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Journal articles on the topic 'Battle of Karbala'
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1
Jolivet-Levy, Catherine. "The horsemen of Karbala." Zograf, no. 33 (2009): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog0933019j.
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This article analyzes a fresco from the ninth or tenth century preserved in a sepulchre church at Guzelyurt (ancient Karbala) in Cappadocia. Two officers of the Byzantine army, Leon, a skribon, who is buried there, and Michael, a turmarch, are depicted on horseback, in keeping with the iconographic scheme of representing holy horsemen. They are attacking an infantryman depicted between them. The infantryman has driven his dagger into the breast of Michael's horse. The text provides a historical background and an iconographic interpretation of the composition. It is a commemorative representation of two soldiers who probably died in battle. Compositions celebrating military activities and justifying the killings committed in war were of special importance in the region at a time when the military played a major role in defending the empire. .
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Kulisz, Abby. "Trauma Unending." Journal of Religion and Violence 5, no. 3 (2017): 274–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv20181543.
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This paper explores the ways communities reexperience traumatic events. Previous studies have made important contributions by observing that communities, in contrast to individuals, often use a traumatic event to construct their identity; and trauma is not always painful but sometimes desired. To further investigate these dimensions of traumatization, I focus on the performance of mātam or self-flagellation, which is practiced by a small minority of the world’s Shīʿī Muslim population on the Day of ʿĀshūrāʾ. For many Shīʿa, particularly Twelvers, Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī’s death at the battle of Karbala in 680 C.E. is a collectively traumatic event. Not only does Karbala embody a collective tragedy for Shīʿī Muslims, it defines and shapes their interpretation of history. During the practice of mātam, the mourner enacts the trauma of Karbala on one’s body, thus reliving and preserving the collective trauma.
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Yazbeck, Natacha. "The Karbalization of Lebanon: Karbala as lieu de mémoire in Hezbollah’s Ashura narrative." Memory Studies 11, no. 4 (May 8, 2017): 469–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017703807.
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This article draws on the unique backdrop of Lebanese sociopolitical history to explore a lieu de mémoire that figures centrally in the rhetoric of Hezbollah around Ashura, the 10th night of the commemoration of Imam Hussein’s death at Karbala. Using an analysis of the speeches of Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah on Ashura, this article examines the party’s rhetoric around the battle of Karbala, and the revered leader’s death, through the three dimensions of lieux de mémoire as identified by Pierre Nora, paying particular attention to the role of mediatization in the materiality of memory. It shows that lieux de mémoire can in fact emerge in the absence of a nation-state, despite Nora’s testament to the contrary.
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Rolston, Bill. "When everywhere is Karbala: Murals, martyrdom and propaganda in Iran." Memory Studies 13, no. 1 (September 13, 2017): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017730870.
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In Tehran, murals depicting men who died in the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and the Iran–Iraq war of 1980–1988 are ubiquitous. The murals represent an exercise in state propaganda, serving to remind citizens that these men died not simply for the nation but for Islam; they are martyrs. This message resonates with deeply held religious views in Iran. There is constant reference to the Battle of Karbala and the martyrdom of Imam Hossein, the grandson of the Prophet Mohammed. This is seen to prefigure the revolt of the people against the Shah in 1979, the defence of the Revolution against Saddam Hussein in the 1980s and, furthermore, the claim of the Iranian opposition that the ideals of the Islamic Revolution have been distorted by politicised clerics. In propagating the myth of Karbala, the murals function to control the masses, bolster elite power and marginalise opposition to that power.
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Nikjoo, Adel, Mohammad Sharifi-Tehrani, Mehdi Karoubi, and Abolfazl Siyamiyan. "From Attachment to a Sacred Figure to Loyalty to a Sacred Route: The Walking Pilgrimage of Arbaeen." Religions 11, no. 3 (March 22, 2020): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11030145.
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Around 20 million Shia pilgrims shape one of the world’s biggest pilgrimages in Iraq, called “Arbaeen,” many of whom walk long distances to Karbala city as a part of the ritual every year. Faith in Imam Hussein, who was martyred in the battle of Karbala in 680 CE, is central among all pilgrims in this ritual, but the main question is how do the pilgrims’ faith and psychological cognitions translate into this spiritual journey with different meanings during the Arbaeen pilgrimage? The present study aims to discover the different social and psychological reasons for pilgrims’ feelings of attachment to Imam Hussein and to the Arbaeen pilgrimage route. Through 57 semi-structured in-depth interviews with pilgrims in two phases, Arbaeen 2014 and 2019, four different perceived roles for Imam Hussein including beloved, interceding, transformative, and unifier figure were found, leading pilgrims to feel an attachment to him. The current study mainly contributes to the literature by presenting an empirical analysis of Muslims’ experiences and perceptions of Islamic theology, and their loyalty to a sacred route through attachment to a sacred figure.
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HASHEMIPOUR, Saman, and . "Reinventing a Folk Hero in Yashar Kemal’s Epic Novel, Memed, My Hawk." International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, no. 2.20 (April 18, 2018): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i2.20.16730.
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A millennium after the Day of Ashura, Yashar Kemal’s folk hero, Memed, rises against another atrocious dynastic ruler. Husayn Ibn Ali, the grandson of Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, was killed and beheaded in the Battle of Karbala in 680 AD to end a caliphate, taking full account of claiming his life. Annually, Shiite and Alevi Muslims hold funeral ceremonies worldwide for his martyrdom on certain days to remember their liberty, as Memed’s compatriots, the villagers of Değirmenoluk in Yashar Kemal’s epic masterpiece, Memed, My Hawk do. Heroes do not accept injustice, but right all wrongs at all costs. Die or live as a hero, people compose ballads of protagonist’s heroism and consider their liberators as holy figures.
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Crews, Robert D. "Mourning Imam Husayn in Karbala and Kabul: The political meanings of ʿAshura in Afghanistan." Afghanistan 3, no. 2 (October 2020): 202–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2020.0056.
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This article explores Afghan Twelver Shiʿi commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn at the Battle of Karbala. It shows how the rites of remembrance and mourning celebrated on ʿAshura in Afghanistan has evolved in important ways from the late nineteenth century to the recent past. More than a pivotal event in the ritual calendar of Shiʿism, ʿAshura has served as an index of Afghan politics—and a field of contestation among state officials, clerical authorities, and the Shiʿi faithful. It has thus been at the center of struggles over the identity of the Afghan nation, the status of the Shia, and ritual practices in public life. Drawing on representations of ʿAshura produced by government authorities, state media, clerics, and lay people, this article examines how different actors have competed to give ʿAshura meaning and to develop distinctively Afghan forms of commemoration.
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Dogra, Sufyan Abid. "Karbala in London: Battle of Expressions of Ashura Ritual Commemorations among Twelver Shia Muslims of South Asian Background." Journal of Muslims In Europe 6, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 158–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341346.
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Abstract The roots of the struggle for authority among various groups of Twelver Shias of South Asian background living in London revolves around the idea of what is ‘true and authentic’ Shia Islam. The theological and political genealogy of this power struggle can be traced by examining the history of Shia Islam in South Asia. This article provides historical analyses and ethnographic accounts of Shia Islam and how it is practised in London. It investigates the influence of London-based Iranian and Iraqi Shia transnational networks on South Asian Hussainias and those who attend them. While some London-based Shias of South Asian origin conform to the Iran-backed reformist versions of globally standardised ritual commemoration of Ashura, others detest this and search for religious reinterpretations that assert South Asian ways of commemorating the Ashura ritual.
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Marzolph, Ulrich. "The Visual Culture of Iranian Twelver Shiʿism in the Qajar Period." Shii Studies Review 3, no. 1-2 (April 4, 2019): 133–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24682470-12340041.
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Abstract The visual culture of the Iranian Twelver Shiʿa is documented in a variety of media, ranging from manuscripts and lithographed books via tilework and wallpaintings to lacquerwork, reverse images on glass, and the canvasses of popular storytellers. Indispensably connected to a narrative level, it focuses on the creed’s pivotal trauma, the violent death of the Prophet Muḥammad’s grandson Ḥusayn and his followers during the battle of Karbala. Iranian Shiʿi visual culture was particularly rich in the Qajar period, when the ritual performances of the “Persian passion play,” the taʿziyya, coincided with the introduction of printing to Iran, fostering a growing prominence of Shiʿi themes on both narrative and visual levels. The pervasive visual representation of salient scenes embodying the emotional narratives of Shiʿism’s historical experience contributed to the generation of popular piety that in turn made a notable contribution to the firm establishment of the Twelver Shiʿi creed in Iran.
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Ghdhaib, Prof Dr Ahmed Shakir. "Commitment in the poems of Al-Taff battle in the holly Karbala'a. Al-Kumait Al-Asadi, obaid Allah bin Al hurr Al Ja'afi and Dua'able Al-Khuzaie as sample." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 216, no. 1 (November 10, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v216i1.584.
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Commitment is Amodern Concept Which the Analy studies have known and they discovered from commitment the level of the poets faith principles which they have believed as defensing and sacrificing. The Battle of Honour in karbala which was known as (Al-Taf) represented a great scream and revolution against a cruel ruler (yazid bin Muaeua) and this revolution was the brilliant light which the revolutioners followed it as an example. The revolution of (AL- Hussain) and his followers was eternal against the cruelity in every region, and it's poets commited by it's cultural line which they believed and this affected by the personality of the grand son of the prophet (Peace and praying be upon him) They were AL-Qumeit bin Zaid AL-Asadi, Duaable bin ali al-khuzai and others as a sample to the commitment which had shown in the structures and images of their poems and by contrast the another had represented out of commitment and been ashamed.
11
Hussain, A. J. "The Mourning of History and the History of Mourning: The Evolution of Ritual Commemoration of the Battle of Karbala." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-25-1-78.
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Pharaoh, Dr Ali Alwan. "Leadership and human Abbas bin Ali role (peace be upon him) In the eternal battle tuff year 61 AH An analytical study." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 214, no. 1 (November 11, 2018): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v214i1.625.
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Alawite family Immaculate has suffered early seventh decade AH serious repercussions came as a result of its commitment to the principles of the Islamic religion, as those family felt led grandson of the Prophet Mustafa (peace be upon him and his family and him) Imam Hussein bin Ali bin Abi Talib (peace be upon him) that Islam as a religion and principles and the values of its large importance in the details of the lives of Muslims began Anharomam negative hiring him by the leaders of Tbaa graduate Centers did not give it right, so Hussein's determination to combat these trends, including made available to him and his family from potential despite its simplicity, but it took way until the end, Hussein was a leader of that family, and his brother Imam Abbas ibn Ali (peace be upon him) associate him and holding a banner and committed to its principles and sacrificing Braanh and what has the strength, courage and Osama was the way one results and one murder in the end share everyone's courage details filled with noble principles, witnessed the land of Karbala in ten days reflected the the meanings of the tournament in clearer images, but Abbas, who was a leader and a wonderful human being was his receipts and tours in the fields of the right and the courage and selflessness and fulfillment we left off in the following lines recalling the tournament with great reverence and pride.
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Tabibi, Alireza, and Hossein Mohammadi. "A Survey of the Ashurayee Narratives of the Book Muntahi Al-Amal (From Imam Hossein's (AS) Arrival in Karbala to His Martyrdom)." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 4 (September 25, 2019): 450. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i4.999.
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Among the books available to report on the events of Ashura, one of the reference books is the book "Muntahi Al-Amal" written by Shaykh Abbas Qomi. In spite of the great efforts of its author who is a scholar, sometimes weak reports are also found. Therefore, the present article, with a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to answer the following question: Which of the Ashura narratives of the book Muntahi Al-Amal is weak and invalid? From what source has Shaykh Abbas Qomi cited these weak reports? Are these Ashura reports acceptable? At the end, it was revealed that the some of the narratives quoted in this book are weak such as the use of ‘Noureh ’ by Imam Hussain (PBUH) in the morning of Ashura, the martyrdom of a person named Wahab ibn Abdullah, the martyrdom of a young man whose father was killed, the martyrdom of Ali Akbar (AS) by an arrow in his throat, the famous report of how Hazrat Abbas (AS) went to battle and fought, the crying of Umm Al-Banin (AS) and Marwān ibn Al-Ḥakam on Hazrat Abbas (AS), anointing Ali Asghar (AS) with his throat blood, the number of wounds of Imam Hossein (PBUH), the entrance of Imam Hossein (PBUH) with his horse to the battlefield and complimenting the water to each other and reporting the second farewell of Imam (PBUH), exaggeration in the number of those killed by Imam Hussain (PBUH), looting of the ring of Imam (PBUH) as well as preventing Umar ibn Sa’ad from attacking his army to the tent.
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Zietlow, Nina. "The Politics of Monumentalizing Trauma: Visual Use of Martyrdom in the Memorialization of the Iraq-Iran War." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 1 (June 2020): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2020.11.
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This poster focuses on three mediums of commemoration: the monument, the memorial, and the museum as tools of state-sanctioned memory creation, and thereby spaces for politicized rituals of memory which further state-building projects. Specifically, during and after The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) the al-Shaheed Monument (1983), and the Victory Arch (1989) in Baghdad and the Martyrs’ Museum (1996) in Tehran functioned as politically strategic representations of collective trauma. Both the Ba'ath party in Iraq and the emerging Islamic Republic in Iran used these sites to render and politicize memories of violence and loss. Despite obvious differences, the projects in Baghdad and Tehran appealed to a need to address national trauma while bolstering idealized images of statehood. The Ba'athist party under Saddam Hussein capitalized on the collective trauma of the Iraq-Iran war to further a hegemonic Sunni identity, which was both religious and political. The use of immense scale, vulgar displays of power, and Islamic imagery in both the al-Shaheed Monument and Victory Arch linked Sunni and Ba'athist causes and allowed Hussein to characterize the Iran-Iraq War as a sacred project of national and religious vindication. Similarly, the Martyrs’ Museum in Tehran constructs a specific version of history using motifs of the Battle of Karbala, Imam Husayn, martyr and civilian deaths, and blood to tie Iranian national identity to ritualized Shia martyrdom. The Martyrs’ Museum parallels the religification of national identity as seen in Iraq, and configures death as a public, religiopolitical act. Despite Ba'athist Iraq's secular self-image, the strategic harnessing of trauma both Iraq and Iran demonstrates a constructed connection between political state hegemony, religious practice, and rituals of grief. In these ways, state propagated imagery through physical commemorations of the Iran-Iraq War furthered the political – and resulting religious – sectarian divide in the official positions of the two nations.
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Saade, Bashir. "Ḥasan Naṣrallāh’s ʿĀshūrāʾ Speeches: The Thin Line between Ethics and Identity." Die Welt des Islams 59, no. 3-4 (September 11, 2019): 384–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05934p06.
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AbstractThe Lebanese political organization Hizbullah has developed its own style of commemorating ʿāshūrāʾ, the Shiʿi period of mourning in remembrance of the Battle of Karbalāʾ. Previous scholarship has analyzed Hizbullah’s ʿāshūrāʾ with prevailing conceptual binaries such as politics/religion, reason/tradition, or reason/emotion. This article challenges such binaries by looking at the series of speeches given by Hizbullah’s secretary general, Ḥasan Naṣrallāh, during the annual ʿāshūrāʾ rituals. Naṣrallāh’s oratory skills, and most importantly the careful structuring of the ten-day mourning event, show clearly that the production of reasoned arguments through speech involves the cultivation of intense emotions and states of consciousness. These are conducive not only to collective action and identity formation but also to ethical practices.
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Hamdar, Sarah. "Hizbullah’s ʿAshura Posters (2007–2020)." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication, September 16, 2021, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-20219103.
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Abstract This article examines Hizbullah’s annual ʿAshura posters. It focuses on the campaigns created between 2007 and 2020 and places them against a backdrop of contemporary political events to demonstrate how the posters act as a significant site of political contestation and nationalist manifestation. By linking ʿAshura to contemporary politics in an ongoing reinterpretation of Imam Husayn’s martyrdom, Hizbullah places the Karbala battle at the center of its ideological identity, political actions and resistance activities, ultimately elevating its own fighters to Husayn’s position during Karbala. While Husayn is a figure mostly venerated within Shiʿa Islam, the article also demonstrates how Hizbullah utilizes the ʿAshura narrative to elevate Husayn—and ultimately the party’s fighters—to a transnational context by transforming the Karbala battle into a model for global resistance and victory. This is manifested in the posters’ meanings but also within the visual transformations whereby aesthetic changes reveal Hizbullah’s attempts at broadening its reach to a wider audience.
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Khuwaja, Amin M. "Prof. Najma Amjad." Anaesthesia, Pain & Intensive Care, January 14, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35975/apic.v23i4.1182.
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After a long and courageous battle against her disease Prof. Najma Amjad breathed her last on 9th October 2019 at Liaquat National Hospital Karachi. She had been diagnosed as suffering from fourth stage cancer in 2015 and was told by her oncologist that she had only one year to live. Treatment started, but she refused to give up and continued her anesthesia practice, performed Umra, then Hajj and even went to Karbala and Najaf (Iraq) for ziarat.
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Letmiros, Letmiros. "ARK CEREMONY IN PARIAMAN: FROM RELIGIOUS RITUALS TO ENTERTAINMENT CULTURE." International Review of Humanities Studies 4, no. 1 (April 29, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/irhs.v4i1.141.
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Islam that came to the archipelago - especially to the Minangkabau - besides being brought by direct scholars from Arabia, was also brought and developed by Persian and Indian merchants. Indian soldiers from the Sipahi area were brought by the British to settle in Bengkulu, then some fled to Pariaman. These were the ones who taught the local people about Persian culture which included the Ark ceremony.The Ark ceremony is held annually on 1-10 Muharram (Hijri month, month in Islamic and Arab calendars) to commemorate the death of Husayn ibn Ali. Ark is a tomb made from wood, bamboo, rattan, cloth, and colorful paper as a representation of the coffin of the grandson of Prophet Muhammad SAW who died in the battle in Karbala (Iraq) in 680/61 Hijri. The Ark Procession in Pariaman was first held in 1831. The Ark was prepared for ten days, and at the peak of the Ark event was paraded around Kota Pariaman while the bearers and spectators chanted "Hoyak Husen" (Live Husayn!) And at the peak of the event on the 10th of Muharram the evening before the Maghrib Tabut was marched to the sea of Gandoriah beach. At first, the Ark ceremony was very loaded with religious values. But now, the religious values have already faded, what stands out is the culture of entertainment. The transformation of the Ark ceremony as a religious ritual activity that was once full of religious values, became an entertainment culture caused by two factors. The first is the internal factor, namely the desire of the supporters of the Ark to make changes in the Ark procession, the second is internal factors originating from outside the supporters of the Ark in this case religious groups and also including the local government itself.