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Journal articles on the topic 'Baybars i'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

CYTRYN-SILVERMAN, KATIA. "Khān al-Ẓāhir – bi-Ẓāhir al-Quds!" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 19, no. 2 (April 2009): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186308009401.

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AbstractIn Jumādā II 661/April 1263 the Mamlūk sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars visited Jerusalem and undertook various pious works, including the erection of a public khān for lodging those visiting the Holy City. Unfortunately Baybars's khān has not survived and much speculation has been made regarding its location. The Arabic sources relating to Baybars's deeds provide a good deal of information relating to his khān, which, once combined with western sources and archaeological evidence, allows us to suggest its probable site, its architectural type, and even range of services.

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2

Sublet, Jacqueline. "The Sultan Baybars." Diogenes 46, no. 181 (March 1998): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/039219219804618109.

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3

Vidal Luengo, Ana Ruth. "L'élément maghrébin dans Sīrat Baybars." Arabica 51, no. 1 (2004): 162–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005804322783582.

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4

SATO, TSUGITAKA. "IQTA' POLICY OF SULTAN BAYBARS I." Orient 22 (1986): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient1960.22.85.

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5

Filippau, A. "The Crusader States in the Foreign Policy of the First Mamluks’ State (1248/1250-1260)." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-3.

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The article considers transformation of the Egyptian foreign policy towards the Crusader States in the first years after mamluks’ coming to power. Due to different reasons the previous academic papersconsidered this policy to sufficient extent only after the beginning of the reign of al-Zahir Baybars (1260-1277) (this is primarily due to the specifics of the sources, as well as the low interest of theworld science to seemingly minor events that having a purely regional dimension). The aim of the article is to identify the reasons and nature of this transformation. The object of the research is theforeign policy of the first mamluks before al-Zahir Baybars’s reign. Mongol invasion, the previous attempt of Louis IX to attack Cairo, as well as the conflict between Genoa and Venice resulted inmamluks’ decision to eliminate completely the Crusader States in the Middle East.

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6

Sidorenko, V. A. "INFORMATION FROM THE EGYPTIAN CHRONICLER ABD AZ-ZAHIR AS A SOURCE FOR THE HISTORY OF THE CRIMEA OF THE THIRD QUARTER OF THE XIII CENTURY." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 6 (72), no. 3 (2020): 92–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2020-6-3-92-126.

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This article is an attempt to restore the original text with the description held in the Crimea the fourth embassy to al-Malik al-Zahir Baybars (1260–1277) to the ruler of the Golden Horde, Berke – fragment of the London of the manuscript of the secretary of the office of the Mamluk Sultan al-Malik al-Zahir Baybars (1260–1277) and his biographer ‘Abd al-Zahir (1223–1293) «al-Rawḍ al-ẓāhir fī sīrat al-Malik al-Ẓāhir» (Garden visible in the biography of al-Malik al-Zahir) with filling of the gaps in the text borrowings from the Egyptian chroniclers Shafi, b. Ali (1252–1329), al-Nuwayri (1279–1333), al-Muf al-Dal (1259–1341), Ibn al-Forat (1335–1405), al-Aini (1361–1453), al-Makrizi (1364–1442), al-Yunini (1256–1326), Rukn ad-Din Baybars (1247–1325), etc. Verbatim translations of excerpts from Arabic works published with translations by V. G. Tizengauzen allow us to establish: 1) the absence in the letters of Baybars and Berke of any information about Berke’s conversion to Islam earlier than 1263 and the presence of direct evidence of his intentions to join this religion; 2) the time of adoption of the religion of Islam by Berke, his family members and the military aristocracy of the Golden Horde in the first decade of may 1263; 3) the number and sequence of embassies of the ruler of the Golden Horde Berke and Sultan Beybars, carried out before the resumption (July 17, 1264) of the fourth Embassy of the Sultan detained by the Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos; 4) the time of the fourth Embassy of Beybars in the Crimea (20–21 1264); 5) the presence of the Crimea in July 1264 under the rule of the only ruler – the son of Jouchi Tuka Timur, called by Abd al-Zahir Tuk Buga, and on the coins of his «pre-Muslim» coinage of the Crimea «Ata Tuka syogun» and «Temir Tuka»; 6) the existence of a post station-caravanserai on the route of the embassy, which served as the formation of the city of Solhat around it.

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7

Blakely, Jeffrey A., and Dror Czitron. "The Mamluk Bridge at Dayr Sunayd." Journal of Islamic Archaeology 7, no. 1 (November 7, 2020): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jia.18274.

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A long-overlooked Mamluk bridge spanning the W?d? al-Hasi (Na?al Shiqma) between Gaza andMajdal (Ashqelon) was built at the behest of Sultan Baybars about 1270, as mentioned by ?Izz al-D?n Ibn Shadd?d in his Ta?r?khal-M?lik al-??hir. It was also noted in a variety of travel accountsspanning the 17th through 19th centuries and it was even photographed in the 1880s. Later itbecame a point of interest during the Great War when it was shelled by the British Navy as partof the Third Battle of Gaza, yet it survived to be repaired. Since it was on an important road evenin 1948, it was destroyed by a unit of Palmach in an attempt to impact infrastructure. The bridgeis one of the smallest of the six known Baybars bridges, yet it fully fits with the technologicalcharacteristics of the other examples.

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8

Pahlitzsch, Johannes, and Christian Müller. "Sultan Baybars I and the Georgians—In the Light of New Documents related to the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem." Arabica 51, no. 3 (2004): 258–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570058041445709.

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AbstractThroughout the Middle Ages, the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem was a highly symbolic place to Georgians and to their kings. Although the monks were expropriated and their abbot was killed at the end of Sultan Baybars's reign, the Monastery preserved two documents that guaranteed its protection by Mamluk authorities, a court-authenticated testimony and a Sultan's missive. These documents, which were issued before the Monastery was turned into a Sufi convent by Šayh Hadir, shed new light on the complex relations of the Mamluk state with its Christian minorities. The radical change in the Mamluk's attitude towards the Monastery coincided with a rupture in political relations between the Mamluks and Georgian polities in the aftermath of the battle of 'Ayn Gālūt. The Sultan's missive that was addressed to one of his emirs is one of the oldest specimens of Mamluk chancellery. It proves that the Mamluk military ranking system did not yet exist under Sultan Baybars.

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9

Herzog, Thomas. "ʿUṯmān Dans la Sīrat Baybars: Un Héros Picaresque?" Oriente Moderno 83, no. 2 (August 12, 2003): 455–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-08302013.

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10

Bohas, Georges. "Métrique et Inter-textualité dans le Roman de Baybars." Arabica 51, no. 1 (2004): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005804322783519.

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11

KELEŞ, Bahattin. "SULTAN BAYBARS VE ABAKA HAN'IN KAYSERİ'YE GELİŞLERİNİN TÜRKİYE SELÇUKLULARI BAKI." Journal of Academic Social Science Studies 3, Number: 67 (January 1, 2018): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.9761/jasss7547.

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12

Zimo, Ann E. "Baybars, naval power and Mamlūk psychological warfare against the Franks." Al-Masāq 30, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2018.1522918.

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13

Vidal Luengo, Ana Ruth. "Conflict Resolution in the Sīrat Baybars. A Peace Research Approach." Oriente Moderno 83, no. 2 (August 12, 2003): 465–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-08302014.

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14

Hamdan, Abdelhamid Saleh. "Un nouveau manuscrit attribue a Baybars al-Mansuri: Mukhtar al-Akhbar." Studia Islamica, no. 67 (1988): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595977.

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15

Guillaume, Jean-Patrick. "Les Ismaeliens dans le "Roman de Baybars": Genese d'un type litteraire." Studia Islamica, no. 84 (1996): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595999.

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16

Fernandes, Leonor. "The Foundation of Baybars al-Jashankir: Its Waqf, History, and Architecture." Muqarnas 4 (1987): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1523094.

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17

Fernandes, Leonor. "THE FOUNDATION OF BAYBARS AL-JASHANKIR: ITS WAQF, HISTORY, AND ARCHITECTURE." Muqarnas Online 4, no. 1 (1986): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000206.

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18

Herzog, Thomas. "Une version "chrétienne" de la Sīrat Baybars: Le manuscrit de wolfenbüttel." Arabica 51, no. 1 (2004): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005804322783555.

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19

Frantsouzoff, Serge A. "The First Step to Apostasy? (An Ethiopian Ruler’s Missive to the Sultan Baybars Re-interpreted)." Scrinium 16, no. 1 (October 19, 2020): 367–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00160p25.

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Abstract A majority of the sources on medieval Ethiopia are written in the Gǝ‘ǝz language in the “genre” of history. However, some texts written in Arabic remain equally important. Among such texts the missive addressed by a ruler of Ethiopia to the Mamluk Sultan Baybars (known as al-Malik al-Ẓāhir) in AH 673 / AD 1274-75 is of considerable interest. The Ethiopian ruler can be identified as the founder of the Ethiopian Solomonic dynasty Yǝkunno Amlak. The text of this missive survived in three Arabic versions: in the Islamic “encyclopaedias” by al-Nuwayrī and al-Qalqashadī (resp. AH 730 / AD 1330 and AH 814 / AD 1412) and in the dhayl (continuation) to the Universal history by al-Makīn, compiled by the Coptic author al-Mufaḍḍal b. Abī’l-Faḍā’il in AH 759 / AD 1358. All three versions are almost identical, however, the version by al-Nuwayrī is the longest one and the closest to the original. The detailed analysis of this version supplied by the full translation into English made for the first time by the present author clearly shows that the person who wrote it was the amīr (commander) of the Amhara and not yet the king of Ethiopia. However, he had an intention to become himself with his people a subject of Baybars to obtain help from him against the Zagwe dynasty. As a consequence, the Ethiopian Christians would have been under the Muslim power. However, the Mamluk Sultan was less interested in that affair.

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20

Sari, Salih Kh. "A Note on Al-Maqrizi's Remarks regarding the Silver Coinage of Baybars." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 31, no. 3 (1988): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3632011.

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21

Guo, Li. "Paradise Lost: Ibn Dāniyāl's Response to Baybars' Campaign against Vice in Cairo." Journal of the American Oriental Society 121, no. 2 (April 2001): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606562.

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22

Sārī, Sāli Kh. "A Note On Al-Maqrīzī's Remarks Regarding the Silver Coinage of Baybars." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 31, no. 3 (1988): 298–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852088x00142.

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23

Kouloughli, Djamel Eddine. "Le texte arabe du Roman de Baybars premier survol du corpus électronique." Arabica 51, no. 1 (2004): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005804322783564.

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24

Guinle, Francis. "Garcin J.C. , (dir.), Lectures du Roman de Baybars, Marseille, Éditions Parenthèses- MMSH, 2003." Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, no. 103-104 (June 15, 2004): 279–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/remmm.2391.

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25

Holt, P. M. "Mamluk-Frankish Diplomatic Relations in the Reign of Baybars (658-76/1260-77)." Nottingham Medieval Studies 32 (January 1988): 180–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nms.3.165.

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26

Stewart, Angus. "Between Baybars and Qalāwūn: Under-age Rulers and Succession in the Early Mamlūk Sultanate." Al-Masāq 19, no. 1 (March 2007): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110601068547.

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27

Petry, Carl F., Peter Thorau, and P. M. Holt. "The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the near East in the Thirteenth Century." History Teacher 26, no. 4 (August 1993): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494477.

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28

Berkey, Jonathan P., Peter Thorau, and P. M. Holt. "The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the Thirteenth Century." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 30 (1993): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000246.

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29

Amitai-Preiss, Reuven, Peter Thorau, and P. M. Holt. "The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the Thirteenth Century." Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, no. 2 (April 1993): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603055.

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30

Daniel, Elton L., Peter Thorau, P. M. Holt, and Douglas Patton. "The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the Thirteenth Century." American Historical Review 98, no. 5 (December 1993): 1650. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167182.

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31

Rapoport, Yossef. "Legal Diversity in the Age of Taqlid: the Four Chief Qadis Under the Mamluks." Islamic Law and Society 10, no. 2 (2003): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851903322144952.

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Sultan Baybars' decision to appoint four Chief Qādīs , one from each of the Sunni schools of law, has long been recognized as a turning point in the history of the madhhabs. To date, historians have explained this decision only in political or ideological terms, paying little attention to its implications for the judicial system. Here I argue that the purpose of the new quadruple structure of the judiciary was two-fold: to create a uniform but at the same time flexible legal system. The need for predictable and stable legal rules was addressed by limiting qādīs' discretion and promoting taqlīd , i.e., adherence to established school doctrine. The establishment of Chief Qādīs from the four schools of law, on the other hand, allowed for flexibility and prevented the legal system from becoming too rigid. The quadruple judiciary enabled litigants, regardless of personal school affiliation, to choose from the doctrines of the four schools.

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32

Daʿadli, Tawfiq. "Jerusalem Mamluk Regional Building Style as Demonstrated at Maqām al-Nabī Mūsā." Der Islam 97, no. 2 (October 7, 2020): 421–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2020-0028.

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AbstractMaqām al-Nabī Mūsā, situated just off the route connecting Jerusalem to Jericho and to Amman further to the east, was a meeting place for thousands of pilgrims that gathered around the shrine during the mawsim (festival). Sultans, clerks, muftis, and wealthy families, who sought the saint’s blessing, put efforts into building facilities for those pilgrims. The earliest products of those donations, still identifiable on the ground, are the mausoleum built by the order of Sultan Baybars (r. 1260–1277) in the early days of the Mamluk era and the manāra (minaret) and the riwāq (open arcade) added by the order of Sultan al-Ashraf Qāytbāy (r. 1468–1496) toward the end of that era. Both building phases bear the imprint of local masons who were active in building Mamluk Jerusalem. Those masons developed their own regional style that differed from that of their counterparts in major Mamluk centers like Damascus and Cairo. A concomitant theme in this article is thus regional styles in architecture.

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33

Bohas, Georges, and Jean-Patrick Guillaume. "Le douanier integre et l'enfant programme: quand le Roman de Baybars rencontre les "Mille et une nuits"." Studia Islamica, no. 76 (1992): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595665.

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34

IRWIN, ROBERT. "JEAN-CLAUDE GARCIN (ed.): Lectures du Roman de Baybars. (Parcours Méditerranéens.) 320 pp. Marseille: Editions Parenthéses, 2003. €24." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 3 (October 2004): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0425025x.

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35

Guillaume, Jean-Patrick. "Les scènes de bataille dans le Roman de Baybars: considérations sur le "style formulaire" dans la tradition épique arabe." Arabica 51, no. 1 (2004): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005804322783537.

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36

Morton, Nicholas. "Chronicles of Qalāwūn and his son al-Ashraf Khalīl / Baybars’ Successors: Ibn al-Furāt on Qalāwun and al-Ashraf." Al-Masāq 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 353–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2020.1815307.

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37

Holt, P. M. "Abdelḥamīd Ṣāleḥ Ḥamdān (ed.): Baybars al-Manṣūrī: Mukhtār al-akhbār. xiii, 158 pp. [Cairo]: Al-Dār al-Miṣriyya al-Lubnāniyya, [1413/1993]." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 58, no. 1 (January 1995): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00012040.

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38

Sayfetdinova, Elmira G. "The Personality of Sultan Baybars and His Role in Developing Relations of the Mamluk Egypt with the Golden Horde according to Arab Sources." Golden Horde Review 5, no. 4 (December 29, 2017): 726–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2017-5-4.726-735.

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39

Garcin, Jean-Claude. "Sīra/s et Histoire." Arabica 51, no. 3 (2004): 223–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570058041445691.

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AbstractLe but de cette étude est de tenter de replacer les textes édités des cinq "grandes sīra/s" dans un cadre historique. Nous n'entendons pas par là, faire un bilan des recherches sur la constitution de ces sīra/s, qui sont loin d'être achevées. Nous ne nous sommes intéressés aux sīra/s que dans leurs versions imprimées, et dans la mesure où l'état des textes semblait correspondre à ce qu'ils étaient à la fin de l'époque médiévale, laissant ainsi de côté les ajouts visiblement postérieurs (peu importants par rapport à l'ensemble : "modernisation" des noms de titres et fonctions à l'époque ottomanes, et adjonction alors de quelques épisodes). Dans une première partie, publiée dans le précédent numéro d'Arabica consacré au Roman de Baybars, faute de pouvoir encore dater les textes par l'analyse de la langue, ce qui demandera encore beaucoup de temps (et n'est pas de notre compétence), nous nous sommes efforcés de dater le public destinataire des sīra/s. Il nous est apparu que ces sīra/s se présentaient comme une nouvelle littérature de jihād, et l'analyse géo-politique des textes utilisés dans les éditions imprimées, a semblé montrer que ce jihād se réduisait à la défense de l'Empire mamelouk, et que le public auquel le contenu de ces sīra/s était destiné, avait sans doute vécu au XV° siècle. Nous nous sommes ensuite interrogés sur l'adéquation des sīra/s à leur public, et il nous a semblé qu'on pouvait les mettre en rapport avec divers groupes sociaux de la société mamelouke de ce temps (émirs circassiens, grandes dames circassiennes, grands eunuques éthiopiens et autres Africains, communauté maghrébine du Caire).

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40

Holt, P. M. "Abdelḥamīd Salēḥ Hamdān: Baybars al-Manṣūrī: Kitāb al-tuhfa almulūkiyya fī al- awla al-Turkiyya. 289, 5 pp. [Cairo]: Al-Dār al-Misriyya al-Lubnāniyya, [14071987]." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52, no. 2 (June 1989): 344–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00035576.

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41

Hautala, Roman. "The Loss and Reacquisition of Caffa: The Status of the Genoese Entrepôt within the Borders of the Golden Horde." Golden Horde Review 9, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-2.247-263.

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Research objectives: To analyze both the circumstances of the armed conflict of Genoese Caffa with the troops of the Golden Horde ruler, Toqta Khan, in 1307–1308, which ended with the temporary expulsion of Italian merchants from the Jöchid territory, and their return to Caffa under Toqta’s nephew and successor, Özbeg Khan. Research materials: The information on the conflict between the Genoese and Toqta Khan is contained in an anonymous continuation of the chronicle of the Genoese Archbishop, Jacopo da Varagine, dating to the middle of the fourteenth century; in the chronicles of the Mamluk authors, Baybars al-Mansuri and al-Nuwayri; and in a local Greek source, namely the Sugdeian Synaxarion. In turn, sources that provide information about the circumstances and conditions of the return of the Genoese are much more diverse. Of course, the most important details are contained in the official documents of Genoa and Caffa. Valuable details are also contained in the missionary sources of the Franciscans preaching the gospel within the Golden Horde. For its part, the Franciscan information is useful to compare with that found in Rus’ian sources regarding the relations of Catholic and Orthodox prelates with the Khan of the Golden Horde. Research novelty: This study highlights that the use of Franciscan sources appears to be extremely useful to complement the analysis of the relationship of the Genoese entrepôt of Caffa with the local authorities. Research results: An analysis of the conflict between the Genoese and the local authorities, along with the conditions of their return negotiated with the new Khan of the Golden Horde, reveals the obvious fact that Caffa, having undoubtedly grown in the Golden Horde period due to the activities of the Genoese immigrants, had to recognize its submission to the Jöchid rulers from its very foundation. The Genoese administration likewise recognized this dependence during the restoration of Caffa in the first years of Özbeg Khan’s reign.

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42

Richards, D. S. "Peter Thorau: The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the thirteenth century. Transl. by P. M. Holt. xiii, 321 pp. London and New York: Longman, 1992. £13.50." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 56, no. 1 (February 1993): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00002421.

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43

Guillaume, Jean-Patrick. "Peter THORAU, The Lion of Egypt. Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the Thirteenth Century, traduit de l'allemand par P.M. Holt. Londres et New-York, Longman, 1992, xiii + 321 p., cartes, index." Arabica 41, no. 3 (1994): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005894x00137.

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44

Jackson, Peter. "The Lion of Egypt. Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the thirteenth century. By Peter Thorau, translated by P. M. Holt. pp. xiii, 321, 5 maps. London and New York, Longman, 1992. £13–50." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 4, no. 1 (April 1994): 94–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300004971.

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45

İbrahimgil, Umut Barış Ustabulut Mehmet Zeki. "Bayburt Çeşmeleri." ULUSLARARASI TÜRKOLOJİ ARAŞTIRMALARI VE İNCELEMELERİ DERGİSİ Aralık 2020, Aralık 2020 (2020): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/uluturkad.46249.

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46

Güzel, Murat Erdem, Mutlu Gültepe, Serdar Makbul, İsa Bozkır, and Kamil Coşkunçelebi. "Bayburt Florasına Katkılar: Cichorieae (Asteraceae)." Turkish Journal of Agriculture - Food Science and Technology 7, no. 3 (March 12, 2019): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.24925/turjaf.v7i3.498-503.1567.

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The Cichorieae Lam. & DC. is a tribe classified under the family Asteraceae. General characteristics of the tribe are milky latex and homogamous capitula with 5-dentate, ligulate flowers, makes the members easy to identify. The tribe compromise economically important genera Lactuca L. (Marul in Turkish), Scorzonera L. (Tekesakalı in Turkish) and Tragopogon L. (Yemlik in Turkish). The members of these genera are being use as folk medicine in Anatolia and all over the world as well. Bayburt Province settles between Soğanlı, Otlukbeli, Mescit and Giresun Maountains Range. Phytogeographically, Bayburt is included steppe area of the Irano-Turanian region and North tip of the Anatolian Diagonal. Bayburt homes to wide range plant diversity due to these phytogeographical characteristics. We aimed to contribute plant diversity of this city based on the samples collected from Bayburt during the field trips about the project on Cicerbita Wallr., Lactuca, Scorzonera, Tragopogon and Prenanthes L. in 2010-2017 and stored in the Herbarium of the Department of Biology at Karadeniz Technical University (KTUB) and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan University Department of Biology (RUB). Localities were plotted in a Bayburt map by using QGIS PC programme. According to Flora of Turkey and East Aegean Islands there are 4 taxa belong to Lactuca and 7 taxa belong to Scorzonera taxa in Bayburt, but there is no any record for Tragopogon. In the present paper, we recorded 24 (5 taxa of Lactuca, 14 taxa of Scorzonera and 5 taxa of Tragopogon) taxa from Bayburt, 6 of them endemic to Turkey. Consequently 13 taxa were reported from Bayburt for the first time.

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47

YILDIZ, Şaduman. "Bayburt Lojistik Köyü, Bayburt Üniversitesi Öğrencilerinin Lojistik Köyü Algısı." Journal of Turkish Studies 12, Volume 12 Issue 31 (January 1, 2017): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/turkishstudies.12658.

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Abdel-Fattah, Sanad. "The Status of the Christians in Egypt at the time of Sultan Al-Zahir Baybars Al-Bunduqdari and his Relationship with the Monk Paul Al-Habis أوضاع النصارى في مصر زمن السلطان الظاهر بيبرس البندقداري وعلاقته بالراهب بولص الحبيس." Journal of Medieval and Islamic History 10, no. 10 (December 30, 2016): 123–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jmih.2016.150131.

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Richards, D. S. "The Near and Middle East - P. M. Holt: Early Mamlūk diplomacy (1260–1290): treaties of Baybars and Qalāwūn with Christian rulers. (Islamic History and Civilization: Studies and Texts, Vol. 12.) viii, 161 pp. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995. Guilders 113.50, $64.75." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 60, no. 2 (June 1997): 357–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00036569.

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Melville, Charles. "Early Mamluk diplomacy (1260–1290). Treaties of Baybars and Qalāwūn with Christian rulers. By P. M. Holt. (Islamic History and Civilization. Studies and Texts, Vol. 12.) pp. vii, 161, 2 maps. Leiden etc., E. J. Brill, 1995. NLG 100, US $57.25." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 6, no. 3 (November 1996): 425–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300007902.

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