikasi yang kreatif. Teori pendekatan penelitian ini, menggunakan analisis sudut pandang dari ilmu Komunikasi dan Semiotika Visual. Pendekatan ini, diharapkan dapat menguraikan unsur-unsur visual yang terdapat dalam Poster Obama, dan menjabarkan tanda, pesan, dan makna yang terkandung didalamnya. Kata kunci: poster, kampanye Barack Obama, komunikasi, semiotika.OBAMA’S “HOPE” POSTER IN MASS COMMUNICATIONAbstract Communication is the main thing in interacting with others. Humans have a significant need in communicating themselves to others or even to the other kind of life creatures. Communication gives a very useful influence and role in human development. When we begin to adapt in a new place, we need an active communication to know the culture of that place. This activity becomes a natural thing and happens spontaneously. Although difficulties might appear, it could be a valuable experience.The communication media used for conveying the message ofa communicator and being received by the communicant havevaried and efficient functions. The communication process that involves a media often provides a different understanding that is received by the communicant, and there are many factors that influence it. This researchdiscusses a topic of study about Obama’s poster. A mass communication media for the election campaign of the United Stat’s President and Vice President. Obama’s poster had made a big contribution to the success of Barack Obama to be the 44th President of the United States, and to be the first black people to lead the Superpower country. it was a very interesting campaign program to be explored in visual communication design science, it was a topic that could inspire everyone in developing themselves in a creative communication. The approach theory used in this research was the analysis of the point of view of the Communication and Visual Semiotics sciences. This approach was expected to describe the visual elements contained in Obama’s Poster, and described the signs, messages, and meanings contained on it. Keywords: poster, Barack Obama campaign, communication, semiotics.
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Kienpointner, Manfred. "Strategic maneuvering in the political rhetoric of Barack Obama." Journal of Language and Politics 12, no. 3 (September 27, 2013): 357–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.12.3.03kie.
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U.S. President Barack Obama’s rhetoric lends itself well as a highly interesting case study for exploring the possibilities of contemporary political rhetoric of being both successful on the one hand and rational, according to normative standards of argumentative discourse, on the other. Taking up the concept of “strategic maneuvering” as developed within Pragma-Dialectics (cf. van Eemeren 2010), a corpus of Obama’s speeches and books is analyzed in order to assess both its rationality and efficiency. The analysis shows that Obama not only knows extremely well how to use the classical inventory of (political) rhetoric, but also tries to overcome the standard strategic maneuvering of political rhetoric which is often polarizing and destructive. Obama tries to change this traditional style of political rhetoric by his orientation towards consensus and universal values and by his willingness to practice self-criticism. The evaluation of Obama’s political rhetoric has also shown, however, that Obama is sometimes forced to abandon his high ethical and rhetorical standards in order not to lose a substantial section of the U.S. voters. In some of these cases, it might be argued that his strategic maneuvering “derails”. All in all, however, Obama has shown us that a leading contemporary politician can overcome traditional party rhetoric by following new types of strategic maneuvering which, at least sometimes, successfully reconcile normative standards of rational discussion with rhetorical principles of efficient persuasion. Keywords: Barack Obama; political rhetoric; democracy; Pragma-Dialectics; strategic maneuvering; fallacy; pragmatic argument; irony; self-criticism
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Nesterova, O. B. "AMERICA Concept as a Fragment of the Concept Sphere of Barack Obama’s Linguistic Personality." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 3 (March 27, 2021): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-3-86-105.
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The concept of AMERICA is considered as a part of the concept sphere of Barack Obama’s linguistic personality. Special attention is paid to the structure of the AMERICA concept in B. Obama’s speeches and the nominative features of this phenomenon. The material for the study was the public policy speeches delivered by Obama at different stages of his career. Methods of conceptual, semantic and discourse analysis are used to identify the means of objectification of this concept in the speeches of the studied linguistic personality and to construct its nominative field. The AMERICA concept is proven to be one of the central components in the Barack Obama concept sphere throughout his political career. It is shown that Barack Obama’s AMERICA concept has a complex structure with a branched system of features. It is noted that it includes associations actualized by the AMERICA concept, which is part of the national picture of the world. It is revealed that the structure of this concept also includes a set of individual-author’s associations reflecting the world picture of the linguistic personality of the 44th President of the United States. The structure of the AMERICA concept with the allocation of the core, near and far periphery is described.
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Mohammed, Abdulkhaliq Shamel. "American foreign policy in Middle East: new transformations under W. Bush and Obama administrations." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 1, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v1i1.97.
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This study attempts to diagnose the changes witnessed by the American foreign policy in the Middle East, in both of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations, this phase witnessed shift at the level of the visions, beliefs and attitudes. which reflected on the nature of the of dealing with the issues of the region , and embodied the most prominent features of change to adopt the U.S. policy toward the countries of the region in a general principle encapsulates policies , texture pressure in order to establish the values of democracy and human rights as a philosophy and a general principle , and inwardly save its interests in the Middle East , the United States sought for six decades in middle east countries to achieve stability on the expense of democracy , and through the support of totalitarian existing regimes , and cracking down on the opposition .but the events of September 11 forced them to change the approach to foreign policy encouraging democracy and claim to impose reforms. the study exposed to the George W. Bush hard doctrine, unilateral, military tool that give superiority to the implementation of the objectives of its foreign policy, on the contrast of president Obama doctrine with its realistic approach, which sees the need to combine all the tools of foreign policy to implement its objectives, Also this study return to realistic policy in its alliances and legitimacy, as well as dealt approach U.S. political discourse towards the Muslim world, and seek the main topics like, the war on Iraq in 2003and its impact on reformation in the Middle East .And the U.S. position on the Arab Spring, specifically the Syrian revolution. Also this study deals with U.S policy towards Iran Nuclear file, and The Arab-Israeli conflict .The study concluded that foreign policy changes occurred in George W. Bush second presidency is differ from his first presidency, and this transformation take a wider dimension and more comprehensive in Barack Obama's presidency.
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Ford, Pearl K., Tekla A. Johnson, and Angie Maxwell. "“Yes We Can” or “Yes We Did”?" Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 3 (December 17, 2009): 462–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934709352081.
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The election of Barack Obama as the first African American president speaks to the progress made in fulfilling the promise of one nation for all people. Obama’s success reflects retrospective changes, such as the advent of viral technology, the mobilization of Black voters, and the shift toward tolerance in White racial attitudes, all of which allowed a strategic Obama campaign to make landmark gains. But are these changes permanent? Moreover, will these retrospective changes benefit future African American candidates seeking political office? On the other hand, following an extremely unpopular Bush administration, the Obama victory could reflect the prospective changes that many voters believed would follow, including the restoration of American credibility abroad, economic recovery, and the move toward a postracial state. Have Obama’s first 100 days fulfilled these prospective visions? And if so, will Obama’s actions in these areas prove advantageous to minority candidates who follow in his historic footsteps?
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Haines, Pavielle E., Tali Mendelberg, and Bennett Butler. "“I’m Not the President of Black America”: Rhetorical versus Policy Representation." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 4 (June 4, 2019): 1038–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719000963.
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A key question in the study of minority representation is whether descriptive representatives provide superior substantive representation. Neglected in this literature is the distinction between two forms of substantive representation: rhetoric versus policy. We provide a systematic comparison of presidential minority representation along these two dimensions. Barack Obama was the first African American president, yet his substantive representation of African Americans has not been fully evaluated. Using speech and budget data, we find that relative to comparable presidents, Obama offered weaker rhetorical representation, but stronger policy representation, on race and poverty. While we cannot rule out non-racial explanations, Obama’s policy proposals are consistent with minority representation. His actions also suggest that descriptive representatives may provide relatively better policy representation but worse rhetorical representation, at least when the constituency is a numerical minority. We thus highlight an understudied tension between rhetoric and policy in theories of minority representation.
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Baysha, Olga. "Synecdoche that kills: How Barack Obama and Vladimir Putin constructed different Ukraines for different ends." International Communication Gazette 80, no. 3 (July 23, 2017): 230–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048517721578.
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Drawing on Ernesto Laclau’s theory of articulation, this article analyzes Barack Obama’s and Vladimir Putin’s public speeches on the Ukrainian crisis of 2014. The article discusses how the presidents constructed rival discourses by erasing the nuances of complex tensions between the logics of equivalence and difference existing within the Ukrainian discursive space. Acting like imperial administrators from colonial times, Obama and Putin pushed representations of Ukraine based on two ‘impossible wholes’: a unified nation whose sovereignty was threatened from outside (Obama’s discourse) and a consolidated pro-Russian Southeast needing to be defended from Kyiv-based nationalists and extremists (Putin’s articulation).
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Indah Sari, Ida Ayu Putu Widya. "Bali is the best holiday destination: “Barack Obama Approved”." Bali Tourism Journal 1, no. 1 (July 11, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36675/btj.v1i1.1.
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Bali is getting famous, It is related to the plan of former President of the United States Barack Obama to visit Bali for vacation with his family. He scheduled to spend his vacation in Bali with his family for five days from June 23rd to 28th. Before the group are heading to Yogyakarta. Related to the security, Hundreds of police and TNI officers stand guard along the road as far as 40 km to secure the departure of Barack Obama's entourage to Yogyakarta. there was no airport closure when Obama's plane took off. However, he said there was indeed a priority given for the plane to take off, both on arrival and departure of the entourage.
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Moraru, Victor. "Presidential rhetoric as source of symbolic politics." Moldoscopie, no. 3(94) (February 2022): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.3(94).10.
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This article focuses on some essential questions concerning the features of the rhetoric of political actors and aims to identify the stylistic hallmarks prevalent utilized in presidential speeches. It was selected for analysis the Barack Obama speech on Remarks by the President Naturalization ceremony on the 4th of July 2012. The speech in question is particularly interesting because it provides a useful insight into how a presidential message can be presented on an issue, which it considers important and current. The discourse is analyzed from the perspective of its inclusion in the action of symbolic politics of the President, taking into account the increasingly pronounced process of symbolizing the political arena. The perception of the problem of immigration in the vision of President Obama is pursued. Particular attention is paid to the complexity of the factors that determine the rhetorical manifestations of the orator’s position as a mode of political influence. They are established the conceptual peculiarities of Barack Obama’s July 4, 2012 speech, discourse is analyzed through the prism of special syntactic features realized, which promote message transfer and reinforcement of the spirit of the nation, are elucidated the tasks promoted by these hallmarks in delivering the intended messages. The substance of Obama’s presidential rhetoric is exemplified by the elucidation of rhetorical means such as parallelism, repetition, metaphors, and so on.
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Washington, Ernest, Elham Zandvakili, and Edmund Gordon. "Character and the Moral Self in Barack Obama’s Memoir, Dreams from My Father." International Journal of Psychological Studies 10, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijps.v10n3p109.
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Barack Obama is the subject and his memoir is the content for this essay on character and the moral self. These last two themes are applied to the development of Barack Obama’s character traits of love and caring, temperance, courage, love of learning, justice, and spirituality. Each character trait is valued, practiced worldwide and praised in children and adults. This analysis answers a question that has eluded scholars and political pundits. How was it possible for Barack Obama to understand that whites would vote for him to become president of the United States? The answer is hidden in plain view in the development of his character and moral self. This essay provides insights into how his character prepared him to become President of the United States.A practical model of character development is an important aim of this essay. Character is habits of mind and body that persist over time. The development of the moral self is a frame for understanding the role of emotions and cognition in the cultivation of habits of mind. Understanding the character of Barack Obama is only partial vindication of a model of the development of character. A supremely talented Barack Obama makes any model look good. The test of the usefulness and validity of the model is that it provokes the reader to think about children, especially African-American children in all of their uniqueness and universality. A conversation that begins with the habits of love and caring, temperance, courage, love of learning, justice, and spirituality is a good beginning toward that end.
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Hamad, Hema Niazi. "The Pragmatism of US Foreign Policy in the Obama and Trump Administrations." Journal of University of Raparin 8, no. 3 (September 29, 2021): 580–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(8).no(3).paper27.
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This researched has tried to analyze the philosophy of pragmatics and its development as well as applying it on the level of America’s foreign policy in the cabinet of both American Presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump in a comparative way to analyze and investigate it. The philosophy of Pragmatics in the center of American policy had an important position in the formulation of foreign policies and decisions and its application between Barack Obama and Donald Trump’s administration, was embodied in different forms and mechanisms which understanding this political perspective and direction is helpful to increase an understanding about formulation and application of American foreign policy. It has been tried to answer the main question of the research within the context of this research, which is how did the main and clear difference of getting benefit from pragmatism between both Obama and Trump’s administration has reflected in the American foreign policy? In the research, it was hypothesized that pragmatism was generally used in American foreign policy to protect America’s living interests and applying pragmatism between each Obama and Trump’s administration and how it is reflected in American foreign policy. This research has reached the conclusion that pragmatism in the era of Barak Obama’s administration has embodied itself in the form of a clever and hidden soft Power that has not ignored actors and other parties in the international arena despite the desire to protect American interests. But in Donald Trump’s era, pragmatism has applied itself in the form of hard, obvious pragmatism, economic, and political interests of America, which was the main desire to protect America’s interests.
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Syafa’at, Mohammad. "ILLOCUTIONARY ACTS IN BARACK OBAMA’S SPEECH IN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY AS THE FORMER PRESIDENT: “CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS”." Teaching English as Foreign Language, Literature and Linguistics 1, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33752/teflics.v1i1.1545.
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This research discusses the use of illocutionary acts in the utterance of Obama’s speech in Illinois University. The aims of this research are to find out types of Illocutionary Acts and messages of speech which deliver by Obama’s Speech. and to understand interpretation of the dialogue between speaker and hearer that use Illocutionary acts which are selected by the writer.The writer uses classified the data analysis method. The writer collects the data from the script, then describes types of illocutionary acts and explain the messages include in utterances. Based on the theories provided, the data are analyzed one by one to know the context and types of illocutionary acts used. To focus on the study, the writer limits problem just focused on types of illocutionary acts and the messages of the utterances. Based on the finding and discussion that answered to first problem questions above the researcher was found 14 utterance used to illocutionary acts theory. There are assertives acts was found 5 utterances, directives acts was found 3 utterances, expressive acts was found 3 utterance, commisives acts 3 utterances and declaration was found 1 utterance. In this research the utterance most used by Obama’s speech is assertive which is 5 utterances. The context of Obama’s speech about Democracy. So, this speech have many assertives utterances. Based on the explanation, the writer concluded that assertive of stating and commisives of an offering is mostly used by Obama's speech.
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Marzoeva, Tamara Guramovna. "Transformation of the U. S. National Strategy for Counterterrorism during the presidency of Barack Obama." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2021): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2021.4.37018.
Full textAbstract:
Tracing the evolution of Barack Obama's National Strategy for Counterterrorism is relevant for a variety of reasons. First and foremost, foreign policy and globalist trends were the reason for coming to power of the next president-isolationist Donald Trump. Secondly, many experts believe that the current administration of the White House pursues a successive foreign policy course namely in relation to the concept of B. Obama. And ultimately, consideration of the factors that affect the transformation of foreign policy strategy, and its counterterrorism component in particular, may contribute to forecasting similar processes under other administrations. The conclusion is made that Barack Obama preferred multilateral cooperation over unilateral coercive course; and the vector towards harmonization of relations with the Muslim world triggered the revision of the “struggle against terrorism” paradigm of George Bush Jr. B. Obama’s administration declared the transition from the concept of preventive strikes towards the concept of “smart power” and “leading from behind”, which manifested in the course of anti-terrorist operation in Syria. The author notes that the activity of Barack Obama in countering international terrorism is characterized by the departure from the tactics of conducting large-scale and costly wars of George Bush Jr. to joint targeted counterterrorism operations.
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Zhuravleva, Victoria Yu. "American presidents in polarized D.C.: From Barack Obama to Joe Biden." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 3 (2021): 334–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.305.
Full textAbstract:
In 1960 one of the leading researchers of the American Presidency, professor and an adviser to a number of US presidents Richard Neustadt formulated the iconic formula where presidential power needed to cooperate with the Congress — persuade, negotiate and compromise. But since political reality has changed so deeply, today only a God gifted negotiator is able to fulfill its power in polarized Washington, D.C. A modern day president should be a legislator and a showman rolled into one to succeed in his mission. According to the Constitution, the American legislative process is based on the consensus between all participants, while both the President and the Congress have the power of legislative initiative. It is the president who is responsible for gaining this consensus between all the initiators. In time of political polarization parties which traditionally had been the facilitators of this way to compromise became the main obstacles. From the presidential ticket to the Congress, they turned out to be the main headache of the president. Joe Biden came to White House with a reputation of being a skilled compromiser. But while it has been his advantage with the electorate, the left wing of his party strongly opposes his centrist ideology. Donald Trump named himself a brilliant deal maker, but his business experience of making deals appeared to be irrelevant in polarized D.C. Why has it turned out to be so hard to bring a consensus to today’s political process? Will Biden be able to change this trend and reunite the Nation as he promised during his inauguration?
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Holder, R. Ward, and Peter B. Josephson. "Obama's Niebuhr Problem." Church History 82, no. 3 (August 30, 2013): 678–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071300070x.
Full textAbstract:
As a candidate for president Barack Obama identified Reinhold Niebuhr as one of the most important influences on his political and social thinking. Obama's referencing of Niebuhr was not casual. Frequently, in diverse contexts, and before a variety of audiences, Obama either subtly or overtly offered Niebuhr as a guide for statesmanship. He obliquely referenced Niebuhr's two-fold test of toleration at the 2011 National Prayer Breakfast; he structured his Nobel Prize speech around Niebuhr's consideration of the problem of Christian realism in foreign policy; and, in unveiling the stimulus package, Obama placed the entire work in a context of Christian realism. Clearly, Obama takes his Niebuhr seriously not only in theory, but also in practice. Obama's first term offered a lesson in Christian realism and governance.