Journal articles on the topic 'Baroque Engraving'

The article explores the development of art decoration tradition in Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra old-printed Akaphistus-books editions of 17-18th cc. The essential elements of art decoration in these Akaphisthus-books are gravures with iconographic images of prayer addressees, corresponding to certain parts of the akaphistus text. The prayer addressee engravings are located in two positions: before or inside of the akaphistus text part. Frontispiece engravings initiate each part of Akaphistus-book. Iconographic posture of prayer addressee in such gravures directs the reader’s attention to the main topic of preceding text – glorification of God, angels or a saint. The frontispiece engraving in Kyiv-Pechersk Akaphistus of the 17th c. are often accompanied with verbal inscriptions, i. e. citations from the well-known church hymns. Quite often baroque poetic texts, which belong to the genre of Ukrainian baroque descriptive poetry, are placed below the frontispiece engraving. Such verbal inscriptions describe images of the engraving, verbalizing the general features of prayer addressee image. The lack of verbal inscriptions on frontispiece engraving in Akaphistus-books of 18th century is compensated by higher quality of the engraving, due to the usage of xylography technique. The image of prayer addressee is frequently used in the center of headset engraving, which precedes the title of each akaphistus text part. The miniatures inside the text part of akaphistus provide visual enrichment of the prayer process. The tradition of small plot illustrations insertion, corresponding to each of the 12 kondaks and ikoses of akaphistus, was initiated by the first Akaphistus editions of 1625 and 1629. This tradition was quite productive during the 17th – early 18th cc. Since the Akaphistus edition of 1731, the miniatures were substituted by engraved initials. The other peculiarity of this edition, which emerged in the subsequent editions of the 18th c., was the usage of engraved frame on each page. Such elements of the artistic decoration enable simultaneous visual and mental perception of akaphistus, declared in introductions to the first Kyiv-Pechersk Akaphistos editions. This masterpiece contamination of verbal and graphic aids in book artistic decoration presents the distinctive feature of the baroque style that influenced the Ukrainian book culture of the 17-18th centuries.

The article is in analysis of the visual, musical and textual aspects of the relevant scientific issue – the concept of intermedial intertextuality – on the example of two engravings created in mezzotint technique based on the selfportrait of the outstanding Baroque portraitist of Bohemian origin Johannes Kupetsky with his son Christoph, and on Christoph’s posthumous portrait. The first one was created by the Nuremberg engraver Bernhard Vogel, the second – by him or by his apprentice Valentin Daniel Preissler. In addition to the images, those prints contain poetic inscriptions, quotations and musical texts. In a lifetime portrait the musical text was identified as the incipit of an aria of the Baroque opera by Reinhard Kaiser. Thanks to it, the quote from Statius’s “Thebaid” in the engraving was associated with the experience of marital adultery. In the posthumous portrait of Christoph, accepting from Manus Dei a scroll with the emblem of “Τετέλεσται”, the motto bears the evangelical connotations – the execution of the sentence and the completion of the earthly path. The image of the siren on the emblem corresponds to the image of the personification of Eternity in the Iconology by Cesare Ripa. However, the siren in the Nuremberg mezzotint holds not a ball but a compass, outlining an incomplete circle – a motif associated with the personification of Perfection. The emblem on the mezzotint illustrates a syncretic image of Perfection found in Eternity

In his excellent work Anamorphoses ou perspectives curieuses (1955), Baltrusaitis concluded the chapter on catoptric anamorphosis with an allusion to the small engraving by Hans Tröschel (1585–1628) after Simon Vouet’s drawing Eight satyrs observing an elephant reflected on a cylinder, the first known representation of a cylindrical anamorphosis made in Europe. This paper explores the Baroque intellectual and artistic context in which Vouet made his drawing, attempting to answer two central sets of questions. Firstly, why did Vouet make this image? For what purpose did he ideate such a curious image? Was it commissioned or did Vouet intend to offer it to someone? And if so, to whom? A reconstruction of this story leads me to conclude that the cylindrical anamorphosis was conceived as an emblem for Prince Maurice of Savoy. Secondly, how did what was originally the project for a sophisticated emblem give rise in Paris, after the return of Vouet from Italy in 1627, to the geometrical study of catoptrical anamorphosis? Through the study of this case, I hope to show that in early modern science the emblematic tradition was not only linked to natural history, but that insofar as it was a central feature of Baroque culture, it seeped into other branches of scientific inquiry, in this case the development of catoptrical anamorphosis. Vouet’s image is also a good example of how the visual and artistic poetics of the baroque were closely linked – to the point of being inseparable – with the scientific developments of the period.

Pilgrimage guides belong to the most widely published types of religious literature in Bohemia and Moravia in the 17th and 18th centuries. During this period Baroque religiosity grew stronger and the Catholic Church sought to consolidate its position in the country, which inclined to the ideas of the Reformation. Religious pilgrimages, festivities and ceremonies along with the worship of saints and faith in miracles, served as promotional tools of the Catholic faith. In order to spread Marian Piety, Czech and Moravian printers published works written by the representatives of church elites. In their works they dealt with the history of pilgrimage sites related to the Virgin Mary. The prints were published in Latin and German. In addition to the treatise about the pilgrimage sites and miraculous healings, they included prayers, songs and recommendations as to how to behave during a pilgrimage. It was not only the text component which the reader found interesting; he/she was also impressed by the graphic design of the print. The book decoration consisted of vignettes, friezes, typographic ornaments, lines or clichés, which fulfi lled an aesthetic and practical function. The customers’ interest was stimulated by copper engraving illustrations and Baroque allegorical frontispieces depicting a Marian statue and miracle picture or by depiction of the concrete pilgrimage site in the form of a veduta. The authors included some of the important Czech illustrators and engravers who collaborated with famous foreign artists.

AbstractThis article provides an overview of the history of exegesis of the book of Job in 16th and 17th century Lutheranism. Early reformers such as Johannes Bugenhagen, Johannes Brenz, and Hieronymus Weller, a pupil of Luther, published commentaries about this philologically as well as theologically difficult narration of the Old Testament. In the 17th century, interpreters of Job made use of a variety of literary forms, including lyrical poetry (e. g. Sigmund von Birken). A highlight of the Job exegesis in baroque Lutheranism lies in the comprehensive commentary published by Sebastian Schmidt of Strasburg in 1670. The article closes by paying particular attention to the iconography of the multi-part copper engraving, created by Albert Christian Kalle for the Job exegesis by the pastor Christoph Scultetus of Stettin in 1647.

The article examines S. Yavorskyi’s work “Echo of a Voice…” in a stemmatic and emblematic context, in particular the illustrative material from seven engravings by I. Shchyrskyi, which carries a conceptual load. The panegyric, dedicated to the day of the patron saint Ivan Mazepa, contains poetic texts in which the praises of the coat of arms of the Mazepa family are praised. Yavorskyi’s wide use of intertextual references to biblical and ancient images and plots, pathetic concepts for the designation of virtues primarily related to statesmanship and military success, in a hyperbolic manner consistent with baroque traditions, was noted. The central conceptual figure of the poem “Na klucz herbowy alias Jasieńczyk” (“Na klucz herbowy alias Jasieńczyk”) is the kleinode “key”, which appears in the meaning of the key “from all gates”: to people’s hearts, exclusively to royal and tsarist offices, and even to heaven. In the third poem “On three rivers, or Korczak” (“Na trzy rzeki alias Korczak”), the symbol “three years” is interpreted as knightly courage in the fight against the enemy and three theological virtues inherited by the family: Faith, Hope, Love, which flow to of the “bottomless sea” of God’s favors. In one of the poems, Yavorsky leads the reader to the conclusion that Ivan Mazepa won the Hetman’s honors thanks to his virtues, and not by inheriting them. In addition, in justifying the heroism of Mazepa’s ancestors, the poet demonstrates his extensive knowledge of the history of the Mazepa family, using historical data from ancient chronicles. Coat of arms, described in the poems “On the heraldic moon with stars and an arrow, or Sas” (“Na herbowy z gwiazdami i z strzalą księżyc vulgo Sas”) and “On the coat of arms of half an arrow, or Odrowąż” (“Na herb Półstrzały vulgo Odrowąż”), indicated the celebrity and courage of the family, while Yavorskyi’s interpretation was based on the topos of ancient mythology and Sarmatism symbolism. On the “boat with sirens” engraving, Mazepa travels for the golden fleece under the patronage of Ivan the Baptist, which was supposed to symbolize the hetman’s political path. S. Yavorskyi often compares Mazepa with Apollo in the context of astrological symbolism, with the god of war Mars in the spirit of Sarmatian symbolism, with Icarus as a warning, and declared the sky to be Mazepa’s home, and Mazepa’s power to be chosen by God.

A special kind of wood architecture order for retables and pulpits is developed around the Lake Titicaca. It is possible, to consider it as a part of a regional itinerant aesthetic, i.e., zoomorphic order. Datable between the end of 17th century and 18th century, it is one of the stylems that define hybrid baroque, probably inspired in engraved sources. The above mentioned order already had been identified and documented 40 years ago by the architects José de Mesa and Teresa Gisbert. Nevertheless, to think again about this topic can throw new light to what was already said, extending certain aspects. I especially want to lead to the end one of their hypotheses: This column is also a mannerist survival since it is inspired by treatise writers, so Palladio in his book ‘Quarter of Architecture’ treats Nerva’s temple, on chapter VIII, showing a capital with horses, and Sagredo has a capital with heads of sheeps. This conjecture is founded on the traffic of architecture treatises, but especially on the idea of inspiration and not a faithful reproduction of the engraving sources, since there was only a few holders of those books. On the other hand, it was more possible to have copies in diverse degrees due to their transformations because of transposition process. With that idea, I allow myself to advance on the topic from a new perspective. It is to consider the contribution of a contemporary referrer, already well known and with a great influence in continental Europe in the beginning of the development of these hybrid works: Jean Bérain the Elder (1640–1711). In his repertoire, we find his proposals on variants of capitals of columns and pilasters. Here the arabesque subordinates the acanthus and there is a wide development of fantastic animals or semihuman beings of a classic mythological character – that shows us an evident mannerist influence. I will focus on the research of this order, in two cases: gospel altarpiece in Pomata’s transept and Yunguyo’s major altar and pulpit, two Dominican churches in the former colonial Chucuito in Peru.

The study analyses the political theology and imagery of a female Russian ruler in the first half of the 18th century in the context of the European political discourses on feminine rulers during the baroque period. The coronation ritual of Empress Elizabeth (ruled 1741-1761, crowned 25 April 1742) reflected in the coronation book (1744) illustrates the transition of European images of a baroque feminine ruler into the semiotics of westernized Russian absolutism. Elizabeth appears in the court media (sermons, engravings in the coronation book, poems, etc.) as the natural, God-given mother of all Russians, saving Orthodoxy from the political chaos of the previous rule, combining both masculine and feminine images of a ruler. The image of Elizabeth in the sermon by Archbishop of Novgorod Ambrosii illustrates a Russian variation of the political liturgy of absolutist culture in the 18th century.

The complicated political and cultural position of the Serbs who migrated to the Habsburg Monarchy in the early eighteenth century caused the rise of popularity of Russian rulers, who were recognized as protectors of the Orthodox against religious persecution. Political ties were accompanied by a strong Russification of Serbian culture, which was carried out through the mass procurement of Russian liturgical books and the arrival of many Russian teachers to Serbian schools. Ukrainian painters who came to the Metropolitanate of Karlovci brought new forms of baroque religious painting and introduced changes in the structure of the iconostasis. The cult of the Romanov dynasty among Orthodox Serbs in Hungary was amplified by their numerous portraits and engravings.

<p>This paper aims to develop a methodology of study of Ephemeral artefacts that takes into consideration all the different aspects of the specific art form that is Ephemeral Baroque Architecture. Through the study of the social and artistic characteristics of this art form, the analysis of a wide range of case studies will help defining some common and recurring features, especially regarding available data (engravings, paintings, manuscripts, etc.) The main goal of the research will be to outline a methodology of approach to the single cases based on reconstruction from text and graphic data, with special attention reserved to the relationship between the ephemeral apparatus and the surrounding urban space. The effectiveness of the methodology is tested through the application to the case study of the funeral apparatus for Cardinal Mazarin in Rome (1661).</p>

AbstractNot much is known about the 17th-century Estonian and Livonian landscape architecture. Most of the information is based on the descriptions found in historical archival and literary sources and on some of the well-known engravings. According to these, a common idea of that era's landscape architecture is that it was humble in scale and design, and was similar to the practice of late-medieval times when there was no space or ambition to grow woody plants in small gardens of castles. But when diving into the Swedish manor plans dating back to the last decades of the 17th century, it can be noted that the layouts of manorial hearts are inherent to the spatial design of early baroque, which is characterized by a landscape that has strongly been redesigned and includes a decorative garden, kitchen garden and a park. This article focuses on the spatial composition of Estonian and Livonian manor parks of the second half of the 17th century and observes the role of trees and their use in these landscapes. This article is based on the results of a study about the planning of baroque manor hearts Understanding the Role of 18th Century Estonian Manor Ensembles in Contemporary Planning and Conservation (Eesti 18. sajandi mõisaansamblid 21. sajandi maastikuplaneerimises: avastamine, mõistmine, tõlgendamine) which was carried out by the author of this article. The map analysis results deal with the spatial structure of manor ensembles and the observations made during the analysis. The article examines the possible ways of using woody plants in 17th-century Estonian manors while looking at the manor ensemble as an architectonic of early baroque. Based on the research results it can be said that by the last decades of the 17th century the wealthiest manors had already built manor hearts with a modest but a clearly baroque style layout which is characterized by a regular and symmetrical ensemble core, a garden axially connected to the main building and avenues heading into the landscape. This type of approach enables to broaden the common conception of the era's garden and park architecture in the manor hearts of Estonia and Livonia. Based on what is highlighted in the article it can be said that the tradition and practice of garden art that has shaped the image of Estonian landscape had already been developed by the end of the 17th century.

The article studies the peculiarities of visual image symbolic type originating in the artistic practice of Ukrainian baroque. It is stated that ba- roque culture of 17-18 cent. was spreading across Ukrainian territories. Meanwhile Ukrainian art of that period was developing in close interaction with the art of Central Europe, Russia and Balkan countries. Realistic traditions of Western Europe were actively taking roots on Ukrainian territory thus forming the alternative for sacral orthodox art. Symbolic and allegoric type of visual art is mostly used for didactic and educational aims (I. Galyatovsky), narrative ones (I. Bondarevska) and to be more precise and clear it is accompanied by text explanations. Symbolic motives are also represented in virtually all works of H. Skovoroda distinguishing purely symbolic images and fantastic ones. He believes that symbolic imagery is a "picture of wisdom". Emblem-embedded and symbol-embedded books with symbolic and allegoric illustrating engravings become more common and widespread due to the typography development. Publication of "Symbola et Emblemata" and "Iphika Hieropolitica" promotes the usage of these murals, icon paintings, and didactic motives of secular arts. Symbolic and allegoric contents of ethno-national coloring fill the imagery of Ukrainian national icon paintings ("Cossack Mamay", etc.) and symbolically-allegoric compositions of icon paintings ("Jesus Christ the Husband- man", "The Eye of Providence", "Crucifixion with Vine", "Christ in the Winepress", etc.). Also allegoric motives are used in parsuna genre. The article states that, due to the rationalistic tendency influence of European culture, Ukrainian visual art of baroque period moves away from Byzantine canons with their symbolic conventionality thus turning more and more to realistic type of imagery (especially in portrait genre) and at the same time retaining symbolic and allegoric techniques which gained some ethno-national peculiarities.

AbstractAmong the extensive collection of pen sketches by Johannes Stradanus (Bruges 1523-Florence 1605) in the Cooper-Hewitt Museum of Design and the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York (Notes 1,2) are thirteen hitherto unknown compositions which prove to be preliminary studies for eleven detailed drawings and two engravings. Inscriptions identify them as scenes from the life of St. Giovanni Gualberto and they belong to a set which must originally have consisted of al least fifteen illustrations. St. Giovanni Gualberto of Florence (Note 4), who died in 1073, is mainly known as a powerful reformer of the church, who set himsef above all to root out corruption and simony, and as the founder of the Benedictine Order of Vallombrosa. His cult enjoyed a revival during the Counter-Reformation, witness the decoration in 1580 of the chapel at Passignano, where he was buried, with frescos and altarpieces by A. Allori and his pupils and the installation there of a new tomb designed by G. B. Caccini, in which his remains were deposited (Note 5). In 1586 his lower jaw was removed to a new reliquary by G. B. Puccini in S. Trinita, the most important Vallombrosan Church in Florence, and in 1594 this was ceremonially installed in the new chapel designed for it by Caccini (Note 6). The saint also occupied an important place in the decoration of tha façade of the Cathedral for the entry of Christina of Lorraine in 1589 (Note 7), while in 1595 came the official recognition of his feast day on 12 July. In 1583 a new life of the saint, commissioned by Don Salvadore, Abbot General of the Order of Vallombrosa, was published in Florence by the Vallombrosan monk and historian Eudosio Loccatelli (Notes 8, 9). From this it is possible to identify all but one of the subjects illustrated by Stradanus, which follow the text so closely that he would seem to have used it as his literary source (Note 10). The subjects illustrated are as follows, in the chronological order given by Loccatelli: The Miracle of the Crucifix (Fig. I, Note I I), St. Giovanni Gualberto Publicly Accusing the Bishop of Florence and the Abbot of S. Miniato of Simony (Figs. 2, 3, Notes 12, 13), The Alms Returned Threefold (Figs.4, 5, Notes 15, 16), A Miraculous Provision of Bread at Vallombrosa (Figs. 6, bottom right, 7, Notes 17, 18), A Miraculous Provision of Food at Vallombrosa (Fig.8, left, Note 19), The Destruction of the Monastery at Moscheta (Figs. 9, top left, 10, Notes 20, 21), A Miraculous Distribution of Grain at Vallombrosa (Figs.9, top right, 11, Notes 22, 23), The Miraculous Catch of Pike at Passignano (Fig. 12, Notes 24, 25), The Miraculous Storm at Moscheta (Figs.9, bottom left, 13, Notes 26, 27), The Massacre and the Miraculous Healing of the Monks of S. Salvi (Figs. 6, top left, 14, Notes 28, 29), The Trial by Fire of Pietro Aldobrandini at Settimo (Figs. 6, bottom left, 15, Notes 30,31), St. Giovanni Gualberto Visiting a Sick Woman (Figs. 9, bottom right, 16, Notes 34, 35), An Angel Assisting St. Giovanni Gualberto on his Death bed (Figs.6 top right, 17, Notes 36, 37) and The Miraculous Healing of Adalassia (Fig. 8, right, Note 38). Insofar as sketches and finished drawings can be compared with each other, Stradanus proves in general to have taken over his first composition without appreciable change, albeit the scene of the accusing of the Bishop of Florence and Abbot of S. Miniato has been done in reverse to the sketch for topographical reasons. In those cases where more radical changes have been made, these all serve to heighten the expressiveness of the scene or to focus attention on the divine aspect of the event or the saint himself. The difference in character between the spontaneous pen sketches and the final drawings is striking. The latter are done in pen and brown ink and brown wash, carefully heightened with white, over traces of black chalk. They are highly finished drawings with a notable plasticity and monumentality for their modest size. The technique is close to that of Stradanus' numerous studies for engravings and the lefthandedness of the figures and the margins reserved for inscriptions at the bottom show that these drawings were also meant as models for a set of engravings. This set was evidently never executed, but there are separate, prints of two of the compositions, made at a later date, in the library of the abbey at Vallombrosa. One of these (Fig.18, Note 41) shows the Massacre scene in reverse and is dated to between 1625 and 1629 by its dedication to Don Averardo Niccolini, Abbot General of the Order during those years (Note 42). The other (Fig. 19, Note 43) shows The Miraculous Healing of Adalassia in reverse and enriched with some decorative details. Of the two coats of arms on the sarcophagus, one is presumably that of the Order of Vallombrosa (Note 44), the other that of the Visdomini family of Florence (Note 45), to which St. Giovanni Gualberto is traditionally said to belong. The arms of the Del Sera family of Florence (Note 47) below are clearly an addition to Stradanus' composition. Both prints are anonymous and of mediocre quality. They will presumably have, been made in or around Florence. The only clue to the dating of the drawings is their style which is close to that of the work of the last period of Stradanus' long career. In these years his style evolved from Mannerism to an early Baroque idiom, with an increasing concentration on lucidly structured compositions with quite large, plastic figures in a clearly defined space. Other striking elements are the genre-like conception of predominantly Biblical or literary themes, the narrative manner and the far-reaching detailing. The drawings discussed here can be dated c.1595 on the basis of their closeness to such sets of that period as Nova Reperta, Vcrmis Sericus and The Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit (Note 48). Nothing can be said, however, about the reasons behind the set. An appendix is devoted to a discussion of Stradanus and the so-called Crucifix of St. Giovanni Gualberto. The miracle of the crucifix, first related by Bishop Atto of Pistoia (d. 1153) in his lift of the saint, later came to be localized in S. Miniato, where a Medieval crucifix painted on panel was identified as the legendary one that bowed its head to the saint (Note 49). This crucifix is first mentioned in the 14th century in the crypt (Note 50), but in the 15th century it was set in front of the nave of the upper church in a ciborium made for it by Michelozzo to the commission of Piero de' Medici. In 1671 it was moved to S. Trinita where in 1897 it was installed in its present position in the chapel to the right of the high altar. The crucifix (Fig.20) has been cut down on all sides and so overpainted that it is no longer possible to discover its precise date (Note 51). That the Virgin and St. John were originally to be seen on the side panels emerges from the description by F. Tacca (Note 52), while some idea of them can be gained from an engraving by Th. Verkruys after Fr. Soderini (Fig. 21, Note 54). They were probably painted over after 1856 (Note 53). A small study by Stradanus (Fig. 22, Note 55) can be linked with this crucifix, while the correction of the halo and the hatching to the right of Christ's head give the impression that the head is bent forward away from the cross, so that the study can be seen as a rendering of the moment when the head bowed to St. Giovanni Gualberto in gratitude. Although it is fairly close in type to the crucifix which Stradanus could have seen in S. Miniato, it is in all probability not a reliable rendering of it (Note 57). It will have been done in connection with his sketch The Miracle of the Crucifix (Fig.I) and shows that at a certain stage he thought of depicting the crucifix frontally. In the sketch however he has switched to a sculptured crucifix, perhaps because of the difficulty of rendering the bowing of a head on a painted panel seen from the side.

The article deals with a rather rare for Russian art of the 17th century story of the Seven Sacraments. Its source was the engravings of the printing house of the Kyev Pechersk Lavra, which were among the book “projects” of the head of the Kyiv Metropolis of the Constantinople Orthodox Church, Petro Mohyla (1632–1647). A few images of that motif have long been known to researchers, but the origin of its variations has not been revealed. The issue is studied on the examples of two icons of the last quarter of the 17th century “Crucifixion with the Seven Sacraments”. Their distinguishing feature is the depicting the optional for all Christians sacrament of marriage in the foreground. The author of the article suggests that the creation of such an iconography was associated with the marriage of Tsar Feodor Alekseyevich. The development of baroque aesthetics also prompted artists to combine elements of different iconographic schemes in one composition and create a complicated version of the Life-Giving Tree with scenes of the seven Sacraments and the Passion of Jesus cycle. They used several literary and visual sources. The surviving samples of such a composition demonstrate the variability of its iconography and the creative nature of the work of Russian icon painters in the 17th century, who could create completely independent works on the same subject with pronounced individual characteristics.

In the archive of the now disbanded jefatura política of Tetela de Ocampo is an account of the funeral ceremony of the Puebla State deputy and school teacher, Ciudadano Miguel Méndez, only son of General Juan Nepomuceno Méndez, caudillo máximo of the State of Puebla between 1857 and 1884. The Velada Fúnebre was held in 1888 in the cabecera of Xochiapulco (alias ‘La Villa del Cinco de Mayo’), a municipio of nahuatl speakers on the southern edge of Mexico's Sierra Madre Oriental, adjoining the cereal producing plateaux of San Juan de los Llanos. The ceremony took place in the ‘Netzahualcoyotl’ municipal school room and was organised by the municipality's Society of Teachers. The description of the elaborately decorated room and baroque ceremony fills several pages.1 The teachers had decked the school room (normally adorned by ‘sixty-two great charts of natural history, twenty Industrial diagrams, large maps of Universal Geography, and diverse statistical charts and many engravings related to education’) with military banners and weapons, masonic trophies, candelabra, floral crowns and yards of white and black ribbon. In the centre of the room stood the coffin on an altar, itself raised upon a platform, guarded by four National Guard sentries and attended by the philharmonic corps of Xochiapulco and all the public officials of the cabecera and its dependent barrios. For nine days preceding the ceremony this band had played funeral marches, between six and eight in the evening, on the plaza, in front of the house of the deceased. The service was taken by Mr Byron Hyde, a Methodist minister from the United States. Accompanied by his wife at a piano, Hyde gave renderings (in English) of three Wesleyan hymns.2 There followed three eulogies of Miguel Méndez, extolling his services to the Liberal cause and on behalf of the ‘desgraciada nación azteca’. These speeches were infused with extreme anticlerical and anti-Conservative sentiments, a martial patriotic liberalism, a reverence for the principles of the French Revolution, an admiration for Garibaldi and Hidalgo (in that order), and an obsession with the importance of education as the only means for emancipating the indigenous population from clerical subjection.

The study surveys the investigations carried out since the publication of the author’s Kracker monograph (Budapest, 2004, in German 2005), and rectifies certain data and the oeuvre catalogue in the book at several loci. New findings are mainly contributed by the Czech Republic: Václav Mílek and Tomáš Valeš explored archival data in Nová Riše and Znojmo, which add to the currently elaborated register entries studied in Vienna and to a lesser extent in Jászó (Jasov, SK). The latter shed light on the network of social relations of the known family of artists, and lead – by virtue of Johann Lucas Kracker’s sculptor father and sculptor stepfather – from Johann Lucas Hildebrandt via relatives employed in the court to the circle of the provincial chief architect Franz Anton Pilgram. The painter got married in Znojmo in the summer of 1749, where he settled, presumably helped by his painter brother-in-law many years his senior, Dominic Clausner; perhaps it was he who mediated him to the Premonstratensians. Based on archival data, Tomáš Valeš attributed two upper pictures of the Capuchine high altar to Franz Xaver Karl Palko from among so-far defined Znojmo works of Kracker, while Petr Arijčuk has discovered several ensembles of paintings convincingly attributed to Kracker in the Moravian region. These works display the strong influence of Paul Troger.The Pauline church of pilgrimage at Sasvár (Šaštin, SK) was renovated by favour of the Habsburgs; its fresco decoration was entrusted to Viennese court artists: the figure painter of the composition signed by Joseph Chamant was Joseph Ignaz Mildorfer. In the summer of 1757 Kracker delivered two (signed) altar pictures for the pair of chapels in the middle and, in my view – contradicting somewhat the Mildorfer monograph – decorated their lateral walls in grisaille and on the ceilings of the first pair from the sanctuary he painted frescoes of hovering angels. Portraits by Kracker are also known from this period: the imaginary portrait of King of Hungary Béla IV, preserved by the Fáy family since the suppression of the Premonstratensian monastery in Jászó, has recently been identified by researcher of the family genealogy Tünde Fáy. A fine bust of a Moravian noblewoman signed in 1751 has cropped up in Rome’s art trade.Kracker arrived in Eger from Jászó in the autumn of 1764, only for an occasion. His first job was to decorate the bishop’s private chapel in Eger: the fresco of the resurrected Christ perished in the 19th century. Its only visual trace is a water colour copy signed in 1816 and inscribed by Franz Hauptmann, which was rediscovered after long latency and put on display in 2017 by Petra Köves-Kárai. In 1767 Kracker was working for the Premonstratensians in Geras again from Znojmo: in that year he signed the fresco of the parish church of nearby Japons and decorated that votive chapel at Elsern (the frescoes of the latter perished during reconstructions). Sharing the opinion of Wilhelm Georg Rizzi, the book of 2004 disputed that the presbytery ceiling of Japons was Kracker’s work and thus it was included as the work of Paul Troger in the monograph of the Tirolean painter published in 2012. However, the sources published by Rizzi in 2011 are not convincing enough; the homogeneity of the decoration suggests the authorship of Kracker in all four bays, I think.The largest increment has been added to Kracker’s graphic oeuvre. Thanks to Tamás Szabó, we know increasingly more of the historical provenance of the Szeged collection of drawings, including the key role of a Szeged painter Ferenc Joó’s studies in Eger. He also directed attention to Joó’s friend from Tiszafüred, painter and graphic artist Menyhért Gábriel who also studied in Vienna and copied works in the archiepiscopal gallery in Eger, and to his estate in Debrecen. That latter contains 144 sheets. Amidst the engravings and 19th century drawings the baroque drawings clearly emerge as a separate group, most of which – 12 compositions – proved to be by Kracker. In addition to the first sketch of the Jászó high altar, the St Sophia praedella picture of the St Anne side altar in the Minorite church of Eger can be accurately identified; an Assumption picture is conditionally associated with the high altar picture of 1774 in the parish church of Besztercebánya (Banská Bystrica, SK). No models of the St Augustine and St John Nepumecene drawings are known, and another two sheets together with a sheet in Szeged lead to the altar pictures in the church of Olaszliszka, but they must have been painted after Kracker’s death, in his workshop. A coherent series copied the ceiling fresco of the refectory in the Praemonstratensian monastery of Geras, painted by Troger in 1738. The quality of draughts-manship is outstanding, coming close to the model.Together with the baroque drawings, some old copperplate engravings also got into the museums of Szeged and Debrecen. It cannot be excluded that they can also be traced to Eger and they might have been pieces of Kracker’s collection. No inventory survives of Kracker’s estate but when his pupil Johann Zirkler died, a great amount of drawings and prints were inventoried which he might have inherited from his master. For lack of concrete correspondences this provenance cannot be proven, but in another way – by defining the graphic antecedents to Kracker works – we have compiled a virtual collection of the painter’s models. The revised catalogue of Johann Lucas Kracker’s drawings is appended to the study.

The Sculpture Collection in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest has been enriched in recent years with twenty-one marble portrait reliefs carved by Giovanni Bonazza (1654–1736) and his workshop. Fifteen reliefs were transferred within the institution and six were purchased from a private collection, but the identical creator and size, the uniform plaster framing and the themes of seventeen pieces – portraits of Italian rulers in the period of great migrations and the early Middle Ages – made it perfectly clear that they are pieces of a relief series scattered at an unknown date. The four “character heads” without caption, which deviate in theme from the series, are typical items of Venetian baroque sculpture.The search for the provenance of the reliefs led the author to the collector and art patron Miklós Jankovich (1773–1846), who possessed sixty-two marble reliefs (or sixty-four in later sources) which represented – to quote the collection inventories ‘Hunnish, Goth, Longobard kings and their successors who reigned in Italy after the Roman emperors’ from Alaric to emperor Saint Henry. Jankovich probably bought the series from the heirs of István Marczibányi after his death in 1810. In 1836 it passed into the National Museum as part of the first Jankovich collection. The inventorying of the paintings and sculptures in the Jankovich collection was interrupted by the great flood of Pest in spring 1838, and that must be the cause why the relief series was not included in the stock of the museum and its provenance got gradually forgotten. In 1924 the reliefs kept in the repository of the Collection of Antiquities as “insignificant items for the museum” not belonging to its collecting profile began to be sorted out. Thirty items were auctioned off in the Ernst Museum, twenty pieces were exchanged with László Mautner, an antiquities dealer in Budapest for an array of archaeological and historical objects. In the National Museum eleven portraits of kings and four character heads remained, delivered as “remnant” of the Historical Collection to the Museum of Fine Arts in 1943, from where they were transferred to the Hungarian National Gallery in 1957. The relief series from Giovanni Bonazza’s workshop once in the Jankovich collection must have been the only complete series of kings (though only known from second-hand information) which was carved after the book of engravings by the historian Emanuele Tesauro of Turin, Del regno d’Italia sotto I barbari, published in Turin in 1664. Its dispersion is an irretrievable loss.

The Sculpture Collection in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest has been enriched in recent years with twenty-one marble portrait reliefs carved by Giovanni Bonazza (1654–1736) and his workshop. Fifteen reliefs were transferred within the institution and six were purchased from a private collection, but the identical creator and size, the uniform plaster framing and the themes of seventeen pieces – portraits of Italian rulers in the period of great migrations and the early Middle Ages – made it perfectly clear that they are pieces of a relief series scattered at an unknown date. The four “character heads” without caption, which deviate in theme from the series, are typical items of Venetian baroque sculpture.The search for the provenance of the reliefs led the author to the collector and art patron Miklós Jankovich (1773–1846), who possessed sixty-two marble reliefs (or sixty-four in later sources) which represented – to quote the collection inventories ‘Hunnish, Goth, Longobard kings and their successors who reigned in Italy after the Roman emperors’ from Alaric to emperor Saint Henry. Jankovich probably bought the series from the heirs of István Marczibányi after his death in 1810. In 1836 it passed into the National Museum as part of the first Jankovich collection. The inventorying of the paintings and sculptures in the Jankovich collection was interrupted by the great flood of Pest in spring 1838, and that must be the cause why the relief series was not included in the stock of the museum and its provenance got gradually forgotten. In 1924 the reliefs kept in the repository of the Collection of Antiquities as “insignificant items for the museum” not belonging to its collecting profile began to be sorted out. Thirty items were auctioned off in the Ernst Museum, twenty pieces were exchanged with László Mautner, an antiquities dealer in Budapest for an array of archaeological and historical objects. In the National Museum eleven portraits of kings and four character heads remained, delivered as “remnant” of the Historical Collection to the Museum of Fine Arts in 1943, from where they were transferred to the Hungarian National Gallery in 1957. The relief series from Giovanni Bonazza’s workshop once in the Jankovich collection must have been the only complete series of kings (though only known from second-hand information) which was carved after the book of engravings by the historian Emanuele Tesauro of Turin, Del regno d’Italia sotto I barbari, published in Turin in 1664. Its dispersion is an irretrievable loss.

This paper is a branch of my previous research, dealing with allegorical and persuasive cartography, as an exercise in more recent theoretical interpretations of marginalized historical sources – caricatures. The introduction gives the readers an overview of the modern methodology and secondary literature. Furthermore, Giuseppe Maria Mitelli (1634–1718) is unknown to our audience. Therefore, this paper cannot deal with his immenseoeuvre, but only one example of his mastery, the caricature “An International Array of Doctors Counselling the Sultan”. This engraving is dated approximately to 1696, or slightly later, to the last phase of the War of the Holy League (1683–1699). The staging and the characters, as presented in the analysis, show beyond doubt a strong influence from commedia dell’arte in costumes and apparel, recognizing the oldest stock images of Dottore Gracian, originating in Mitelli’s Bologna, and Pantalone, who is precisely attributed to the “medico Venetiano”. This “icono-text” merges visual arts and comedy theatre with text, criticizing the Christian “nations” for their lack of unity in opposing the common foe and nemesis – the Ottoman sultan. The satire is more pronounced in the para-text, adequately written for each one of the actors, including those without the lyrics – headfirst fleeing grand vizier Kara Mustapha, and wool spinning Protestant Prince Imre Thököly, doing the woman’s and not the warrior’s task. Including the sultan, historians have plenty of material for an imagology analysis from the point of view of a witty Bolognese, well-educated and informed, placed in a hub of the baroque network of Europe, bursting with “furor geographicus” and the sound of the printing machines, street vendors, artisans, and carnivals. As any intellectual work, Mitelli’s art piece is placed within its historical-geographical, cultural and socio-political context.

Kazimierz and Ewa (of Uwoyni) Burba, the wojskis (officials attending to the needs of soldiers’ families during wars) of Šiauliai and collators of the Church of St Peter and St Paul in Apytalaukis, donated the painting “The Sacred Heart of Jesus” to the high altar of the church in 1817. From 1755, when a fraternity of the Sacred Heart of Jesus was established, this altar had been decorated with an earlier painting of the same name. The painting donated by the Burba decorated the first tier of a new high altar erected after 1817 and the existing high altar that was built before 1920s (?). It is believed that due to its poor condition, the old painting was replaced with a copy during repairs in 1964, and it is this copy that is on the altar to date. In 2019, the painting was restored as it had lost many fragments of the paint layer, especially at the bottom. The prototype of this painting is the painting “The Sacred Heart of Jesus and the Eucharist” by Pietro Tedeschi (the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel, Imola, 1780). It is believed that the painter used an engraving of this image, presumably by Lorenzo Capponi. The painting in the church in Apytalaukis is narrower and therefore the baroque composition created by Pietro Tedeschi is somewhat reduced and adjusted. In addition, the drawing, rhythm, and colours of the painting of 1817 are characteristic of the features of the classicist style and paintings of the Vilnius School of Art. Due to the analogies of stylistics and the wellknown fact of Kazimierz Burba’s acquaintance with the painter Jan Rustem, the painting is hypothetically attributed to this artist. The face of Jesus in the painting in Apytalaukis can be compared to Burba’s portrait by Jan Rustem (unfortunately, only a copy has survived). We propose the title “The Eucharistic Sacred Heart of Jesus” as it defines the iconography of the painting more precisely.

Jousting putti and a childless count and countessTiles from Borggade, AarhusFinds of tiles from an insulating and levelling clay layer between a potter’s workshop in Borggade from the mid-16th century and a later 17th-century building give a good insight into the changes in tile fashion from Late Gothic in the early 16th century to the Early Baroque in the first decades of the 17th century. A few polychrome, Late Gothic sherds may have ended up here by chance. A quantity of small, misfired sherds could not be put into a broader context.With the aid of finds from other localities, two previously undescribed tile series are presented here. A sherd from the potter’s workshop bearing a lance-bearing putto riding on a goat is combined with finds from other excavations in Denmark and Germany to assemble most of a previously unknown series of green- or yellow-glazed tiles with jousting putti riding on goats and lions and a grandstand accommodating distinguished spectators. All the portal frames are different, with each tile patrix having been carved individually in its entirety. Several of the tiles show antiquated features in their construction, for example in the attachment of the rear part. It has not proved possible to find graphic originals in the available contemporary book illustrations. The series can be dated to some decades prior to the mid-16th century. Several sherds from the series found at King Frederik II’s castle at Antvorskov can possibly be interpreted as a witty reference to the formidable jousting contests held at his coronation ceremony in 1559. A figure illustrates the possible appearance of such a tiled stove.A couple of sherds from the 17th century layer are mentioned: These belong to the known series produced on the occasion of Johannes Albrecht’s inauguration as count of Mecklenburg in 1611. A sherd bearing part of a left arm enables the reconstruction of a larger series with examples from the entire Baltic region. The people depicted in this series can, based on an engraving by Lucas Kilian from around 1613, be identified as members of the family of the count of Pomerania-Stettin, Philipp II, and it is possible to put name to several individuals. The tiles are either blackened or black-glazed, and the relief is quite shallow. The portal frame is common to all the tiles and actually comes from a series depicting the four evangelists