Academic literature on the topic 'Beijing Consensus'

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Journal articles on the topic "Beijing Consensus"

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Yao, Yang. "Beijing Consensus Or Washington Consensus." Development Outreach 13, no. 1 (2011): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1596/1020-797x_13_1_26.

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Huang, Yasheng. "Rethinking the Beijing Consensus." Asia Policy 1, no. 1 (2011): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2011.0001.

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Kotosz, Balázs. "Washington, Brussels, and Beijing Consensus." Analecta Technica Szegedinensia 7, no. 1-2 (2013): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/analecta.2013.1-2.27-33.

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In the new world financial, economic and nowadays debt crisis, the role of international organizations is in focus again. The financial crisis opens the way for IMF credits and for thinking in the European Union. After the second millenary, a scientific dispute started about the credibility of the Washington Consensus in many parts of the world. A new school emerged around Bruno S. Sergi, Roberto Tamborini, and William T. Bagatelas, who has been speaking about a transition from Washington consensus towards Brussels consensus in the case of Eastern European countries. Sergi carefully and precisely calls for specific and active state directed policy that puts economic transition in Europe in a new dimension. By Bagatelas, specifically, under the EU dimension, development under the new "Brussels Consensus” consists of activist state policies based upon assumptions given the world by Keynes, Schumpeter and supply side beliefs. Empirical studies also proved this structural break in macroeconomic policy. Now, the debate on appropriate economic policy is very active again. As in times of recession, Keynes and Keynesian economics has become popular, but the role of the state (and the international organizations) is sorely ambiguous. Our paper is to compare the Washington and the Brussels consensus from a heterodox point of view, and to find the differences of the two conceptions. Finally, we sketch the controversial concept of Beijing Consensus.
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Tylec, Tomasz. "The Beijing Consensus − Chinese development model." Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu 63, no. 8 (2019): 154–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15611/pn.2019.8.12.

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Williamson, John. "Is the "Beijing Consensus" Now Dominant?" Asia Policy 13, no. 1 (2012): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2012.0012.

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Kennedy, Scott. "The Myth of the Beijing Consensus." Journal of Contemporary China 19, no. 65 (2010): 461–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670561003666087.

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Li, Xin, Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard, and Michael Jacobsen. "Redefining Beijing Consensus: ten economic principles." China Economic Journal 2, no. 3 (2010): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538960903529535.

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GOKCEKUS, OMER, and YUI SUZUKI. "MIXING WASHINGTON CONSENSUS WITH BEIJING CONSENSUS AND CORRUPTION IN AFRICA." Singapore Economic Review 61, no. 02 (2016): 1640029. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590816400294.

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In theory, trade intensity should positively affect the quality of domestic institutions and governance; the higher the economic openness, the lower the corruption. In practice, however, the growth of economic openness has not been accompanied by the expected improvements in corruption for 34 African countries between 1990 and 2009. This paper presents a plausible explanation for this conundrum. Results from panel data regression analyses indicate that a switch from trading with the Advanced Economies to trading with China increases the perceived corruption level. For instance, in a “representative” African country, a 10% point substitution from trading with the Advanced Economies to trading with China makes its ICRG corruption score decline—indicating increased corruption—by 29%.
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McKinnon, Ronald I. "China in Africa: The Washington Consensus versus the Beijing Consensus." International Finance 13, no. 3 (2010): 495–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2362.2010.01270.x.

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Niyitunga, Eric Blanco, and Mahlatse Ragolane. "Beijing consensus diplomacy: A promoter or threat to Africa’s pathway to sustainable development." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 8, no. 10 (2024): 7425. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v8i10.7425.

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Using a qualitative research methodology and explanatory approach to collect data, we assessed whether the Beijing Consensus diplomacy in Africa is a promoter or threat to Africa’s pathway to sustainable development. The collected data were analysed using document and content analysis techniques. Analysis of the data revealed that the Beijing Consensus diplomacy in Africa is a positive initiative that has created a win-win situation, promoting sustainable development. The Beijing Consensus is opposed to the Washington Consensus, which influenced a win-lose situation that has deepened poverty, making Africa unable to move towards achieving sustainable development. The study found that China’s resource-for-development approach has similarities with pre-colonial Africa’s barter trade approach, which Africans practised in the entire continent. The analysis showed that applying the Beijing Consensus diplomacy to Africa has led to economic growth and development. The results showed that China’s Belt Road Initiative has transformed Africa, changing the continent from poverty to economic productivity, as road infrastructure is associated with economic growth and development. Moreover, it was evident from the analysis that without an African continental foreign policy rooted in continental sovereignty with transparent terms and conditions, Africa’s current benefits from China’s investments would lead to poverty instead of sustainable development. A continental foreign policy would create an African Consensus, which would act on behalf of the entire continent. This African Consensus diplomacy would thus become a continental foreign policy defining Africa globally. However, as it stands, the Beijing Consensus diplomacy is a promoter of sustainable development, but this promotion would not last long without African Consensus diplomacy. The study recommends that Africa should establish a continental foreign policy with African Consensus diplomacy to enable the continent to have one standard foreign policy and goal when trading with China and any other external world.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Beijing Consensus"

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Fontana, Serenella <1992&gt. "Beijing Consensus: nuovo modello di sviluppo alternativo al Washington Consensus?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/11946.

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Questa tesi nasce dall’esigenza di analizzare l’esistenza di un modello di sviluppo economico e sociale alternativo a quello promosso dalle potenze occidentali dalla fine della Guerra Fredda ad oggi; per fare ciò evidenzieremo le caratteristiche dell'ortodossia americana del Washington Consensus, ne analizzeremo le critiche e ne studieremo punti forti e debolezze. Ugual analisi sarà portata avanti per il possibile nuovo modello di sviluppo: il Beijing Consensus. Dopo avere sottolineato le sostanziali caratteristiche, le principali critiche ed avere indagato l’esistenza di questo nuovo modello la nostra analisi cercherà di mettere in relazione inizialmente le critiche. Successivamente ci impegniamo a prendere in esame in modo dettagliato la reale contrapposizione tra il Beijing Consensus e il Washington Consensus. L’analisi delle similitudini e soprattutto delle differenze tra questi due consensi sarà utile al nostro scopo di affermare con più sicurezza e tranquillità l'esistenza di un nuovo e forte modello di sviluppo alternativo a quello statunitense che pone il dubbio sul futuro dell'egemonia americana.
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Guerrazzi, Stella <1987&gt. "Dal Washington Consensus al Beijing Consensus: l'Iran come caso di studio." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2910.

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Il mio studio ruota intorno ad un nuovo modello di sviluppo alternativo al Washington Consensus, il così detto Beijing Consensus, termine in evoluzione che descrive un modello alternativo di riferimento per i paesi cosiddetti in via di sviluppo. Si tratta quindi di fornire una visione di come l’asse di un modello economico di riferimento si stia spostando dagli Stati Uniti fino alla Cina. Utilizzando come studio empirico le relazioni che si interpongono tra un paese del Medio Oriente e la Cina si cercherà di capire la validità o meno della tesi stessa. La scelta di utilizzare l’Iran come caso di studio risulta significativo, in quanto paese simbolo del Medio Oriente e storicamente importante per quanto riguarda il mercato energetico. In prima analisi cercherò di delineare gli incentivi che hanno spinto due paesi così ideologicamente diversi a imbastire una relazione concentrando il mio interesse sul contesto del declino del potere USA in Medio Oriente. Successivamente analizzando il mercato energico porrò l'attenzione sul peso che gli interessi economici hanno avuto e hanno tutt’ora nel facilitare queste relazioni. Infine, osservando le relazioni che Cina e Iran hanno con gli USA, si cercherà di vedere quali possono essere i possibili limiti alle loro politiche.
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Nyere, Shepherd. "Beijing Consensus: alternative for Africa's development challenges? The case for Zimbabwe." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29046.

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The research aimed to study whether the Beijing Consensus, a Chinese development model is an alternative development model for Africa. The study used Zimbabwe's plan to collateralise its natural resources mainly minerals under the Angola Model strategy as a test case. Zimbabwe's economic revival is currently ransomed by an unsustainable debt that has blocked external financial aid from its traditional donors and the western world. This is against the background that since the 1989, economist John Williamson's economic and policy recommendations known as the Washington Consensus became generally accepted as the most effective model by which developing countries could spur growth. This model based around ten policy recommendations embracing ideals of free-market capitalism that include open trade policies, privatisation and deregulation provided a prescription for development in the less developed countries. However, its implementation had mixed results such as multiple currency crisis, stagnation and recession during the financial turmoil of the 1990s and the most recent and more severe 2007 financial crises that led to the collapse of several nations' economic systems. This further eroded the confidence in the Western neoliberal economic model leaving the world calling for an alternative development model. By the turn of the century, a new strategy driven by China that has been defined by Joshua Cooper Ramo as the Beijing Consensus surfaced as a challenge to the Washington Consensus. This model is described as pragmatic, recognises the need for flexibility in solving multifarious problems. The model sounding warning bells for a post-Washington Consensus is inherently focused on innovation and emphasise equitable development driven by the central government has quickly gained appeal within the developing world challenging the Washington Consensus' antiquated policies. This exploratory research case study using primarily available literature on the subject sought to determine whether the Beijing Consensus is an alternative development model for Africa. To help synthesise the subject, Zimbabwe was used as a case study through primarily the "Angola model"- a Chinese strategy for resource-rich countries that are unable to guarantee loan repayments. Apart from the "Angola model", the study looked at the overall impact of the Chinese investments in Zimbabwe and Africa in general. The findings of the study has revealed while the Angola Model may have worked for Angola and other oil producing nations, it however will not benefit Zimbabwe as it is not geared in solving the current debt crisis. The results also show that while the Beijing Consensus may not actually be a consensus, it is currently an alternative for African nations as it presents an array of choices. It however does not seem to replace the Washington Consensus as a widely accepted consensus model for development but it has the right ingredients from a starting point to develop into an alternative model.
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Hallnäs, Charlotta. "Holding Hands : A case study of China’s and the EU’s foreign aid to Zimbabwe." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-274756.

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Gažar, Marek. "Obchodní politika ČLR v regionu subsaharská Afrika." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197211.

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The main objective of this study is to analyse Trade Policy of PRC in Sub-Saharan Africa in a comparison with an approach of western countries. Moreover describe causes of dynamically developing Sino-African cooperation in last fifteen years, when China became a strategic business partner of many countries in the region at the expense of western countries which in the past represented traditional business partners of Sub-Saharan countries. First part describes period of economic reforms in China which started remarkable economic growth and helped the country to become one of the world trade superpowers. Then it defines characteristics of Sub-Saharan Africa which influence international trade relations of the region, both in a positive and negative way. Second part summarize trade between Sub-Saharan Africa and China describing history of trade relations and current territorial and commodity structure of the trade. Third part analyses PRC Trade Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa which is based on principles of Beijing Consensus. This part provides a comparison of different approach of China and western countries (their approach is based on Washington Consensus) towards their business partner in Sub-Saharan Africa. Afterwards, it summarizes different tools of China's trade policy in this region, which are then demonstrated on case studies of Angola and Nigeria.
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Aidoo, Richard. "China-Ghana Engagement:An Alternative Economic Liberalization in SubSaharan Africa." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1279069734.

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Kikhounga-N'Got, Oumar. "Impact des consensus de Beinjing et de Washington sur la gouvernance et le développement des pays de la Communauté économique et monétaire d'Afrique Centrale (CEMAC)." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/5918.

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Le maintien d’un niveau élevé de pauvreté dans les pays de la CEMAC est devenu un paradoxe qui ébranle les convictions macroéconomiques traditionnelles. Pourtant, les pays de la région oscillent entre deux modèles de développement socioéconomique que sont, les consensus de Beijing et de Washington. Lequel les aiderait à sortir de l’étau de la pauvreté? Le consensus de Washington : est la thèse néolibérale défendue par la BM et le FMI. Elle plaide pour une orientation de l’aide au développement vers le renforcement des capacités institutionnelles et s’évertue à démontrer qu’une gouvernance non démocratique constitue des obstacles insurmontables pour le développement et qu’aucune politique de développement ne pouvait être envisagée sans le renforcement d’un État de droit. Le consensus de Beijing : prône la mixité entre le capitalisme d’État et l’économie de marché, un modèle de globalisation financière administrée par les crédits bilatéraux à long terme pour construire les infrastructures et établir les capacités de production dans les pays subsahariens. Elle tient avant tout à la sauvegarde de l’ordre politique, social ainsi que la tradition culturelle en place. Nous avons essayé de démontrer que la croissance économique, bien qu’elle soit tangible dans le pays de la CEMAC, ne saura être un levier d’amélioration des conditions de vie des populations en dehors d’un État de droit et du renforcement substantiel des capacités institutionnelles.
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Mazibuko, Jefrey. "Washington versus Beijing consensus: Is the Beijing consensus a suitable model for attaining Angola's development objectives." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/15019.

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The period after the end of the Cold War the early 1990s, when number of academics would continuously label the United States of America (USA), France and the United Kingdom (UK) as the only external supremacies to have extensive interests in Sub-Saharan African countries such as Angola with the use of the Washington Consensus, has contemporary been threatened by the new African economic dependency on China through the Beijing consensus (Frieden, 2000, 14). Over the course of the past ten years or so, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has established itself as a progressively prevailing player across Sub-Saharan Africa. Academics have consequently argued that China in Africa has been a theme widely discussed lately and one of the questions that centre’s around this discussion; is the Beijing Consensus a suitable model for achieving Angola’s development objectives as compared to earlier Western attempts through Washington Consensus?
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Hung, Yu-Ching, and 洪玉瀞. "From the Washington Consensus to the Beijing Consensus ? Perspectives of Hegemonic Stability Theory and Soft Power." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/68935271432611882214.

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碩士<br>國立臺北大學<br>公共行政暨政策學系<br>96<br>After the World War II, the U.S. became a global super power by accomplishing a world economy frame called The Bretton Woods System relying on forming the International Money Foundation and the World Bank, which brought the world a new global hegemony system. However, after the 1960s, the economic strength of the U.S. had been declining. And the disruption of the Bretton Woods System diminished the leading capacity of the hegemony of the U.S.. Due to remaining her hegemonic status, the U.S., which brought up The Washington Consensus when the states of Latin America encountered severe debt crises in 1990s attempted to strengthen her hegemonic status again and stabilize the international system with the U.S. as the leader. Nevertheless, China’s economy has been growing rapidly since the Reform Era after 1978. And the resources of military force and economy have been increasing continually. China goes a step further to develop her comprehensive national power and accumulate the soft power of the state by the policies of promoting China’s culture, attending international organizations positively, leading the area affairs, and establishing friendly diplomatic policies. According to the Soft Power brought up by Joseph S. Nye, China builds the institutional soft power through participating international organizations, uses the strong economic power to provide foreign aid as well as promote good neighbor policy, and forms partnerships with other countries in order to show her munificence soft power. Reinforcing the hard power and the soft power, China has become a new rising great powers which can’t be ignored. Therefore, the arguments of “the theory of China menace” and “Peaceful Rise of Communist China” have been existed. Furthermore, Joshua Cooper Ramo brought up The Beijing Consensus in 2004, which has caused a warm discussion among the academia. This thesis is going to clarify meanings of The Washington Consensus and The theory of China menace in lights of The Theory of Hegemonic Stability and the viewpoint of the soft power. In addition, the regional integration in East Asia as well as Forum on China-Africa Co-operation would be taken as the instances so as to survey whether China is taking advantage of The Beijing Consensus to construct a new series of ideology and elevating her international status by providing other countries unconditional aids and public goods to show her capacity and willing of being the hegemony. The last but not the least, I am also going to discuss whether the international system that takes the U.S. as the leader has been appearing the phenomena of hegemonic transitions, whether the rising of China does challenge the hegemonic status of the U.S., and whether The Washington Consensus is crossing through The Beijing Consensus gradually.
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Lin, Yi-min, and 林益民. "The Connotation, Debate and the Prospect of ''Beijing Consensus'&apos." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/61440924164809043937.

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碩士<br>國立中山大學<br>中國與亞太區域研究所<br>101<br>After the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997 and the Financial Recession of 2008, the economic setback experienced by many countries lead to domestic political and social chaos, sparking national discussions regarding future economic developments strate-gies. In 2004, Joshua Cooper Ramo outlined a controversial economic development model which he named the “Beijing Consensus,” modeled after China’s record break-ing economic development success, which he coined the “Beijing Consensus.” How-ever, the “Beijing Consensus” sparked a great controversy. The “Beijing Consensus” economic model represents an alternative to the “Washington Consensus”, based in market-friendly policy, symbolizing the competitive relationship between China and the U.S.A. in the international community. Within this context, this thesis examines and discusses the implications of the “Beijing Consensus” debate. The “Beijing Consensus” will influence China’s position in the international community whether or not it is widely accepted. This paper uses “Soft Power” theory as a research approach, regarding the Beijing Consensus theory as a mechanism of Chinese soft power and examining its effect on China’s interna-tional position and economic success. That being said, although the “Beijing Consensus” provides four new strategies for successful development—“innovation, stability, and independence”, “gradual and orderly reforms”, “authoritarian government” and “high efficiency and flexibility,” China’s success has been accompanied with lots of problems. For the “Beijing Con-sensus” theory to become the new model of development and the soft power of China to influence other countries and build up its own international recognition, there exist many obstacles that this development theory must overcome.
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Books on the topic "Beijing Consensus"

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Chen, Weitseng, ed. The Beijing Consensus? Cambridge University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781316481370.

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Foreign Policy Centre (London, England), ed. The Beijing consensus. Foreign Policy Centre, 2004.

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1958-, Huang Ping, Ramo Joshua Cooper, and Cui Zhiyuan, eds. Zhongguo yu quan qiu hua: Huashengdun gong shi hai shi Beijing gong shi = China and globalization : the Washington consensus, the Beijing consensus, or what? She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2005.

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China) Zhongguo fa zhan dao lu guo ji xue shu yan tao hui (2005 Tianjin. 中国模式与"北京共识": Chao yue "Huashengdun gong shi" = China model and the Beijing consensus : beyond the Washington consensus. She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2006.

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Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations., ed. Asia regional technical guidelines on health management for the responsible movement of live aquatic animals and the Beijing consensus and implementation strategy. FAO, 2000.

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Halper, Stefan. Beijing Consensus: Legitimizing Authoritarianism in Our Time. Basic Books, 2012.

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Beijing Consensus: Legitimizing Authoritarianism in Our Time. Basic Books, 2012.

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Li, Jun, and Liming Wang. China's Economic Dynamics: A Beijing Consensus in the Making? Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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Li, Jun, and Liming Wang. China's Economic Dynamics: A Beijing Consensus in the Making? Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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Li, Jun, and Liming Wang. China's Economic Dynamics: A Beijing Consensus in the Making? Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Book chapters on the topic "Beijing Consensus"

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Shuguang, Wang. "Beijing Consensus." In Dictionary of Contemporary Chinese Economics. Springer Nature Singapore, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-97-4036-9_141.

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Jakupec, Viktor, and Max Kelly. "The Beijing Consensus." In Foreign Aid in the Age of Populism. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429032011-8.

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Moak, Ken. "The Washington Consensus Versus The Beijing Consensus." In Developed Nations and the Economic Impact of Globalization. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57903-0_9.

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Kingsbury, Damien. "The Beijing Consensus versus the Washington Consensus." In Politics in Developing Countries. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315099453-8.

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Asongu, Simplice A., and Jacinta C. Nwachukwu. "Conclusion: An Argument for a Development Paradigm in Africa That Reconciles the Washington Consensus with the Beijing Model." In China and Africa. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-47030-6_11.

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Williamson, John. "Beijing Consensus versus Washington Consensus 1." In Handbook of Emerging Economies. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203108765-9.

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"Blinded by the Beijing Consensus." In Who’s Afraid of China? Zed Books Ltd, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350223967.ch-001.

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Bolinaga, Luciano Damián. "From the Washington Consensus to the Beijing Consensus." In New World Orderings. Duke University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478023647-003.

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Bolinaga, Luciano Damián. "FROM THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS TO THE BEIJING CONSENSUS:." In New World Orderings. Duke University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv3006zk8.6.

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Jilberto, Alex E. Fernández, and Barbara Hogenboom. "Latin America – from Washington Consensus to Beijing Consensus?" In Latin America Facing China. Berghahn Books, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt9qd4bk.16.

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Reports on the topic "Beijing Consensus"

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Williams, Anthony. Open Source Congress 2024: Shaping the Future of Collaboration in AI, Security, and Digital Public Goods. The Linux Foundation, 2024. https://doi.org/10.70828/mton6557.

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The 2024 Open Source Congress in Beijing, hosted by the OpenAtom Foundation, united leaders to address critical challenges in open source software (OSS). Building on the inaugural 2023 Geneva event, discussions centered on open source AI, cybersecurity, decentralized infrastructure, and global collaboration. Participants highlighted the necessity of enhanced OSS security, citing vulnerabilities in software supply chains and the rise of AI-enabled threats. Proposals included adopting Software Bill of Materials (SBOM) and pooling resources for monitoring and response. Additionally, participants emphasized digital public goods to address global challenges like climate change and inequality. The Congress concluded with a consensus on fostering global cooperation to ensure OSS remains secure, inclusive, and innovative while addressing regulatory and ethical challenges.
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