Academic literature on the topic 'Barotse cattle'

Resum: En aquest estudi ens ocuparem, en una primera aproximació, de l’element humorístic en la poesia escrita sobre –i per a– la Guerra dels Segadors en el context de l’anomenada «guerra de papers». D’entre aquesta producció s’estudia la que va ser escrita en català, raó per la qual la majoria d’autors i poemes del corpus són del Principat. Al llarg de les pàgines d’aquest article també definirem què conforma l’element humorístic. Amb aquesta finalitat, es realitzarà sempre l’esforç d’aïllar i diferenciar allò que ens resulta humorístic en l’actualitat d’allò que els devia paréixer còmic als homes del Barroc. Paraules clau: Poesia en català, humor, segle XVII, Barroc, Guerra dels Segadorl Abstract: This article is a brief introduction to the study of the humorous element in the poetry written above –and for– the War of Reapers in the context of so-called War of Papers. Betwen this production we will study that written in catalan, this is the reason why most autors and poems of the corpus are of the Principat. Throughout the pages of this article we will also define what constitutes the humoruous element. For this purpose, will be always the effort to isolate and differenciate what is humorous to us today of what should seem comical to the inhabitants of the Baroque. Keywords: Poetry in Catalan, humor, 17th century, Baroque, War of the Reapers

Resum: L’objectiu d’aquest estudi és proposar una visió sobre el tòpic de la mort en la poesia catalana pels segles XVII i XVIII. El punt central és la projecció pública de les composicions poètiques, tot apropant-nos a la literatura des d’un punt de vista cultural per presentar certs aspectes d’un tema clau en l’art barroc: el final de la vida. La primera part del text introdueix dos dels escriptors del barroc català, Francesc Fontanella i Agustí Eura. La segona secció recerca l’ús de la poesia catalana en les exèquies reials al voltant de la figura del monarca hispànic Carles II. Un cop presentades públicament les poesies en 1701, les edicions impreses són les que ens permeten una lectura contemporània. Publicacions d’altres gèneres poètics són la darrera part de l’article. Els Desenganys de l’Apocalipsi és una coneguda obra barrejant poesia i imatges amb una vessant didàctica per explicar el purgatori, l’infern, la glòria i el paradís als fidels lectors. Paraules clau: mort, poesia, barroc, exèquies Abstract: The aim of this study is a global vision about the topic of death in Catalan poetry throughout the 17th and 18th centuries. Focusing on the public use of poetical compositions, we want to approach literature from a cultural point of view in order to present some aspects about a typical subject in baroque art: the end of life. The first part of the text introduces two main Catalan baroque writers, Francesc Fontanella and Agustí Eura. Moving to the second section, the paper researches the use of poetry in royal obsequies around the figure of the Spanish monarch Charles the Second. After the public presentation of the texts in 1701, the printed publication of them is how we can still read them. The printed copies for other kind of poetry creations is the last part of this article. Desenganys de l’Apocalipsi is a well-known text mixing poetry and images with a didactical purpose: to explain the Purgatory, the Hell, the Glory and the Heaven to faithful readers. Keywords: death, poetry, baroque, obsequies

Resum: En absència d’estudis monogràfics sobre la Lloa de Fontanella, aquest article n’ analitza l’estructura dramàtica, començant amb una reflexió sobre llur classificació dintre del gènere i sobre l’espai de la Barcelona del segle XVII que podria haver-la escenificat. La importància funcional que el poeta barceloní atorga a la música i al metateatre condueixen a una interpretació de la Lloa des d’un punt de vista poeticomusical, la qual cosa permet una nova lectura de certs passatges i una valoració crítica que afecta, no només a la peça en qüestió sinó a tota la Tragicomèdia pastoral d’amor, firmesa i porfia i al caràcter d’avantguarda del teatre català de l’Edat Moderna Paraules clau: Francesc Fontanella, teatre català, literatura barroca, música, Barcelona. Abstract: In the absence of monographic studies on Fontanella’s Lloa, this paper analyses its dramatic structure, starting with a reflection on their classification within the genre and on the context of 17th century Barcelona where it could have been staged. The functional importance that this Barcelonian poet grants to music and metatheatre leads to an interpretation of the Lloa from a poetic-musical point of view, which allows a new reading of certain passages and a critical evaluation that affects not only the piece in question, but also the whole Tragicomèdia pastoral d’amor, firmesa i porfia and the avant-garde character of the Catalan theatre of the Modern Age. Keywords: Francesc Fontanella, Catalan theatre, baroque literature, music, Barcelona.

El trasllat de la cort del rei Alfons V d'Aragó de València (1416-1430) a Itàlia (1432) i la seua instal·lació a Nàpols (1443-1458) comportaren l’emigració d’un nombrós col·lectiu humà, percebut dualment per la població napolitana (catalani et hispani: catalanoparlants i castellanoparlants), i d’una administració reial on el català era la llengua preferida de govern i d’estat, per bé que el rei s’expressara normalment en castellà. El nombrós col·lectiu cortesà, sesquilingüe en molts casos, participava —d'una manera o altra— d’una pluralitat d’expressions lingüístiques, orals i escrites: buròcrates i cavallers majoritàriament valencians; poetes de cançoner castellans; humanistes que redactaven en un llatí primmirat; barons nadius que s’expressaven en un napoletano misto, influït pel toscà literari; escrivans de la cancelleria que redactaven en sicilià, mercaders florentins, etc. Tot plegat, fa de la cort napolitana d’Alfons el Magnànim un objecte d’estudi molt interessant per al camp de la història de la llengua (deixant de banda ara la vehiculació idiomàtica de les expressions literàries, un aspecte que també mereix ser estudiat).

Kangatarianism is the rather inelegant word coined in the first decade of the twenty-first century to describe an omnivorous diet in which the only meat consumed is that of the kangaroo. First published in the media in 2010 (Barone; Zukerman), the term circulated in Australian environmental and academic circles including the Global Animal conference at the University of Wollongong in July 2011 where I first heard it from members of the Think Tank for Kangaroos (THINKK) group. By June 2017, it had gained enough attention to be named the Oxford English Dictionary’s Australian word of the month (following on from May’s “smashed avo,” another Australian food innovation), but it took the Nine Network reality television series Love Island Australia to raise kangatarian to trending status on social media (Oxford UP). During the first episode, aired in late May 2018, Justin, a concreter and fashion model from Melbourne, declared himself to have previously been a kangatarian as he chatted with fellow contestant, Millie. Vet nurse and animal lover Millie appeared to be shocked by his revelation but was tentatively accepting when Justin explained what kangatarian meant, and justified his choice on the grounds that kangaroo are not farmed. In the social media response, it was clear that eating only the meat of kangaroos as an ethical choice was an entirely new concept to many viewers, with one tweet stating “Kangatarian isn’t a thing”, while others variously labelled the diet brutal, intriguing, or quintessentially Australian (see #kangatarian on Twitter).There is a well developed literature around the arguments for and against eating kangaroo, and why settler Australians tend to be so reluctant to do so (see for example, Probyn; Cawthorn and Hoffman). Here, I will concentrate on the role that ethics play in this food choice by examining how the adoption of kangatarianism can be understood as a bargain struck to help to manage grief in the Anthropocene, and the limitations of that bargain. As Lesley Head has argued, we are living in a time of loss and of grieving, when much that has been taken for granted is becoming unstable, and “we must imagine that drastic changes to everyday life are in the offing” (313). Applying the classic (and contested) model of five stages of grief, first proposed by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross in her book On Death and Dying in 1969, much of the population of the western world seems to be now experiencing denial, her first stage of loss, while those in the most vulnerable environments have moved on to anger with developed countries for destructive actions in the past and inaction in the present. The next stages (or states) of grieving—bargaining, depression, and acceptance—are likely to be manifested, although not in any predictable sequence, as the grief over current and future losses continues (Haslam).The great expansion of food restrictive diets in the Anthropocene can be interpreted as part of this bargaining state of grieving as individuals attempt to respond to the imperative to reduce their environmental impact but also to limit the degree of change to their own diet required to do so. Meat has long been identified as a key component of an individual’s environmental footprint. From Frances Moore Lappé’s 1971 Diet for a Small Planet through the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation’s 2006 report Livestock’s Long Shadow to the 2019 report of the EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems, the advice has been consistent: meat consumption should be minimised in, if not eradicated from, the human diet. The EAT–Lancet Commission Report quantified this to less than 28 grams (just under one ounce) of beef, lamb or pork per day (12, 25). For many this would be keenly felt, in terms of how meals are constructed, the sensory experiences associated with eating meat and perceptions of well-being but meat is offered up as a sacrifice to bring about the return of the beloved healthy planet.Rather than accept the advice to cut out meat entirely, those seeking to bargain with the Anthropocene also find other options. This has given rise to a suite of foodways based around restricting meat intake in volume or type. Reducing the amount of commercially produced beef, lamb and pork eaten is one approach, while substituting a meat the production of which has a smaller environmental footprint, most commonly chicken or fish, is another. For those willing to make deeper changes, the meat of free living animals, especially those which are killed accidentally on the roads or for deliberately for environmental management purposes, is another option. Further along this spectrum are the novel protein sources suggested in the Lancet report, including insects, blue-green algae and laboratory-cultured meats.Kangatarianism is another form of this bargain, and is backed by at least half a century of advocacy. The Australian Conservation Foundation made calls to reduce the numbers of other livestock and begin a sustainable harvest of kangaroo for food in 1970 when the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption was still illegal across the country (Conservation of Kangaroos). The idea was repeated by biologist Gordon Grigg in the late 1980s (Jackson and Vernes 173), and again in the Garnaut Climate Change Review in 2008 (547–48). Kangaroo meat is high in protein and iron, low in fat, and high in healthy polyunsaturated fatty acids and conjugated linoleic acid, and, as these authors showed, has a smaller environmental footprint than beef, lamb, or pork. Kangaroo require less water than cattle, sheep or pigs, and no land is cleared to grow feed for them or give them space to graze. Their paws cause less erosion and compaction of soil than do the hooves of common livestock. They eat less fodder than ruminants and their digestive processes result in lower emissions of the powerful greenhouse gas methane and less solid waste.As Justin of Love Island was aware, kangaroo are not farmed in the sense of being deliberately bred, fed, confined, or treated with hormones, drugs or chemicals, which also adds to their lighter impact on the environment. However, some pastoralists argue that because they cannot prevent kangaroos from accessing the food, water, shelter, and protection from predators they provide for their livestock, they do effectively farm them, although they receive no income from sales of kangaroo meat. This type of light touch farming of kangaroos has a very long history in Australia going back to the continent’s first peopling some 60,000 years ago. Kangaroos were so important to Aboriginal people that a wide range of environments were manipulated to produce their favoured habitats of open grasslands edged by sheltering trees. As Bill Gammage demonstrated, fire was used as a tool to preserve and extend grassy areas, to encourage regrowth which would attract kangaroos and to drive the animals from one patch to another or towards hunters waiting with spears (passim, for example, 58, 72, 76, 93). Gammage and Bruce Pascoe agree that this was a form of animal husbandry in which the kangaroos were drawn to the areas prepared for them for the young grass or, more forcefully, physically directed using nets, brush fences or stone walls. Burnt ground served to contain the animals in place of fencing, and regular harvesting kept numbers from rising to levels which would place pressure on other species (Gammage 79, 281–86; Pascoe 42–43). Contemporary advocates of eating kangaroo have promoted the idea that they should be deliberately co-produced with other livestock instead of being killed to preserve feed and water for sheep and cattle (Ellicott; Wilson 39). Substituting kangaroo for the meat of more environmentally damaging animals would facilitate a reduction in the numbers of cattle and sheep, lessening the harm they do.Most proponents have assumed that their audience is current meat eaters who would substitute kangaroo for the meat of other more environmentally costly animals, but kangatarianism can also emerge from vegetarianism. Wendy Zukerman, who wrote about kangaroo hunting for New Scientist in 2010, was motivated to conduct the research because she was considering becoming an early adopter of kangatarianism as the least environmentally taxing way to counter the longterm anaemia she had developed as a vegetarian. In 2018, George Wilson, honorary professor in the Australian National University’s Fenner School of Environment and Society called for vegetarians to become kangatarians as a means of boosting overall consumption of kangaroo for environmental and economic benefits to rural Australia (39).Given these persuasive environmental arguments, it might be expected that many people would have perceived eating kangaroo instead of other meat as a favourable bargain and taken up the call to become kangatarian. Certainly, there has been widespread interest in trying kangaroo meat. In 1997, only five years after the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption had been legalised in most states (South Australia did so in 1980), 51% of 500 people surveyed in five capital cities said they had tried kangaroo. However, it had not become a meat of choice with very few found to eat it more than three times a year (Des Purtell and Associates iv). Just over a decade later, a study by Ampt and Owen found an increase to 58% of 1599 Australians surveyed across the country who had tried kangaroo but just 4.7% eating it at least monthly (14). Bryce Appleby, in his study of kangaroo consumption in the home based on interviews with 28 residents of Wollongong in 2010, specifically noted the absence of kangatarians—then a very new concept. A study of 261 Sydney university students in 2014 found that half had tried kangaroo meat and 10% continued to eat it with any regularity. Only two respondents identified themselves as kangatarian (Grant 14–15). Kangaroo meat advocate Michael Archer declared in 2017 that “there’s an awful lot of very, very smart vegetarians [who] have opted for semi vegetarianism and they’re calling themselves ‘kangatarians’, as they’re quite happy to eat kangaroo meat”, but unless there had been a significant change in a few years, the surveys did not bear out his assertion (154).The ethical calculations around eating kangaroo are complicated by factors beyond the strictly environmental. One Tweeter advised Justin: “‘I’m a kangatarian’ isn’t a pickup line, mate”, and certainly the reception of his declaration could have been very cool, especially as it was delivered to a self declared animal warrior (N’Tash Aha). All of the studies of beliefs and practices around the eating of kangaroo have noted a significant minority of Australians who would not consider eating kangaroo based on issues of animal welfare and animal rights. The 1997 study found that 11% were opposed to the idea of eating kangaroo, while in Grant’s 2014 study, 15% were ethically opposed to eating kangaroo meat (Des Purtell and Associates iv; Grant 14–15). Animal ethics complicate the bargains calculated principally on environmental grounds.These ethical concerns work across several registers. One is around the flesh and blood kangaroo as a charismatic native animal unique to Australia and which Australians have an obligation to respect and nurture. Sheep, cattle and pigs have been subject to longterm propaganda campaigns which entrench the idea that they are unattractive and unintelligent, and veil their transition to meat behind euphemistic language and abattoir walls, making it easier to eat them. Kangaroos are still seen as resourceful and graceful animals, and no linguistic tricks shield consumers from the knowledge that it is a roo on their plate. A proposal in 2009 to market a “coat of arms” emu and kangaroo-flavoured potato chip brought complaints to the Advertising Standards Bureau that this was disrespectful to these native animals, although the flavours were to be simulated and the product vegetarian (Black). Coexisting with this high regard to kangaroos is its antithesis. That is, a valuation of them informed by their designation as a pest in the pastoral industry, and the use of the carcasses of those killed to feed dogs and other companion animals. Appleby identified a visceral, disgust response to the idea of eating kangaroo in many of his informants, including both vegetarians who would not consider eating kangaroo because of their commitment to a plant-based diet, and at least one omnivore who would prefer to give up all meat rather than eat kangaroo. While diametrically opposed, the end point of both positions is that kangaroo meat should not be eaten.A second animal ethics stance relates to the imagined kangaroo, a cultural construct which for most urban Australians is much more present in their lives and likely to shape their actions than the living animals. It is behind the rejection of eating an animal which holds such an iconic place in Australian culture: to the dexter on the 1912 national coat of arms; hopping through the Hundred Acre Wood as Kanga and Roo in A.A. Milne’s Winnie-the-Pooh children’s books from the 1920s and the Disney movies later made from them; as a boy’s best friend as Skippy the Bush Kangaroo in a fondly remembered 1970s television series; and high in the sky on QANTAS planes. The anthropomorphising of kangaroos permitted the spectacle of the boxing kangaroo from the late nineteenth century. By framing natural kangaroo behaviours as boxing, these exhibitions encouraged an ambiguous understanding of kangaroos as human-like, moving them further from the category of food (Golder and Kirkby). Australian government bodies used this idea of the kangaroo to support food exports to Britain, with kangaroos as cooks or diners rather than ingredients. The Kangaroo Kookery Book of 1932 (see fig. 1 below) portrayed kangaroos as a nuclear family in a suburban kitchen and another official campaign supporting sales of Australian produce in Britain in the 1950s featured a Disney-inspired kangaroo eating apples and chops washed down with wine (“Kangaroo to Be ‘Food Salesman’”). This imagining of kangaroos as human-like has persisted, leading to the opinion expressed in a 2008 focus group, that consuming kangaroo amounted to “‘eating an icon’ … Although they are pests they are still human nature … these are native animals, people and I believe that is a form of cannibalism!” (Ampt and Owen 26). Figure 1: Rather than promoting the eating of kangaroos, the portrayal of kangaroos as a modern suburban family in the Kangaroo Kookery Book (1932) made it unthinkable. (Source: Kangaroo Kookery Book, Director of Australian Trade Publicity, Australia House, London, 1932.)The third layer of ethical objection on the ground of animal welfare is more specific, being directed to the method of killing the kangaroos which become food. Kangaroos are perhaps the only native animals for which state governments set quotas for commercial harvest, on the grounds that they compete with livestock for pasturage and water. In most jurisdictions, commercially harvested kangaroo carcasses can be processed for human consumption, and they are the ones which ultimately appear in supermarket display cases.Kangaroos are killed by professional shooters at night using swivelling spotlights mounted on their vehicles to locate and daze the animals. While clean head shots are the ideal and regulations state that animals should be killed when at rest and without causing “undue agonal struggle”, this is not always achieved and some animals do suffer prolonged deaths (NSW Code of Practice for Kangaroo Meat for Human Consumption). By regulation, the young of any female kangaroo must be killed along with her. While averting a slow death by neglect, this is considered cruel and wasteful. The hunt has drawn international criticism, including from Greenpeace which organised campaigns against the sale of kangaroo meat in Europe in the 1980s, and Viva! which was successful in securing the withdrawal of kangaroo from sale in British supermarkets (“Kangaroo Meat Sales Criticised”). These arguments circulate and influence opinion within Australia.A final animal ethics issue is that what is actually behind the push for greater use of kangaroo meat is not concern for the environment or animal welfare but the quest to turn a profit from these animals. The Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia, formed in 1970 to represent those who dealt in the marsupials’ meat, fur and skins, has been a vocal advocate of eating kangaroo and a sponsor of market research into how it can be made more appealing to the market. The Association argued in 1971 that commercial harvest was part of the intelligent conservation of the kangaroo. They sought minimum size regulations to prevent overharvesting and protect their livelihoods (“Assn. Backs Kangaroo Conservation”). The Association’s current website makes the claim that wild harvested “Australian kangaroo meat is among the healthiest, tastiest and most sustainable red meats in the world” (Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia). That this is intended to initiate a new and less controlled branch of the meat industry for the benefit of hunters and processors, rather than foster a shift from sheep or cattle to kangaroos which might serve farmers and the environment, is the opinion of Dr. Louise Boronyak, of the Centre for Compassionate Conservation at the University of Technology Sydney (Boyle 19).Concerns such as these have meant that kangaroo is most consumed where it is least familiar, with most of the meat for human consumption recovered from culled animals being exported to Europe and Asia. Russia has been the largest export market. There, kangaroo meat is made less strange by blending it with other meats and traditional spices to make processed meats, avoiding objections to its appearance and uncertainty around preparation. With only a low profile as a novelty animal in Russia, there are fewer sentimental concerns about consuming kangaroo, although the additional food miles undermine its environmental credentials. The variable acceptability of kangaroo in more distant markets speaks to the role of culture in determining how patterns of eating are formed and can be shifted, or, as Elspeth Probyn phrased it “how natural entities are transformed into commodities within a context of globalisation and local communities”, underlining the impossibility of any straightforward ethics of eating kangaroo (33, 35).Kangatarianism is a neologism which makes the eating of kangaroo meat something it has not been in the past, a voluntary restriction based on environmental ethics. These environmental benefits are well founded and eating kangaroo can be understood as an Anthropocenic bargain struck to allow the continuation of the consumption of red meat while reducing one’s environmental footprint. Although superficially attractive, the numbers entering into this bargain remain small because environmental ethics cannot be disentangled from animal ethics. The anthropomorphising of the kangaroo and its use as a national symbol coexist with its categorisation as a pest and use of its meat as food for companion animals. Both understandings of kangaroos made their meat uneatable for many Australians. Paired with concerns over how kangaroos are killed and the commercialisation of a native species, kangaroo meat has a very mixed reception despite decades of advocacy for eating its meat in favour of that of more harmed and more harmful introduced species. Given these constraints, kangatarianism is unlikely to become widespread and indeed it should be viewed as at best a temporary exigency. As the climate warms and rainfall becomes more erratic, even animals which have evolved to suit Australian conditions will come under increasing pressure, and humans will need to reach Kübler-Ross’ final state of grief: acceptance. In this case, this would mean acceptance that our needs cannot be placed ahead of those of other animals.ReferencesAmpt, Peter, and Kate Owen. Consumer Attitudes to Kangaroo Meat Products. Canberra: Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, 2008.Appleby, Bryce. “Skippy the ‘Green’ Kangaroo: Identifying Resistances to Eating Kangaroo in the Home in a Context of Climate Change.” BSc Hons, U of Wollongong, 2010 <http://ro.uow.edu.au/thsci/103>.Archer, Michael. “Zoology on the Table: Plenary Session 4.” Australian Zoologist 39, 1 (2017): 154–60.“Assn. Backs Kangaroo Conservation.” The Beverley Times 26 Feb. 1971: 3. 22 Feb. 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article202738733>.Barone, Tayissa. “Kangatarians Jump the Divide.” Sydney Morning Herald 9 Feb. 2010. 13 Apr. 2019 <https://www.smh.com.au/lifestyle/kangatarians-jump-the-divide-20100209-gdtvd8.html>.Black, Rosemary. “Some Australians Angry over Idea for Kangaroo and Emu-Flavored Potato Chips.” New York Daily News 4 Dec. 2009. 5 Feb. 2019 <https://www.nydailynews.com/life-style/eats/australians-angry-idea-kangaroo-emu-flavored-potato-chips-article-1.431865>.Boyle, Rhianna. “Eating Skippy.” Big Issue Australia 578 11-24 Jan. 2019: 16–19.Cawthorn, Donna-Mareè, and Louwrens C. Hoffman. “Controversial Cuisine: A Global Account of the Demand, Supply and Acceptance of ‘Unconventional’ and ‘Exotic’ Meats.” Meat Science 120 (2016): 26–7.Conservation of Kangaroos. Melbourne: Australian Conservation Foundation, 1970.Des Purtell and Associates. Improving Consumer Perceptions of Kangaroo Products: A Survey and Report. Canberra: Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, 1997.Ellicott, John. “Little Pay Incentive for Shooters to Join Kangaroo Meat Industry.” The Land 15 Mar. 2018. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://www.theland.com.au/story/5285265/top-roo-shooter-says-harvesting-is-a-low-paid-job/>.Garnaut, Ross. Garnaut Climate Change Review. 2008. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://www.garnautreview.org.au/index.htm>.Gammage, Bill. The Biggest Estate on Earth: How Aborigines Made Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2012.Golder, Hilary, and Diane Kirkby. “Mrs. Mayne and Her Boxing Kangaroo: A Married Woman Tests Her Property Rights in Colonial New South Wales.” Law and History Review 21.3 (2003): 585–605.Grant, Elisabeth. “Sustainable Kangaroo Harvesting: Perceptions and Consumption of Kangaroo Meat among University Students in New South Wales.” Independent Study Project (ISP). U of NSW, 2014. <https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1755>.Haslam, Nick. “The Five Stages of Grief Don’t Come in Fixed Steps – Everyone Feels Differently.” The Conversation 22 Oct. 2018. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://theconversation.com/the-five-stages-of-grief-dont-come-in-fixed-steps-everyone-feels-differently-96111>.Head, Lesley. “The Anthropoceans.” Geographical Research 53.3 (2015): 313–20.Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia. Kangaroo Meat. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://www.kangarooindustry.com/products/meat/>.“Kangaroo Meat Sales Criticised.” The Canberra Times 13 Sep. 1984: 14. 22 Feb 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article136915919>.“Kangaroo to Be Food ‘Salesman.’” Newcastle Morning Herald and Miners’ Advocate, 2 Dec. 1954. 22 Feb 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article134089767>.Kübler-Ross, Elisabeth. On Death and Dying: What the Dying Have to Teach Doctors, Nurses, Clergy, and their own Families. New York: Touchstone, 1997.Jackson, Stephen, and Karl Vernes. 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Livestock’s Long Shadow: Environmental Issues and Options. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, 2006.Trust Nature. Essence of Kangaroo Capsules. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://ncpro.com.au/products/all-products/item/88139-essence-of-kangaroo-35000>.Victoria Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning. Kangaroo Pet Food Trial. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://www.wildlife.vic.gov.au/managing-wildlife/wildlife-management-and-control-authorisations/kangaroo-pet-food-trial>.Willett, Walter, et al. “Food in the Anthropocene: The EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems.” The Lancet 16 Jan. 2019. 26 Feb. 2019 <https://www.thelancet.com/commissions/EAT>.Wilson, George. “Kangaroos Can Be an Asset Rather than a Pest.” Australasian Science 39.1 (2018): 39.Zukerman, Wendy. “Eating Skippy: The Future of Kangaroo Meat.” New Scientist 208.2781 (2010): 42–5.

Aquesta investigació reconstrueix la trajectòria vital i professional de Manuel i Francesc Tramullas, dos dels pintors més rellevants del segle XVIII català. La monografia dedicada a la vida i obra d’ambdós germans insereix la seva activitat en el panorama històric, artístic i cultural de la Barcelona del segle XVIII i s’emmarca en la pràctica de la pintura des del principi fins a les darreries del segle XVIII. L’estudi al voltant de les seves monografies permet recórrer, des d’una visió interna i personalitzada, l’evolució dels canvis socials que va patir l’ofici de pintor des de la lluita iniciada pel seu mestre Antoni Viladomat fins a l’establiment de l’Acadèmia de Tres Nobles Arts per part de Manuel i Francesc Tramullas, juntament amb la formació i activitat dels respectius deixebles també en relació amb l’Escola Gratuïta de Dibuix de Barcelona (1775). La present tesi vol conciliar la imatge individual i al mateix temps comparativa entre Manuel i Francesc Tramullas a fi de visualitzar les diferències entre el recorregut de l’un i de l’altre, i situar la seva activitat en el conjunt de pintors actius a Barcelona al llarg del segle XVIII. Amb relació als seus catàlegs, la nostra investigació exposa cronològicament els treballs que van dur a terme al llarg de la seva trajectòria i té en consideració les desaparegudes i conservades, les peces autògrafes, el treballs documentats i un nombre reduït d’atribuïts. Concretament, l’estudi al voltant de l’obra de Manuel i Francesc Tramullas s’articula a partir de la lectura individual de cada peça on es té en compte la resta de treballs dels respectius catàlegs com també obres d’altres autors relacionades iconogràfica i estilísticament. L’anàlisi dut a terme sobre la trajectòria artística d’ambdós germans també posa èmfasi en els recursos compositius, tècnics i estilístics recurrents i distintius en l’obra de Manuel i Francesc, al mateix temps que evidencia els possibles contactes entre el llenguatge tardobarroc que emmarca la seva producció i els referents pictòrics i gràfics de l’escola italiana i francesa del segle XVII i XVIII.
This research reconstructs the professional and vital career of Manuel and Francesc Tramullas, two of the most relevant Catalan painters of the eighteenth century. The monography is dedicated to the life and work of both painters and demarcates their activity within the historical, artistic and cultural context of the 18th century. Our research in the present study is framed by the painting practice in Barcelona from the beginning until the end of the XVIII century. The research that we have made about the monographies of the two artists enables us to cover, from an internal and personalised point of view, the evolution of the social changes that the painter’s profession suffered: from the fight initiated by his mentor Antoni Viladomat until the establishment of the Acadèmia de Tres Nobles Arts by Manuel and Francesc Tramullas, in conjunction with the education and the activity of their corresponding disciples as part of the Escola Gratuïta de Dibuix de Barcelona (1775). The project pretends to find a balance between both the personal and the comparative image of Manuel and Francesc Tramullas in order to visualise the differences between both careers and to establish their activity amid the one from the current painters in Barcelona throughout the XVIII century. Regarding their catalogues, our research displays the artworks that these painters carried out during their career in a chronological order and takes into consideration the missing and preserved works, the autograph pieces and documented works, as well as a small number of attributions. In particular, the study concerning Manuel and Francesc Tramullas’ work is assembled from the personal reading of each piece of art, from which we have taken into account the rest of the works corresponding to their catalogues as well as from other authors that are iconographic and stylistically related. The analysis carried out about both brothers’ artistic careers highlights the recurring and distinctive compositional, technical and stylistic resources of their artworks. At the same time, it shows the possible contacts between the late Baroque languages that delimits their production, as well as the pictorial and graphic models from the Italian and French schools of the XVII and XVIII centuries.

La tesi és un estudi integral de la figura i l'obra del pintor Antoni Viladomat i Manalt (1678-1755), un dels artífexs més destacats del panorama artístic català del Set-cents. El primer volum aborda la revisió de la seva biografia partint de les aportacions de la historiografia i de les noves dades inèdites d'arxiu. S'hi fa també un anàlisi de la seva cultura visual i figurativa, una panoràmica sobre la relació del pintor amb el seu ambient artístic més proper i immediat, i un estudi de l'encaix de la seva personalitat artística en el context de la pintura precedent i contemporània peninsular i europea. El primer volum inclou, també, un epíleg on s'aborden temes com els detonants i les conseqüències de la seva extraordinària fortuna crítica.
El segon volum és un catàleg crític de la seva obra, organitzat a partir de fitxes individuals de cadascuna de les obres. L'autor considera que dues-centes cinquanta obres conservades, comptant dibuixos i pintures, són autògrafes, quaranta-una de les quals són inèdites. El catàleg també te recull i classifica les obres descartades i les perdudes.
Les principals aportacions de la tesi, a banda de l'actualització del coneixement de la seva biografia i de l'elaboració per primera vegada d'un catàleg crític complet de la seva obra, són la localització del testament del pintor, la revisió de la relació de Viladomat amb els artistes de la cort de l'Arxiduc Carles d'Àustria, la proposta d'una nova cronologia per als treballs dels anys vint del segle XVIII, una interpretació nova dels plets contra el col·legi de pintors de Barcelona, la revisió de la seva intervenció a la Capella dels Dolors de Santa Maria de Mataró, bona part de la qual l'autor d'aquesta Tesi atribueix al pintor Joan Gallart; la definició dels usos que el pintor fa amb l'estampa de traducció, la relació amb la pintura siscentista dels Juncosa o la importància de l'aprenentatge en un context tradicional, etcètera.
The thesis is a complete study on the painter Antoni Viladomat Manalt (1678-1755). He is one of the most famous spanish painters in the eighteenth-century. The first volume is a biographic revision related to the historiography and the previously unknown information of the historical archives. Includes also an analysis of his visual and figurative culture, and an study on the relationship between the painter and his nearer artistical environment and a study on his artistical personality in relation with the spanish and european painting. In the first volume, there is a chapter about his critical opinions. The second volume is a critical catalogue of his works. It is organized in individual reports, one for each one of the works.
The writer considers that two hundred and fifty kept works, including drawings and paintings, are from the artist, and forty-one of them are previous by unknown. The catalogue also classifies the ruled out and lost works.
The main contributions of the thesis, a part from the updating of the biography and the creation of the critical catalogue, are the location of his will, the revision of the relation ships between Viladomat and the artists of Carles d'Àustria court, the proposal of a new chronology for the second decade of the XVIII century, a new interpretation of the lawsuit against the painters association of Barcelona, the revision of his interventions in Capella dels Dolors of Santa Maria de Mataró (the writer thinks that it belong to the painter Joan Gallart), the relationship with paintings of Juncosa family of the seventeenth-century or the importance of the learning in a traditional context.