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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Beirut (Lebanon) Civil War'
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Makarem, Hadi. "Actually existing neoliberalism : the reconstruction of downtown Beirut in post-civil war Lebanon." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3078/.
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This thesis assesses neoliberal urban developments in post-civil war Lebanon. It does so by focusing on the reconstruction of Downtown Beirut, which contributed towards: firstly, increasing a public debt that was burdening the country at the time; and secondly, reproducing sectarian divisions in Lebanese politics and society. To explain this outcome, this thesis analyses the policies of specific agents who were involved in, and in control of, the reconstruction process. The agents being referred to were led by the former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri until his death in 2005. When analysed, these policies are found to follow the neoliberal logic of the late prime minister, but also to have been designed and implemented in a way to create and extract as much rent as possible for the benefit of those with invested interests in the reconstruction process. In this regard, it is argued that rent-seeking activities and behaviours heavily influenced the decision-making processes in key institutions concerned with reconstruction matters. Rent-seeking is used to refer to a wide range of social activities. In the case of Lebanon, we find a clear overlap between rent-seeking and two other processes that are endemic to the country: corruption and clientelism. The overlap between rent-seeking and these two other processes is a significant demonstration of how the nation-state and local politics shape the development and implementation of neoliberal economic policies, so that ‘actually existing neoliberalism’ is highly uneven from one region to another, and even from one country to the next. Because agency is placed at the centre of the analysis, this thesis adopts an approach that is more sociological in nature. It also makes use of two sets of literatures: those of liberal peacebuilding and new urban governance. This allows concepts and explanations to be used from both, in turn, complementing the analysis when delineating the patterns of neoliberalism that are specific to post-civil war Lebanon.
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Biglin, Brent Alexander. "Discipline and DIsorder in Women's Fiction Through the Lebanese Civil War." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366296039.
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Khalaf, Tania Levin C. Melinda. "Born in Beirut." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3954.
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Van, Melle Jonathan Herny. "Locked In Time?: The Hariri Assassination and the Making of a Usable Past for Lebanon." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1237738726.
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Khalaf, Tania. "Born in Beirut." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3954/.
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The film starts with another ordinary day, two elderly men playing Backgammon, cars passing by, children playing in the street; scenes anyone anywhere in the world can relate to. Seemingly without warning, as the sun set on that ordinary day, the audience is taken on a perilous journey through war-torn Beirut. Born in Beirut is a thoughtful and poetic examination of war through the eyes of a child who lived through endless conflict in war-torn Beirut. The film examines the futility of war and the price paid in innocent lives.
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Thomas, Mansour Émilie. "Les femmes dans Beyrouth en guerre (1975-1990). Une approche géocritique des "Beirut Decentrists"." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCA015.
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La guerre du Liban (1975-1990) a vu émerger dès son commencement une littérature féminine caractérisée par le décentrement du regard et de la représentation, qui inspira le nom donné par Miriam Cooke aux auteures femmes ayant écrit la guerre à Beyrouth : les "Beirut Decentrists". Ces dernières sont à l’origine d’un corpus prolifique et hétérogène, dont les œuvres, pour la grande majorité hybrides et polyphoniques, se rejoignent dans une interrogation sur l’espace urbain comme protagoniste, et sur la place occupée par l’auteure dans un paysage en perpétuel devenir. Ce travail de recherche, qui s’inscrit dans la géocritique, se propose d’explorer les espaces investis par ces femmes pendant la guerre. Que peuvent-ils nous apprendre sur la ville en guerre ? Surtout, quelles Beyrouth(s) possibles peuvent naître après la tentative organisée d’un urbicide par la société de milices qui a contrôlé la ville pendant quinze ans ? Le corpus couvre la totalité de la durée de la guerre, mais il comprend aussi des textes écrits dans les années qui ont suivi, indiquant la prégnance de la guerre dans le temps de l’après-conflit. En quoi le point de vue des "Beirut Decentrists" peut-il contribuer à la construction de la mémoire dans un pays qui cultive l’amnésie tout en croulant sous un « excès de mémoire » ? Ces territoires traversés et transgressés où ville, écriture et expérimentation poétique s’entrecroisent, nous permettent de mettre en perspective les notions de frontières et les considérations binaires de centre et de périphérie. En proposant une lecture géographique des textes des Beirut Decentrists, nous espérons renouveler la perspective sur la guerre, sur les femmes dans la guerre, sur la perception de la ville et la façon de faire avec la mémoire de celles-ciWhen the Lebanese war broke out in 1975, many women scattered in Beirut started writing about their feeling of being decentered. Miriam Cooke called them the "Beirut Decentrists". Their texts about the war in Beirut experiment with a variety of literary genres and devices such as hybridity and polyphony, yet all intersect around one interrogation: urban space as a protagonist and the woman writer’s role in this ever-changing landscape. This research inspired by geocriticism explores the spaces wandered by these women during the war. What can we learn about the war-torn city? Moreover, is it possible for new Beirut(s) to emerge from a fifteen-year militia-lead organized urbicide? Our corpus covers the entire war along with texts written during the postwar years. The latter giving us precious indications of how war still influences the conflict’s aftermath. What contribution can the "Beirut Decentrists" unique perspective bring to the construction of a collective memory in a country where amnesia and an excess of memory still coexist? Urban landscape, writing and poetic experimentation intersect and blend in these traveled and transgressed territories, thus allowing us to challenge the notion of border and binary narratives of center and periphery. Through a geographical reading of the Beirut Decentrists’ texts, we wish to renew the perspective on the war, on women in war, as well as the perception of the city and the ways to deal with memory
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Preston, Matthew. "Rhodesia, Lebanon and civil war termination." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368655.
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Nabti, Jumana M. 1976. "Leveraging infrastructure : sustainable bus rapid transit route planning in Beirut, Lebanon." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/17715.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning; and, (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Civil and Environmental Engineering, 2004.Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-138).
This thesis applies the concepts of urban design, public transportation planning, economic development, and sustainability, to the routing and site plan of a two-kilometer bus rapid transit (BRT) line segment into downtown Beirut, Lebanon; linking a 20- kilometer BRT corridor to the region's core. Previous routing of the segment, which used typical transportation engineering processes produced routes that would degrade the line's quality of service and/or the adjacent land uses. While one route was preferred, none were compelling enough to be advanced to the next planning stage. This thesis explores the possibility that, by expanding the criteria, the route selection and design process can be used to determine an alignment that not only supports high quality transit service, but leverages the capital investment in public transportation to improve environmental quality, economic development, community livability, and transit network connectivity in the areas it serves. In turn, the inclusion of these factors should aid in successful BRT implementation by broadening the base of supporters, and by acknowledging and catering to the physical, social, and political complexity of the project and the project area, substantially increasing project benefits. The project identified a broad range of routes, and the primary institutions and constituencies affected in order to develop an alignment and site programming method to optimize support. Using public transportation infrastructure improvements as a catalyst and a mechanism by which to improve other aspects of the urban system, if successful, should not only improve the implementation likelihood, but also create greater incentives to continually expand the transit system.
by Jumana M. Nabti.
S.M.
M.C.P.
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Khalaf, Roseanne Saad. "Creative writing, identity and change : a case study of American University of Beirut students in post-war Lebanon." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28797.
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The thesis explores connections between diaspora, exile and the re-entry of displaced youth into a post-war society. The study is based on a sample of sixty creative writing students at the American University of Beirut (AUB). Questionnaires were administered, interactive interviews conducted and autobiographical narratives analyzed to isolate and examine the themes that foreground their texts. Some of the significant findings reveal that the sample of returnees under study are hybrids, cosmopolitan travellers who are everywhere but nowhere at home. Their position of "suspended inbetweenness" situates them in the margins of whatever society they happen to be in. Yet paradoxically, it is the experiences of multiplicity that hold immense possibilities. For when channelled into creative expression, and reinforced by the formation of spaces where silent and muted voices can speak, they enable this marginalized group to serve as vectors for forging new cultural identities and fostering change. In parts of my thesis I inevitably utilize the more conventional form of academic writing that locates the work in its appropriate theoretical context. Overall however, it assumes the shape of an experimental, narrative ethnography. The mode of ethnographic writing captures, in my view, the evocative elements inherent in "life as lived" by the sample of returnees as well as myself. To achieve this, a reflexive approach, which places my work in an interpretive perspective seemed most appropriate. Among other things, it fuses the humanities with the social sciences, the personal with the professional, and my lived experience with my research. Accordingly, my research narrative is interspersed with personal vignettes that run parallel to the texts and conversations of the students. I have also applied a number of methodologies to meet the multi-layered and shifting demands of the study. Given the sampling frame and exploratory nature of the study, a set of assertive or unequivocal conclusions would be of questionable validity. Instead, I think it more consistent with the spirit and nature of the study, to extract a few relevant inferences about the role of creative writing students in a post-war setting. First, creative writing classes have allowed students to take up identity positionings not available to them in other areas of social life. This was made possible by becoming part of the process of establishing a community of writers with shared goals. Second, I have come to view emotional narrative engagement as much more than a powerful tool for communicating defiance and nonconformity. It creates the conditions whereby students’ private discourse is transformed into something akin to a public realm, a “third space”, where negotiation occurs in ways that, I believe, will eventually unsettle fixed positions of identity and behavior. It is my premise that in these spaces, perceptions of the “other” can be altered to serve as venues for genuine openness and civility in a post-war society desperately in need of multiplicity and creative alternatives.
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Nordström, Erik. "The Syrian Refugee crisis in Lebanon : Facing another civil war?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-69088.
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The refugee crisis has been one of the main foci in western media the last years. Many European countries are raising their concerns on the refugees and how they are not able to help them. This thesis is a desk study which seeks to examine the Syrian refugee influx upon Lebanon. Michael Brown’s book about reasons about internal conflicts have been the guideline to mark out any eventual internal conflicts a big refugee influx can eventually stir upon a country. The thesis will try to analyse and figure out if the refugee crisis will fuel the already existing sectarian tensions in the country. The do not clearly establish whether the refugee influx in Lebanon will potentially produce a new civil war or not. The refugee crisis has proven itself to be a burden for Lebanon within many of its internal sectors and the political tensions run higher now than earlier. The possibility for a renewed civil war is therefore not impossible but at the same time it might as well be avoided completely.
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Mardelli, Adel B. (Adel Bassil). "Repair versus development in the reconstruction of Lebanon : a case study of the metropolitan Beirut water supply system." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12835.
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Haugbolle, Sune. "The politics of remembering in post-war Lebanon : civil war, memory and public culture." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432123.
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Alameddine, Ziad Ahmad. "The role of public space in post-war reconstruction : the case of the redevelopment of Beirut city centre, Lebanon." Thesis, Heriot-Watt University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/26624.
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This research emerges from the author's observations and from concerns shared by many local and international architects, urban designers and planners about policies and strategies adopted to reconstruct the city centre of Beirut following the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990). Post-war reconstruction needs to be seen as a process that carefully restores and preserves the urban fabric as well as culture and heritage, and it should not be perceived as continuation of war by different means. A major postulate of this thesis is that post -war reconstruction is not just a physical phenomenon and needs to follow a holistic perspective that fulfils people's needs, perceptions and values. In other words, it is the unification of four attributes: the physical, socio- cultural, perceptual and functional attributes. Public space imbued with these attributes, in which they have interrelated relationships perceived through the transactional perspective to be a holistic phenomenon. Space can be used to guide the ongoing process of post -war reconstruction, as well as the natural evolution and transformation of the environment. The research assumes that shared identity, cultural continuity and collective memory can be achieved through the transaction of people in the space. To fulfil the thesis objectives, theories and principles on public space are reviewed and examined. A contextual review of the war and post -war period of the city centre of Beirut uncovers major concerns regarding its reconstruction policies and strategies. Public opinion and preferences are elicited using an open -ended questionnaire. Cognitive mapping is also used to examine the collective memory of people about the city centre and its spaces. A comparative spatial analysis is also employed to identify changes in accessibility and integration levels between the pre and post -war spaces. The consequence of the research outcome confirms that public space, through the transaction of people, provides the principles, qualities and meanings that respond to the authentic cultural forces and shared values of people, and the civic character of the city, which existed before the war and can still be seen shaping life today. The thesis, however, follows a logical progression of four interrelated parts. These are: Part One includes two chapters. Chapter One reviews a wide spectrum of literature on urban design principles. Chapter Two introduces attributes of public space. Part Two comprises two chapters. Chapter Three focuses on reviewing the historical evolution of the old settlement of Beirut and its spaces, while Chapter Four outlines the implications caused by the civil war and its post -war reconstruction. Part Three introduces the empirical work of the research in three chapters. Chapter Five reviews and analyses the questionnaire survey responses and results of 37 respondents. Chapter Six analyses the cognitive maps of the respondents using Lynch's five elements of The Image of the City. Chapter Seven presents the spatial analysis of the city centre of Beirut using space syntax (visibility graph analysis technique). Part Four is the concluding chapter. Chapter Eight examines the research findings and restates the thesis approach by proposing a framework for implementation and outlining its major characteristics.
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Kawecki, Mathew. "The Ladle and the Knife: Power Projection and Force Deployment under Reagan." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/9.
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This thesis examines the nature and impact of the Reagan administration’s self-described projection of “peace through strength.” It argues that Reagan’s defense spending surge, “Star Wars” (SDI) missile shield policy, and 1983 invasion of Grenada gave the president confidence and political cover that allowed him to withdraw U.S. Marines from Beirut in early 1984. Analysts and commentators focus on his muscular power projection like defense spending, SDI, and the invasion of Grenada, but in practice Reagan exercised a high level of restraint in troop deployment. These projections of power and the avoidance of protracted war in Lebanon gave Reagan further confidence and cover to pursue arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union, against the protestations of anti-Soviet hardliners.
Although Reagan supporters have credited the administration with either frightening or bankrupting the Soviets into disarmament, these policies—particularly his military restraint in Lebanon—did more to bring Reagan himself to the negotiation table. These power projection measures contributed to a “peace through strength” narrative embraced by much of Reagan’s domestic audience, allowing him to fend off accusations of Munich-style appeasement. While the defense spending surge helped give Reagan the confidence to ink an arms control agreement, the buildup created nonlinear consequences that will outlive arms control treaties.
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Hughes, Ann. "(Im)partiality, politics and peacekeeping : the United Nations Observation Group in Lebanon, 1958." Thesis, Keele University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.344054.
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Saad, Christian A. (Christian Antoine) 1979. "Integrated approach for the analysis and management of urban relocation and infrastructure development projects : the case of the southwestern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/47910.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Civil and Environmental Engineering, 2001.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-209).
Relocation of inhabitants and infrastructure development for urban renewal is a main problem facing major cities and their suburbs. It is always subject to economic, political, social, cultural, religious, and environmental constraints. Urban renewal had been adopted by governments and international development agencies for years, and was subject to failure when the solution implemented did not fully account for the unique circumstances on hand. This thesis, by using a case study in Beirut, Lebanon, aims at providing a framework that integrates construction management, decision-analysis, and urban planning tools, and that offers a stronger and robust platform for solving urban relocation and infrastructure development projects. The project of Elyssar, which aims at planning, developing, and revitalizing the southwestern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon, is chosen as a case study to investigate the economic/financial component of the overall multiobjective-multicriterion decision analysis problem and to suggest ways for the public sector to increase the project's revenue stream, decrease its large cost components which dominate the cash flow, and determine the cost that will need to be subsidized. This is done using the net present value and sensitivity analysis method of assessment. The results conclude that no direct benefits are encountered. The public sector will have to subsidize the project by buying upfront the social welfare and the economic improvements that are to materialize in the future. The involvement of the private sector in project implementation is also tested and the feasibility of a public-private partnership is evaluated. The outcome concludes that if the public sector shows commitment to the project, it would be attractive to procure the project through the public-private partnership format. Finally recommendations are provided to the Elyssar management as to what critical urban relocation elements and policies need to be addressed more closely to ensure the success of the project. It also encourages further research along this line to allow future integration of related factors that are social, political, and anthropological in nature.
by Christian A. Saad.
S.M.
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Riskedahl, Diane Renae. "The intertextuality of civil identity: Political uses of oral discourse in post-war Lebanon." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280793.
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This dissertation draws on the specific case-study of post-war Lebanese political rhetoric in order to take a close look at the ways in which a complex amalgam of distinct and varying histories is articulated linguistically under one national rubric. Research was conducted largely in the urban Beirut region of Lebanon from 1999 to 2001. By analysis of specific linguistic strategies for maneuvering within and between interpretive frames (in particular, Arabism, Lebanese Nationalism and Sectarianism) I have illustrated how Lebanese political actors are able to draw on language, in both its form and content, in order to establish and define their political identity. I also argue that these political actors are able to accomplish social work: they modify relationships, incite discussion, and motivate change through their talk. Through various forms of linguistic incorporation speakers actively work to redefine or to reaffirm authority in the public sphere. I have tried to illustrate how the historical situatedness of the interpretive frames that they utilize affects and limits their ability to do so in a uniquely post-war Lebanese fashion, by drawing on the points of contested meaning in an environment of active political re-configuration. This focus moves away from definitive interpretations of discourse and instead concentrates on interpretive flexibility, with an eye to understanding how that flexibility is constrained. The discursive space of the Lebanese public sphere, then, becomes a primary site for political and civil identity construction through the use and re-use of political discourse.
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Osoegawa, Taku. "Coping with Syria : international relations theory and the case of Lebanon from civil war to indirect rule (1975-2002)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13847.
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This thesis is a study of international relations theory and the case of the Lebanese state's relations with Syria between 1975 and 2002. It aims to answer the following questions: (1) Why has Lebanon generally "bandwagoned" with Syria, a country which has managed to intervene in and subdue it at the expense of Lebanese sovereignty. (2) How have Lebanese state officials, along with other political actors, tried to manipulate Syria for their own interests, whether to defend Lebanese sovereignty, to maintain and increase their status, or to contain and appease their rivals and opponents. (3) Parallel to the discussions generated by these two questions, which kinds of theory are relevant to or best explain Lebanese relations with Syria. Specifically this study demonstrates that the behavior of a penetrated weak state, Lebanon, toward a regional middle power, Syria, cannot usefully be explained by simple realism's state-to-state power balancing model. Rather, it is necessary to differentiate the multitude of state (office-holders) and sub-state actors. In addition, their behavior can only be explained by a combination of factors identified in a variety of theories: reaction to an external threat (simple realism) which explain a very few cases; "omni-alignments" against interrelated threats (complex realism) which result from the weaknesses of the Lebanese state and which explain much more; still powerful transstate ties (constructivism) which themselves needed to be understood in terms of the contradiction between sovereignty and identity and which have some impact; and complex interdependence and shared interests (pluralism) which generally exist between Lebanese and Syrian elites.
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Whetstone, Crystal Marie. "Is the Motherist Approach More Helpful in Obtaining Women's Rights than a Feminist Approach? A Comparative Study of Lebanon and Liberia." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1369300531.
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Saab, Zeina. "Reconciliation through reintegration? : a study on spatial proximity and social relations in two post-civil war Beirut neighborhoods." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/46676.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2009.Includes bibliographical references (p. 238-243).
Although the Lebanese Civil War ended in 1991 and Beirut became a reunified city, much of it remains divided between a Christian East and a Muslim West. Beyond certain parts of the capital, many of its residential neighborhoods remain almost entirely religiously homogeneous. This study takes an in-depth look at two neighborhoods undergoing sectarian integration. Relying on neighborhood observations and face-to-face interviews with over 30 residents, it highlights the reasons that residents have chosen to reside in non-co-religious neighborhoods. Factors facilitating sectarian residential integration seem to include a past history in the neighborhood, historical ownership of assets in the area, appealing neighborhood attributes, affordability, and location (vis a vis other destinations and activities). Mixing appears to be a function of larger dynamics as well, such as the rising price of real estate that excludes many groups from other desirable areas. This study reveals that rising real estate prices in and around Beirut are driving people to reside in more affordable, yet non-co-religious neighborhoods. I analyze the extent to which and under what conditions spatial proximity actually leads to social relations between non-co-religionists. Integration alone does not seem to guarantee interaction. Factors limiting cross-sectarian interaction within the same neighborhood appear to include an absence of neighborhood attachment and identification, high levels of personal activity in other locations, involuntary or temporary relocation, and co-religious clustering. Factors facilitating the production of cross-sectarian social relations within a neighborhood include high levels of neighborhood engagement and activity, experience growing up in a mixed neighborhood, attendance at a religiously-mixed school, and weak political party affiliation. I speculate that a relatively apolitical, secular, and non-polarizing environment facilitates integration. Alternatively, the presence of polarizing political and religious images and symbols can act as barriers, essentially keeping non-co-religionists out. I also speculate that with rising real estate prices, more families may be forced to live in non-co-religious or polarized neighborhoods and this may introduce increasing tension. Public policies should thus focus on improving relations between non-co-religionists living in mixed neighborhoods. Enhancing civic engagement of all the groups in such integrated environments may head-off tensions and instability and strengthen collective community identification.
by Zeina Saab.
M.C.P.
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Toukan, Hanan. "Art, aid, affect : locating the political in post-civil war Lebanon’s contemporary cultural practices." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604312.
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Dib, Amal [Verfasser]. "The Un(Civil) War : Media Framing and Memory Construction in Wartime and Postwar Lebanon / Amal Dib." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1193995280/34.
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Michelová, Hana. "Vliv náboženství na občanskou válku v Libanonu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15515.
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This thesis looks into the ways in which religion influenced the civil war in Lebanon. The basis for the analysis of religious influence is taken from several theoretical publications dealing with the general ways in which religion influences politics and international relations. Based on those theories, the thesis examines the influence of religion on the civil war in three parts. First, it examines the effect of religion on the identity of the participants in the war. Second, it shows to what extend religion was used as a source of legitimacy by those participants. Third, it ascertains whether religion encouraged the internationalization of the civil war. At the end, religion is compared with the other factors which explain the outbreak, the process and the nature of the civil war in Lebanon.
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Fregonese, Sara. "City, war and geopolitics : the relations between militia political violence and the built environment of Beirut in the early phases of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1976)." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3382.
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The thesis deals with the relationships between political violence and the built environment of Beirut during the early phases of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1976). It investigates how the daily practices of urban warfare and the urban built fabric impacted on each other, and specifically how the violent targeting of the built fabric relates to contested discourses of power and identity enacted by the urban militias. The study is the result of residential fieldwork in Beirut, where I held in-depth interviews with former militia combatants, media representatives, academics and practitioners in urban studies and architecture, as well as conducting archival search into bibliographical, visual and microfilm sources in Arabic, English and French. Official geopolitical discourses in international diplomacy about the civil war between 1975 and 1976 focused on nation-state territoriality, and overlooked a number of complex specifications of a predominantly urban conflict. This led occasionally to an oversimplification of the war and of Beirut as chaos. Reading the official discourses side by side with unofficial militia accounts, I argue instead that state and non-state narratives coexisted in the urban warfare, and their intermingling produced geographical specifications that were particularly visible in the built environment. Both official and unofficial accounts were permeated of colonial references to the sectarian structure of the Lebanese society. In the thesis, I adopt a discursive and post-colonial approach to these references. Beirut's built fabric became a contested site where the militias enacted different visions of the same territorial discourse: the nation state of Lebanon. This enactment took place through the occupation, division and destruction of portions of the city. Beirut's built environment played a central role in actively shaping and giving materiality to contested ideas of territory, identity, and security. Therefore, the thesis offers a resourceful and critical approach to the study of the impact of conflict on everyday city life.
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Atakul, Sarper. "The Impact Of Tanzimat Policies On The 19th Century Civil Turmoil In The Vilayet Of Sam And The 1860 Civil War In Lebanon." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614263/index.pdf.
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The Tanzimat period had been an era of political change and transformation for the Ottoman Empire as it introduced many new new tools in political arena, particularly to reach centralization and the whole period is widely debated in many successful studies. However, the implementation of the Tanzimat reforms in specific provinces are generally ignored. Similarly, 19th century civil turmoil in the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire had been a subject that discussed frequently. However, in many studies the events are generally discussed only as a religious conflict between Muslims and Druzes rather than a reflection of a complex system of political and socio-economic factors. In this context, the role of the Tanzimat reforms are generally ignored.
This study aims to adress these two points at the same time. First it focuses on the specific implementation of the Tanzimat reforms in Lebanon rather than the promised aspects of the package. It details how the reforms were implemented, why it was implemented in that specific form, what were the complaints and the results. Second, it tries to understand the civil war in Lebanon in terms of a complex web of state-society relations. It puts the state at the center of analysis and shows how the implementation of the reforms effected the factors that led to the civil war and its different dimensions.
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Rowayheb, Marwan George. "The drawing of ethnic boundaries : the case of the Greek Orthodox of Lebanon during the civil War (1975-1988)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270549.
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Baun, Dylan James. "Winning Lebanon: Popular Organizations, Street Politics and the Emergence of Sectarian Violence in the Mid-Twentieth Century." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/556858.
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This project takes popular organizations in mid-twentieth century Lebanon as its focus. These socio-political groupings were organized at the grassroots, made up of young men, and included scout organizations, social justice movements, student clubs and workers' associations. Employing a cultural history approach, the dissertation examines the cultural productions of these types of groups, ranging from group anthems to uniforms, letters of the rank and file to speeches of leaders. With these primary sources, it captures the cultures that took shape around five main actors in the field of street politics: the Lebanese Communist Party, the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, the Kata'ib Party, the Najjadeh Party and the Progressive Socialist Party. And as these groups condoned and committed acts of sectarian violence in the 1958 War and the Lebanese Civil War of 1975-1990, this dissertation also investigates the distinct cultures that formed around these groups during wartime. In the end, I argue that both inside and outside of moments of conflict, popular organizations cultivate and mobilize multiple, interactive identities to make sense of their actions, sectarian or otherwise. Moreover, I find that a critical site to explore these complex processes is their routine practices grounded in duty, strength and honor. Part I of the dissertation examines identity formation within these five groups, and the physical and symbolic spaces they produced in Beirut during the 1920s-1950s. Informed by Pierre Bourdieu's theories on social life, this historical background shows how organizational attempts to project uniqueness, win over recruits, and make partisan, often sectarian, claims over the whole Lebanese nation created boundaries between these groups. Also, the lives of individuals within these groups, regardless of the group's distinct vision for Lebanon, were colored by cultures of discipline and defense, working to normalize practices linked to violence. In Part II the dissertation takes up the two historical events of social mobilization and conflict in which these groups participated: the 1958 War (where the Kata'ib, once a nationalist scout group, serves as the focus for the investment in sectarianism) and the Two-Year War of 1975-1976 (where the Lebanese National Movement - specifically the Lebanese Communist Party, once a workers' association, and the Progressive Socialist Party, once a social justice movement - serve as the focus for the investment in anti-sectarian frames). First, through investigating the changing positions of these popular organizations throughout these two wars, the dissertation argues that these groups are active agents in producing sectarian violence, adding nuance to past characterizations of conflict in Lebanon. Second, by capturing the quite seamless shift towards practices of violence, it finds that the quotidian and routine also lay at the center of violence. Finally, by analyzing the textual and visual productions of these groups leading up to and during war, the dissertation finds that multiple and interacting identities, such as national, populist (i.e., fulfilling the needs of people and winning their support in a particular locality) and sect are mobilized to perform violence. Accordingly, sectarian violence, as it emerged in the mid-twentieth century, is sectarian because these groups defined it in sectarian (and antisectarian) terms, not because the violence was rooted in immutable sectarian differences. Collectively, “Winning Lebanon: Popular Organizations, Street Politics and the Emergence of Sectarian Violence in the Mid-Twentieth Century” seeks to bring the local level and the cultural into the study of conflict, and add nuance to the understanding of sectarianism and sectarian violence in Lebanon and the broader Middle East.
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Self, Jonathan. "Impacts of COVID-19 on the Relationships Between Local and International Humanitarian Actors: The Case of Lebanon and the 4 August 2020 Beirut Port Explosions." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445120.
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This thesis analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on relationships between international and local humanitarian actors responding to the 4 August 2020 Beirut Port Explosion. The concepts of “the local”, localization, inequality, and remote management provide a theoretical framework for this analysis. Data collection for this case study research includes a review of published and grey literature, and five video interviews with staff of local and international humanitarian organizations in Beirut. Empirical findings show that local-international inequalities—in the forms of limited access, recognition,and control—have been observed in Beirut and Lebanon for decades, and persisted during the port explosion response. This research further suggests that COVID-19 has contributed to an increase in inequality, most notably by reducing the participation of local actors in humanitarian coordination meetings, and disproportionately transferring risk from international to local actors due to a reliance on remote management. Findings also show that the port explosion caused an influx of funding that was disproportionately directed to international actors, and the economic crisis created a currency devaluation that has exacerbated local-international wage disparities and threatened to limit the reach of local NGO activities. Despite the strength of the civil society—shaped by a strong education system, decades of working through crisis, and government inaction—local actors have often been excluded from humanitarian practice in Beirut and Lebanon. At the same time, findings highlight increases in equality: some local actors adapted more quickly than international actors to COVID-19 and were able to leverage their strengths to receive more funding and greater leadership in the port explosion response. These movements demonstrate adaptability in humanitarian practice that would be critically required in any future reform. This thesis concludes with two recommendations: (1) the use of remote management due to COVID-19 is likely problematic and requires further research to identify best practices; and (2) critical localization provides a useful framework to analyze and mitigate the persistence of local-international inequalities infuture humanitarian responses, and helps to find a meaningful way forward.
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Frangie, Samer. "The good governance agenda, weak states and economic development : the 'political economy of consensus' in post-civil war Lebanon, 1993-2005." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611098.
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Härdig, Carl Anders. "Brothers in Arms: An Analysis of the Syrian Military and Political Domination of Lebanon." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1483.
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The Syrian de facto occupation of Lebanon since 1976 is usually interpreted as the expression of the Syrian regime's adherence to traditional power considerations, rather than to the ideology of the ruling Ba'th party. In particular since Syria originally intervened on the side of the pro-status quo Lebanese Christians, and helped them defeat the anti-status quo Lebanese Muslims and Palestinians. In other words, they intervened against its traditional allies. The central question posed in this study is: Why is Lebanon so important to Syria that it is willing to make large human and material sacrifices in order to retain its grip on this small strip of territory? The traditional answers to this question are not satisfactory; the need for an alternative approach is apparent. While not refuting the description of Syrian policies as being based on pragmatic considerations, this analysis attempts to show that Syrian policies toward Lebanon in fact originate in the fundamental values promoted by Ba'th ideology. By employing a cognitive theoretical approach, the perceptions held by the Syrian leadership at the time of Syrian intervention are taken into account. This approach allows a number of key images to emerge, notably the image of an external plot against the Arab nation; one of the cornerstones of Ba'th ideology. When studying the modern day relationship between Syria and Lebanon, the same focus on Arab unity and the historical brotherly ties between the two countries can be identified. Hafez al-Asad's death and the rise to power of his son, Bashar al-Asad, has not lead to a radical change in Syrian policy, rather it is apparent that the same considerations and the same underlying images still guide the Syrian decision-makers. The result is that although pragmatism guides Syrian policies, the ideology of the Ba'th party sets the frames for this pragmatism and that a traditional two-state model cannot be applied on the relationship between Syria and Lebanon. The central finding in this study is that the Syrian leadership will go to great lengths to ensure Lebanon stays Arab and preserve the last remains of Arab unity in the face of the Zionist enemy. In the struggle against Israel, Syria and Lebanon are to remain Brothers in Arms.
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Hussein, Ahmad. "Vägen till Beirut : Svenska handelsfrämjande åtgärder i Libanon 1920-1975." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för geografi och ekonomisk historia, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-61520.
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This thesis investigates Swedish trade promotion in Lebanon from 1920 to 1975. The aim is to increase knowledge about how actors in a small open western economy tried to develop their economic interests in an emerging market characterized by great uncertainty. Here, the promising economic outlook coincided with a high degree of political instability. The study analyzes the interactions between Swedish trade related authorities, organizations and companies in their efforts to develop Swedish business interests in Lebanon: a developing country in a conflict-affected area with potentially large and emerging markets, where the cultural distance to Sweden was significant. In this study a model, which is known as the Uppsala model, forms an analytical interpretative framework for studying the actions and strategies of the trade related authorities and organizations despite the model's specific perspective on the establishment process of firms abroad. Based on the taxonomy, which is the basis of this interpretative model, this interpretative framwork has been possible to apply because of the assumed interactions between trade related authorities/organizations and companies when establishing commercial presence in new markets. The assumption is that the trade related authorities and organizations enhance for companies in various ways, while there is an economic-political interest that the state strives to reach by encouraging companies to set up business in new markets. By using this model, the events have been systematized through a historical generalization and periodization of Swedish trade promotion and organization. Added with the type of knowledge development that has taken place. In this way, the role of authorities and organizations in trade promotion and organizational build-up abroad has been highlighted. The results show that Swedish trade promotion attempts and organization in Lebanon took place in close cooperation with Swedish trade related authorities and organizations through their information inflows. In practice the companies' needs for information and assistance were reflected in the work that has been exercised by the authorities and organizations. By playing an important role in information building, escalating network positions and at the same time providing the companies with specific information, the trade related authorities and organizations became key actors in the development of Swedish trade relations with Lebanon. The study concludes that new perspectives can be obtained by including trade related authorities and organizations when using the Uppsala model in future studies.Denna avhandling studerar svenska handelsfrämjande åtgärder i Libanon 1920-1975. Syftet är att öka kunskapen om hur aktörer i en liten öppen västekonomi försökte utveckla sina ekonomiska intressen på en ny framväxande marknad präglad av stor osäkerhet, där lovande ekonomiska utsikter sammanföll med en hög grad av politisk instabilitet. I studien analyseras samspelet mellan svenska handelsrelaterade myndigheter, organisationer och företag i deras strävan att utveckla svenska handels- och affärsintressen i Libanon: ett land som betraktas här som ett utvecklingsland i ett konfliktdrabbat område med potentiellt stora och nya marknader med ett betydande kulturellt avstånd till Sverige. I studien utgör den så kallade Uppsalamodellen den analytiska tolkningsramen för att studera myndigheternas och intresseorganisationernas agerande och strategier, trots att modellens perspektiv bygger på företagens utlandsetablering. Med utgångspunkt i den taxonomi som är grunden i modellen har denna tolkningsram varit möjlig på grund av det samspel som antas finnas mellan företag och myndigheter, särskilt när det gäller etablerandet av en affärsmässig närvaro på en ny och osäker marknad. Antaganden är att myndigheterna på olika sätt underlättar för företagen, samtidigt som det finns ett statligt ekonomisk-politiskt intresse att få företag att etablera sig på nya marknader. Med hjälp av modellen har händelseförloppen systematiserats genom en historisk generalisering och periodisering av svenska handelsfrämjande åtgärder med avseende på organisation och den typ av kunskapsuppbyggnad som skett. Därmed belyses också myndigheternas och organisationernas roll vid företagsetableringar i utlandet. Resultaten visar att företagsetableringsförsöken och organisationen av svensk handel i Libanon skedde i nära samarbete mellan svenska myndigheter och organisationer genom utbyte av information. I praktiken avspeglades företagens behov av information och hjälp i myndigheternas och organisationernas arbete. I och med att myndigheterna/organisationerna deltog i informationsuppbyggnaden, skapandet av nätverkspositioner och samtidigt förmedlade information mellan företagen var dessa betingade som centrala aktörer vid etableringen av svenska handelsförbindelser med Libanon. Studiens slutsats är att nya perspektiv gällande företagsetableringar på utländska marknader kan erhållas genom att inkludera myndigheters och organisationers agerande vid tillämpningen av Uppsala modellen i framtida studier.
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Winbo, Assem. "Is Lebanon under Syrian Hegemony? A Historical Research of the Lebanese Syrian Relations as Portrayed in the Post Lebanese Civil War Bilateral Treaties." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2624.
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The Syrian military intervention in Lebanon which began in 1976 has impacted the country in many ways. There are numerous reports about the negative impact of that intervention in addition to the ways in which Lebanon is currently being exploited by Syria in the global political arena so that Syria can achieve its goals. Manifestations of this exploitation are the many unfair, unbalanced and unjust bilateral treaties that Lebanon has signed with Syria in the aftermath of the Lebanese civil war.
However, the circumstances under which those treaties were signed as well as their implications have led to numerous debates. The manner in which Syria gained control over the Lebanese political system at the legislative, executive and judicial levels, in addition to the exploitation of Lebanon’s economic resources by means of those treaties has aroused serious concern. Therefore, the central question posed in this study is: Did the post Lebanese civil war bilateral treaties that Lebanon signed with Syria pave the way for Syrian hegemony over Lebanon? By employing the historical research method, I study past events in relation to the circumstances that led Lebanon to signing those treaties and then evaluate their effect and consequences on the present situation in terms of the economic advantages that Syria enjoys as a signatory to those treaties.
I apply a theoretical model based on Robert O Keohane’s definition of the theory of hegemonic stability. The result is that Syria, even though it is considered to be an underdeveloped market economy country, fulfills most of Keohane’s characteristics of hegemonic powers seeking preponderance of material resources. The central finding in this thesis is that the shortcomings of hegemony do apply to the Syrain presence in Lebanon due to the economic exploitation of Lebanon’s resources.
In addition, I employ Keohane’s cooperation theory and examine the “joint committees”, that were formed to regulate the application of the signed treaties, and their modus operandi. I argue tha Syria and Lebanon need to cooperate and that this cooperation needs to be regulated so that the two countries can deal with each other as equals rather than as a hegemon and a hegemonized. I claim that those committees can be the regimes that can enhance cooperation between Lebanon and Syria by means of trading based on the comparative advantages of their economic resources.
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Buchakjian, Gregory. "Habitats abandonnés de Beyrouth. Guerres et mutations de l’espace urbain : 1860-2015." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040080.
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Dans un Beyrouth en pleine mutation, les habitats délaissés sont des lieux en suspens, condamnés à terme par la spéculation foncière. Notre recherche se propose d’examiner les transformations subies par ces architectures hors d’usage. Basé sur le terrain (près de 750 édifices répertoriés), les archives, témoignages et histoires orales, le travail réévalue également les pratiques artistiques et les regards qu’elles ont posé sur la ville. Cette imprégnation est d’autant plus importante que son déclencheur est un projet photographique entamé par l’auteur sur ce sujet. Trois chapitres sont consacrés aux interventions guerrières. Le premier, la bataille des hôtels aborde un espace disputé, le second explore la ligne de démarcation et le troisième s’intéresse aux baraquements, prisons et lieux de torture. Le quatrième chapitre réunit habitats informels, squats et autres réappropriations. Ces fonctionnalités qui s’enchevêtrent découlent de flux migratoires consécutifs à des violences. La guerre, plutôt les guerres, restent en toile de fondIn a rapidly changing Beirut, neglected dwellings are places in abeyance, condemned to disappear as a result of land speculation. Our research aims at examining the transformations that these obsolete architectures undergo. The study, carried on site (nearly 750 buildings have been identified), based on archives, testimonies and oral history, also re-examines artistic endeavours and the way artists have viewed the city, which is particularly important considering that its trigger has been a photographic project undertaken by the author. Three chapters are devoted to belligerent activities. The first, on the “Battle of the hotels”, addresses contested space; the second explores the demarcation line and the third examines the military barracks, prisons, and torture centres. The fourth covers informal dwellings, squatted buildings and other reappropriations. It observes the background of entangled features stemming from migration flows that were triggered by the violence of war, or rather wars
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Beydoun, Ahlam. "La souveraineté du Liban face à l'épreuve." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213094.
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Hajjar, George Jude. "Voices and visions of Christian-Muslim relations in post-civil war Lebanon : an overview of causes, effects and the question of identity 2000-2008." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3649/.
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The status of Christian–Muslim relations (CMR), which are difficult to assess, has been ambiguous in contemporary Lebanon. Analysts, as well as individuals within Lebanese communities in Lebanon and within the diaspora have made conflicting claims. One major claim has been that CMR are better now than before the Lebanese Civil War because the civil war ended in 1991 and a reoccurrence has never materialized. Furthermore, the Ţā’if agreement, a working document aimed at ending the civil war and promoting solid CMR, was signed by most of the major communities of Lebanon in 1991. For these reasons and more, Lebanese CMR were believed to have improved post-civil war. Nevertheless, this writer explored the veracity of this proposition. Through comprehensive quantitative and qualitative research, the poor state of CMR in contemporary Lebanon was revealed. In face-to-face interviews in Lebanon, field experts reflected on the weakened condition of CMR and the reasons for the same. University students participated in a survey to ascertain their feelings concerning CMR and the possible causes of problems within CMR. Focus was also placed on the role identity has had in CMR. These causes of CMR conflict and, at times, consensus were reviewed and compared for a clear understanding of the state of present-day CMR. Finally, based on an understanding of these factors, recommendations for improvement, further study, and the future of CMR were given.
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Soutou, Antonio. "Histoire du football au Liban : à la recherche d’une indépendance." Thesis, Lyon 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO10039.
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Libéré de l'occupation Ottomane en fin de première Guerre Mondiale et placé sous mandat français jusqu'à son indépendance en 1943, le Liban va réussir à trouver une stabilité sécuritaire et économique jusqu'en 1975. En effet le 13 avril 1975, le Liban entre dans une longue période de guerre civile durant laquelle la capitale Beyrouth est divisée en deux parties : Beyrouth Est pour les Chrétiens et Beyrouth Ouest pour les Musulmans. L'Accord du Taëf signé en 1990 va mettre fin à cette guerre civile et place le pays sous une tutelle syrienne qui va durer jusqu'à l'assassinat de l'ancien premier ministre Rafic Hariri en 2005. Au moment où l'emplacement géographique du Liban, qui le place au centre du conflit arabo-israélien, vient s'ajouter aux différences inter/intra-communautaires, nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure le développement et l'extension du football, modeste élément de cette grande histoire, en subissent les effets. Nous nous interrogeons plus précisément, comment ce sport s'est-il développé au Liban, quelles institutions ont été impliquées et la spécificité de la situation libanaise autorise-t-elle d'éventuelles comparaisons avec le développement du football ailleurs dans le monde ? Cette thèse, appuyée sur les archives locales, la presse spécialisée et divers entretiens avec des dirigeants et des joueurs libanais, tente de répondre à ces questions en montrant comment, en premier temps, le football va passer d'un sport universitaire à un sport populaire, puis en traçant l'histoire de l'institutionnalisation du football en 1933 et des années de gloire jusqu'à l'éclatement de la guerre civile en 1975. Et en montrant en dernier lieu comment la période de la guerre civile s'inscrit en réalité dans un temps long qui voit le confessionnalisme, c'est-à-dire le partage des pouvoirs en fonction de la communauté confessionnelle, s'imposer au Liban dans tous les secteurs de la société et en montrant comment le Liban va continuer à subir les conséquences de cette guerreAfter being liberated from the Ottoman occupation in the end of the First World War and placed under the French mandate until its independence in 1943, Lebanon succeeded to maintain a certain stability on both economic and security levels until the outbreak of the civil war in 1975, and more specifically on April 13 of this year, when Beirut was divided into two clans: the Eastern clan inhabited by Christians and the Western clan inhabited by Muslims. The Taif Agreement (officially, the Document of National Accord) was the document that provided the basis for the ending of the civil war and agreed on the Syrian trusteeship that will last until the assassination of the Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in 2005. Since Lebanon’s geographical location inserts him in the heart of the Israeli Arab conflict and comes along with the inter and intra community differences, we wonder to what extent the development and the expansion of the football, a humble element in this large History, would undergo the effects. We wonder how has this sport developed in Lebanon, which institutions were involved? Does the situation in Lebanon allow such comparisons with the development of football elsewhere in the world? This paper tries to answer these questions thanks to local archives, specialized press and various interviews with Lebanese sport leaders and players. It shows in first place how the football has moved from being a university sport to a popular one, it traces in the second place the history of the football institutionalization in 1993 and during the years of glory until the outbreak of the civil war in 1975. It also shows that the civil war was rooted in reality in a long-term period during which confessionalism, i.e. the share of power based on the belonging to a religion, became the rule in most sectors of the Lebanese society
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Eid, Robert. "Le cinéma libanais d’après guerre : Construction de mémoire et recomposition identitaire." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030128.
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Au lendemain de la guerre au Liban [1975-1990], de jeunes cinéastes refusent de faire l’impasse sur le passé et œuvrent par le biais de leurs films à rendre la mémoire salutaire. La présente recherche étudie les nouvelles configurations cinématographiques de ce nouveau cinéma d’après-guerre, caractérisé par une rétrospective mémorielle et comptable au sein d’une époque révolue. En s’appuyant sur un corpus filmique d’une vingtaine de films, analysés comme des traces matérielles et symboliques, les différentes parties de cette recherche explorent les convergences et les problématiques qui posent la dialectique Mémoire-Histoire à travers la représentation. L’étude scrute également les traces de la mémoire en parcourant les processus relatifs au conflit, au travail de deuil et à l’oubli, en s’interrogeant sur les capacités du cinéma libanais, émergeant d’une société au pluralisme identitaire, à calibrer son potentiel d’expression et son aptitude à problématiser les déboires d’une société meurtrie. Les pistes d’analyse se déclinent autour de la figuration de Beyrouth, comme ville anthropomorphique et emblématique. En dernière partie l’étude aborde les manifestations et les profils d’un sujet symptomatique en quête de son identité au sortir de la guerre au LibanAfter the war in Lebanon [1975-1990 ], young film-makers refuse to ignore the past and work by means of their movies to restore a wholesome memory. The present research studies the new films configurations of the post-war Lebanese cinema, characterized by a memorial and countable retrospective within bygone days. By leaning on a cinematic corpus of about twenty movies, analyzed as material and symbolic tracks, the various parts of this research investigate the convergences and the problems which put the dialectic Memory - history through the representation. The study also scrutinizes the tracks of the memory by going through the processes relative to the conflict, to the work of mourning and the oblivion by questioning the capacities of the Lebanese cinema, to calibrate its potential of expression and its capacity to analyze the setbacks of a bruised society. The paths of this research will also examine the representation of Beirut, as anthropomorphic and symbolic city. In last part, the study approaches the profiles of a symptomatic subject in search of its identity at the end of the war in Lebanon
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Fortini, Marcel. "L'esthétique des ruines dans la photographie de guerre : Beyrouth un cas exemplaire." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM3083.
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Cette étude s'attache au statut des ruines dans la photographie de guerre et en dresse l'inventaire de leurs aspects esthétiques. Le cas de la ville de Beyrouth, défigurée par les bombardements pendant la guerre civile (1975-1990), est à bien des égards exemplaire puisqu'elle a fait l'objet d'une commande photographique confiée à des photographes prestigieux, en 1991, qui avaient pour mission de conserver la mémoire d'un immense champ de ruines. Cette commande photographique est donc, pour cette raison, au centre de notre recherche. Pour saisir pleinement les enjeux des choix effectués par les photographes au cours de cette commande, il était nécessaire dans un premier temps, d'analyser la mise en place de la constitution d'une esthétique des ruines dans l'histoire de la photographie de guerre de 1853 à 1945, à travers des exemples célèbres sur les champs de bataille. Dans un deuxième temps, il était important de considérer les motivations et les objectifs de chacun des photographes dans le contexte de la commande, en les mettant en résonance avec d'autres expériences photographiques menées à Beyrouth pendant et après le conflit, mais aussi en filiation avec les cas étudiés dans la première partie. La troisième partie de cette thèse constitue un compendium des aspects esthétiques dans le traitement photographique des ruines de guerre à Beyrouth qui permet d'affirmer aujourd'hui que, la ruine de guerre est un genre à part entière en photographieThe present study explores the status of ruins in war photography and draws up the inventory of their aesthetic features. Disfigured by bombing and shelling during the civil war (1975-1990), the city of Beirut is in many respects an examplary case since it was the subject of a photographic commission entrusted to prestigious photographers in 1991, the mission of which was to preserve the memory of an immense field of ruins. For this very reason, this photographic commission is at the core of our research project. Firstly, in order to understand fully what was at stake in the choices made by the photographers within the framework of this commission, we had to analyze how the aesthetics of ruins has been elaborated in the history of war photography from 1853 to 1945, using famous examples from battlefields. Secondly, it was important to consider the motivations and objectives of each of the photographers within the context of the commission. For this purpose we made these elements echo other photographic experiences conducted in Beirut during and after the conflict, then we related them to the cases studied in the first part. The third part of the present thesis forms a compendium of aesthetic aspects in the photographic vision of war ruins in Beirut that makes it possible to assert that war ruins form a fully fledged genre in photography
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Salmon, Jago. "Militia politics." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15799.
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Die vorliegende Arbeit zielt darauf ab, zwei Forschungslücken in der Literatur über Bürgerkriege zu schließen. Erstens, die Analyse der Strukturen nicht-staatlicher bewaffneter Gruppen. Zweitens, die Untersuchung der Politik von Milizen, als Form nicht-staatlicher Gruppen, denen in gegenwärtigen Bürgerkriegen eine zunehmende Bedeutung zukommt. Diese beiden Bereiche werden mit Hilfe einer historisch vergleichenden Analyse am Beispiel von zwei Milizen, die im sudanesischen und libanesischen Bürgerkrieg kämpften, untersucht. Die "Popular Defense Forces", 1989 von der Regierung des Sudan mobilisiert, wurden zum Sammelbecken für undisziplinierte und teilautonome militärische Einheiten, die schwerste Kriegsverbrechen begingen. Die "Lebanese Forces", eine maronitisch-nationalistische Miliz, wurde von einer Koalition konservativer christlicher Parteien gegründet. Nach dem Zusammenbruch des Staates 1975-6 wurde diese Miliz zu einer autonomen politischen Einheit mit einem territorial abgegrenzten Kanton im Osten von Beirut. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Prozesse und Strategien, die diesen Milizen die Etablierung von Herrschaft ermöglichte. Die beiden Gruppen entwickelten sich zu Organisationen, die die zu verteidigenden Gebiete beherrschten und mit staatlichen Geldgebern verbündet waren, aber auch in Konkurrenz zu ihnen standen. Diese Arbeit identifiziert drei Mechanismen, die die Entwicklungen von Milizen im Laufe ihrer Zeit bestimmen. Der Erste erklärt die Formierung von Milizen als ein Bricolage von politischen und nicht-politischen Antworten auf Unsicherheit. Der Zweite erklärt, wie sich Milizen in hybride Organisationen, von zentraler Mobilisierungseinheit und lokal eingebettete Organisationen, entwickeln. Der Dritte führt die Kontrolle des Zentrums über die lokalen Organisationen auf die Macht über Ressourcen zurück. Die Arbeit schließt mit dem Entwurf eines alternativen analytischen Modells für die Untersuchung von Bürgerkriegen.This thesis provides an analysis of the organizational politics of state supporting armed groups, and demonstrates how group cohesion and institutionalization impact on the patterns of violence witnessed within civil wars. Using an historical comparative method, strategies of leadership control are examined in the processes of organizational evolution of the Popular Defence Forces, an Islamist Nationalist militia, and the allied Lebanese Forces, a Christian Nationalist militia. The first group was a centrally coordinated network of irregular forces which fielded ill-disciplined and semi-autonomous military units, and was responsible for severe war crimes. Equally responsible for war crimes, such as the Sabra and Shatila massacre of Shi''a and Palestinian civilians in 1982, the second group, nonetheless, became an autonomous military formation with an established territorial canton with a high degree of control over military units. After first analysing the political and institutional context of formation of these two groups, detailed case study analysis illustrates how political-military leaderships consolidated internal authority over combat units. At first, this authority relied on a bricolage of norms, motivations and institutions, as highly diverse, loosely coordinated actors mobilised in response to insecurity. As key leadership figures emerged, these groups evolved into hybrid organisations, divided between central organisations and locally embedded units operating according to localised security arenas decoupled from central military or political strategy. Central authority was then consolidated through a process of progressive institutionalisation and expansion, as centralised control was established, often violently, over resources, recruitment and discipline. This thesis shows, how militias, formed in allegiance with the state evolved into organizations rivalling state sovereignty and exploiting the communities which they claimed to defend.
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Samaha, Dima. "Prise de parole et identité dans les romans libanais de l'émigration (depuis la fin de la guerre civile)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0069.
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Ma thèse de Doctorat porte sur un ensemble d’œuvres romanesques d’écrivains libanais issus d’une même génération (1959-1969), et dont les romans sont écrits et publiés après la Guerre civile libanaise (1975-1990), hors du Liban, en anglais et en français. Elle met en avant les aspects distinctifs de ces fictions qui relatent la double expérience de la guerre et de l’émigration. Les travaux sur l’analyse du discours de Ruth Amossy et Dominique Maingueneau ainsi que les apports de Peter Brooks sur la construction narrative en situation thérapeutique contribuent à notre analyse des stratégies narratives. La mémoire est également un biais par lequel le discours s’articule, et devient l’objet d’âpres tentatives de réappropriation. La théorie du trauma de Cathy Caruth et les travaux de Maurice Halbwachs sur la mémoire collective et sociale nous éclairent sur les mécanismes mémoriels déclenchés. Parallèlement, ces romans s’inscrivent dans une tentative d’écriture de l’histoire par l’utilisation d’archives, la mise en fiction d’évènements réels et le choix d’une multiplicité de voix narratives. Ces recours appellent à une réflexion autour de la production de mémoires. Les stratégies narratives, les mécanismes mémoriels et l’écriture de l’histoire sont autant de procédés qui trahissent un questionnement permanent autour de l’identité. Les écritures libanaises de l’émigration, par leurs stratégies audacieuses, leurs techniques innovantes et leur volonté de représenter une double expérience complexe, contribuent à la modernité des littératures libanaises et mondiales, et surtout à l’impossibilité de réduire la fiction à des catégories fixesMy PhD thesis focuses on works of fiction by Lebanese immigrant writers that are part of the same generation (1959-1969) and whose novels were written and published after the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990), outside of Lebanon, in both English and French. The thesis sheds light on distinctive aspects of these novels all of which share the dual experience of war and emigration. This dual experience generates various discursive strategies analysed in Ruth Amossy and Dominique Maingueneau’s work on the analysis of discourse as well as Peter Brooks’s contribution to narrative construction in therapy framework. Memory is a mean through which narrative is articulated as it turns into the object of harsh attempts of re-appropriation. Trauma theory, as developed by Cathy Caruth alongside the work of Maurice Halbwachs on collective and social memory, shed light on the mechanisms in which memory works in the studied novels. The novels are also part of an attempt to write history and draw on mixed material to do so: They use archives, fictionalise real events, and develop multiple narrative voices. These techniques lead to a reflection on historiography, the production of memories, and the traditional functions of reading. Narrative strategies, memory mechanisms, and the writing of history are part of a process illustrating a permanent concern about identity. YLebanese immigration narratives, through their audacious strategies, innovative techniques and willingness to represent a dual and complex experience, contribute to the shaping of both Lebanese and world literature’s modernity and more importantly to the impossibility of reducing fiction to fixed categories
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Yammine, Jamilée. "Le coût d'opportunité de la guerre : application au cas du Liban." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020049/document.
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Nombreux sont les pays qui vivent aujourd’hui dans un état de guerre et de conflits violents. Ces pays supportent ainsi des coûts importants qu’ils soient directs ou indirects. Toutefois, les effets de la guerre sont encourus sur le long terme et empêchent le processus de développement économique du pays concerné. Dans cette thèse, nous nous intéressons à l’analyse du coût d’opportunité de la guerre. Cette analyse est reliée à la fois au prix de la vie humaine et au prix des destructions matérielles.Plusieurs économistes ont définit et ont estimé le coût d’opportunité de la guerre. Ce type d’estimation exige des hypothèses sur la manière dont l’économie aurait fonctionné en absence de la guerre. Cependant, ce genre de calcul n’est pas très élaboré. Notre travail de recherche se concentre sur le calcul de ce coût pour la guerre que le Liban a vécu entre 1975 et 1990. Nous nous intéressons au fonctionnement de l’économie libanaise, non pas uniquement pour la période de la guerre mais aussi pour la période postérieure à celle-ci. Les méthodes de calcul que nous utilisons sont inspirées des définitions du coût d’opportunité données par Jean Baptiste Say et par la Banque mondialeNowadays, many countries live in a constant state of war and violence. They suffer from both direct and indirect costs that will have a long term impact on their economic development and progress. In this thesis, we are going to analyze the opportunity-cost of war. This analysis stresses both the value of human beings as well as the cost of material damages. Many economists have tried to define and estimate the opportunity-cost of wars. These estimations take into consideration several hypotheses on how the economy would have functioned in the absence of war. However, these calculations were never elaborate. Our work focuses on the calculation of the opportunity cost of the Lebanese civil war which started in 1975 and lasted for sixteen years. We will examine how the Lebanese economy functioned during the civil war as well as after it was done. The methods of calculation that we used are inspired from the work of Jean Baptiste Say and the World Bank
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Alrayes, Samer. "Party on a Roof." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2020. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/creative_writing_theses/18.
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Barrère, Sandra. "Écrire une histoire tue : le massacre de Sabra et Chatila dans la littérature et l’art." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BOR30022.
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La recherche entend interroger les fonctions de la littérature et de l’art relativement à un événement violent qui fait l’objet d’un tabou, à savoir le massacre perpétré dans les camps de réfugiés palestiniens de Sabra et Chatila (16-18 septembre 1982), à Beyrouth. Elle s’y applique à partir d’un présupposé : il n’y a pas seulement effraction du réel dans l’art, l’art est le temps à l’œuvre (P. Ricœur, A. Compagnon). La démarche part du constat d’un triple déficit d’histoire, de culte des morts et de justice. Il s’agit d’un événement tu : on le dira tabou. Par ailleurs, elle prend acte de l’émergence d’un corpus d’œuvres dans les champs de la littérature, du cinéma, de l’art contemporain. Dès lors, la recherche entend ausculter les fonctions politiques de la poétique (J. Rancière). Plusieurs hypothèses sont formulées qui ensemble signalent le caractère à la fois transitif et performatif de l’art et de la littérature : d’une part, au regard d’une vérité non avérée dans les livres d’histoire, et du mal de vérité qui en résulte (C. Coquio), les œuvres ont vocation à dire ce que l’histoire tait (I. Jablonka, E. Bouju, A. Imhoff, K. Quirós) ; d’autre part, les victimes n’ayant pas été enterrées, les œuvres déposent une stèle à l’endroit de son manque, rétablissant des égalités en direction de corps qui ne comptent pas (J. Butler) ; enfin, face à une irrésolution judiciaire qui signe le caractère indécidable de l’événement, elles opèrent, par leurs médiations symboliques, la clinique non seulement de l’humain, mais aussi du langage et de l’autorité du sens (A. Gefen, C. Coquio).Située au croisement des études postcoloniales et des études de genre, la recherche examine la politicité de la littérature et de l’art à partir d’un corpus de 14 œuvres prélevées aussi bien à l’épicentre qu’aux périphéries de l’événementThe research questions the functions of literature and art in relation to a violent event that is a taboo subject, namely the massacre perpetrated in the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila (16-18 September 1982 ), in Beirut. It applies to it with a presupposition: there is not only the breaking of reality in art, art is the time at work (P. Ricœur, A. Compagnon). The process begins with the observation of a triple deficit most evident in historiography, in cult of the dead and justice. This is an event that is held secret: we will call it taboo. In addition, it takes note of the emergence of a corpus of works in the fields of literature, cinema, contemporary art. From then on, the research intends to auscultate the political functions of poetics (J. Rancière). Several hypotheses are formulated which together signal the transitive and performative character of art and literature: on the one hand, in the shade of a truth not recorded in history books, i.e. of the melancholy of truth resulting from this missing (C. Coquio), the works are meant to tell what history conceals (I. Jablonka, E. Bouju, A. Imhoff, K. Quirós); on the other hand, since the victims have not been buried, the works deposit a stele at the place of its absence, restoring equalities towards bodies that do not count (J. Butler); finally, faced with a judicial irresolution which signifies the undecidable character of the event, they operate, through their symbolic mediations, the rehabilitating clinic not only of the human being, but also of the language and the authority of sense (A. Gefen, C. Coquio). Situated at the crossroads of postcolonial studies and gender studies, the research examines the politicity of literature and art of a body of 14 works collected from both the epicenter and the periphery of the event
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Noufaily, Farid J. "House of Reconciliation." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/3403.
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The signing of the Ta'if Agreement on October 22, 1989 marked the beginning of the end of the divisive and destructive Lebanese Civil War that had raged since 1975. The war was finally ended in March 1991, when the new Lebanese Parliament enacted the General Amnesty Law, which stated that there were to be no victors and no victims in the war ( la ghalib le maghlub). Unfortunately, this law allowed the Lebanese people to turn a blind eye to the ugly truths of the war, and it ushered in an era of uneasy silence in Lebanon. Today, as Lebanon's political battle for independence and a unified national identity continues, there is still no government supported public attempt to break this silence. I believe that this legislated lack of collective/public self-expression has rendered both the local and the Diaspora populations incapable of reconciliation with their recent traumatic past, let alone allowing them to forge a brighter future. This thesis investigates the unrelenting silence permeating every layer of Lebanese society today and proposes architectural solutions that may help to break the silence and thus reconcile Lebanese to their past. The core of this study consists of three architectural interventions aimed at breaching this silence. These are put into context through historical analysis, family interviews, and personal narratives from field research to Beirut conducted by the author in the fall of 2005, as well as photographs, maps, illustrations, and other documents drawn from first person experience. As such, this thesis probes not just the public, but also a personal experience in overcoming Lebanon's silence. Certainly, there can be no reconciliation based on silence.
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Lee, Chien-wang, and 李建旺. "Civil War in Lebanon: Social, Regional and International Relations." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/16302546287046658090.
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Carr, Daryl Thomas. "The Syrian conflict in Lebanese media." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22329.
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This thesis examines how three Lebanese satellite stations and two print journals cover the Syrian civil war. It is useful to analyze Lebanon’s news programming because the relative lack of regulation over its media allows them to take drastically different political stances. Syria and Lebanon’s unique political and cultural connection causes the conflict to permeate both the debates over foreign and domestic policy. My paper is significant because it elucidates the specific ways in which the Syrian crisis divides the already fractured Lebanese populace. My analysis reveals how regional news sources give meaning to the Arab Spring using language drawn from local historical and political experiences.text
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Marcus, Elizabeth Jacqueline. "Difference and Dissidence: French, Arabic and Cultural Conflict in Lebanon, 1943-1975." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8319WF9.
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This dissertation brings together a study of French and Arabic literature and the cultural history of post-independence Lebanon (1943—1975). It is intended first as a contribution to post-colonial criticism and historical literature on decolonization. Second, as a contribution to literary and historical research on multilingualism, as it undergoes various changes to recover “sub-national” narratives, gestures and behaviours that subvert ideas about homogenous national identities. It begins with a set of questions about language: in the context of multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies, such as Lebanon, what is the place of language in configurations of diversity, and what is its relationship with religion? What relationships do minorities seek or preserve with the national language at or after decolonization, and how does this affect their relationship with the state? Why do some collectives assert linguistic homogeneity and why do others promote more room? Finally, can language acquire indigeneity?
While multilingualism in modern-day Lebanon is a wide-spread social practice, it is far from simple. I argue that in the aftermath of independence in 1943, a forgotten and eventually failed project of bilingualism was promoted by a conservative, nationalist and mainly Christian Maronite network of intellectuals, writers and academics attached to the Francophone university in Beirut. The project raised red flags for partisans of Arabic in Lebanon who argued that bilingualism was nothing more than a conceptual “fig leaf” for maintaining a colonial tie with France as well as an established cultural and political status quo that worked in favor of Lebanon’s Maronites. The project therefore failed to be adopted by a wider, national collective. Well before the start of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, the project was dropped even by those who had initially rallied to its cause.
This work analyzes bilingualism at the encounter of literature, law and the social sciences, both as disciplinary approaches and respective local discourses. In this way, I examine how descriptive, prescriptive and imaginary genres converge in the discourse of nation-building. Through a constellation of readings of debates over the place of bilingualism in legal education, cultural anthropology, and the literary field, and a close reading of French and Arabic literary works, this study asks how the strategic use of language by newly independent citizens casts a light on bilingualism as a multidimensional social and discursive reality and not a purely linguist or literary phenomenon as is often considered. My theoretical point of departure, therefore, is to study how language can play a role in constructing a knowledge-based discourse that incorporates law, literature, and the social sciences.
There are two crucial aspects of this story that run throughout the histories and texts I engage with in this project. The first is that the project of bilingualism was part of a wider interest in making national identity defined by bilingualism. In so doing, it diluted the radical alterity nominally attached to multilingualism in the national setting. Yet the bilingual project might also be considered a radical one. In part, it setting out to enforce the re-signification of bilingualism in a postcolonial era, it sought, to an extent, to attenuate the centrality of the confessional structures of state. The project therefore draws our attention to the kinds of thought experiments that developed in the process of decolonization and the early years of the Cold War, a mode of creative thinking that was dropped and replaced by more hegemonic structures. But its failure indicates why, when this idea was deployed, it became the price to pay for the expected unity of the national collective. Ultimately, the bilingual project was vulnerable to critique and the failure of its re-signification was due to it being slated as an elite postcolonial project legitimizing Christian power in “cultural” terms.
A second crucial aspect of this story is that the project, while representing a failure, is nevertheless conceptually critical for several reasons. This project of linguistic diversity engendered a new politics of interpretation of text and society that led intellectuals, academics, writers and politicians to articulate the cultural stakes of the new nation-state. Indeed what we risk missing in the representation of bilingualism —as elite, conservative, confessional and colonial— is that the project generated a culture of textual critique based on the language of diversity and difference in law, the social sciences and literature. The bilingual project demonstrates the extent to which the disciplines of law, social sciences and literature in Lebanon co-constituted one another after independence. The failure of bilingualism therefore produced new forms of cultural knowledge, and is a small but important feature of post-independence Lebanon.
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Felčer, Petr. "Občanská válka v libanonské kinematografii." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-436347.
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The topic of the present diploma work is the representation of the civil conflict in Lebanese cinema. The work is divided into two parts. The first one provides an overview of the historical and discursive contexts of the last two civil wars in Lebanon (1958 and 1975-1991) and describes how these events are reflected in the work of Lebanese filmmakers. The second part of the diploma work focuses on the war period cinematography, generally less known due to the long public unavailability of a large part of the film production of that time. Four feature fictions made between 1975 and 1985 are selected for a more detailed analysis, more precisely by those filmmakers that are considered to be the pioneers of a new auteur cinema in Lebanon: Mārūn Baġdādī, Burhān ˁAlawīya and Jocelyne Ṣaˁb. The chosen method is the semiotic analysis focusing on characterisation features of the film characters and on conflicting oppositions present in the films. Key words: civil war, civil conflict, Lebanese cinema, fiction film, semiotic analysis, connotation.
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Hariri, Alaa Al. "Architecture as frontline: between an art of cohesion and a weapon of oppression." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19389.
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Ao longo das últimas quatro décadas, a região do Levante tem sido o palco constante
de guerras que causaram danos humanos e destruição física das cidades e das suas
infraestruturas. A violência extrema que tem atingido o território resulta na destruição
do tecido socio-urbano, não apenas durante os conflitos, como também nos períodos
de reconstrução, uma vez que afecta profundamente a memória colectiva e provoca um
enorme impacto na herança tangível e intangível das populações atingidas.
Há oito anos que um conflito devastador tem assolado a Síria, onde as cidades se
transformaram em campos de batalha. A estrutura social e psicológica foi destruída, um
terço das casas foram atingidas e mais de 12 milhões de pessoas tiveram de abandonar
as suas casas, partindo para outras zonas mais seguras ou saindo do país.
Esta disertacao apresenta uma perspectiva detalhada da cidade de Damasco e das
mudanças sociais e urbanas que culminaram no conflito actual. Também aborda
algumas das possíveis marcas que a guerra deixará no futuro, tendo em conta a nova Lei
10, que foi a resposta encontrada pelo Governo para a reconstrução das áreas
destruídas.
A investigação examina ainda os conceitos de urbicídio, espaço e memória,
relaçãoionaudo se depuiudo e a maneira adequada para lidar com as linhas sectárias e
as memórias de guerra. A disertacao apreresente Beirute como um caso de estudo,
analisando a história urbana antes da guerra civil e o período de reconstrução. Em conclusão, esta dissertação apresenta propostas para a região de Ghouta Oriental,
no distrito de Damasco, cuja principal cidade, Douma, foi palco de uma das batalhas
mais importantes do conflito sírio. Esta área foi escolhida como um exemplo de como
se poderá pôr em prática uma estratégia de unificação da sociedade, ligando a cidade
aos seus subúrbios através de um trabalho conceptual.During the past four decades, the Levant area has been a constant host for several wars that caused huge damages on the social level and physical destruction for cities and its infrastructures. This extreme violence in cities has been taken as a tool to destroy also the bonds of socio-urban fabric during the wars, and in the periods of reconstruction, which caused damages in our collective memory as well as dramatic impact in our tangible and intangible heritage. Syria has been suffering from a devastating conflict in which cities became battlegrounds for different wars for eight years and continuing. So far it caused destruction in the physical and social structure and displacement for over twelve million people internally and in other countries in addition to damages to nearly third of the Syrian houses. This dissertation presents a detailed overview of the city of Damascus, its urban and social changes over time leading to the on-going conflict. It also covers the possible impacts in the future by considering the new Law 10 which was the government response to rebuild the destroyed areas as new politic of reconstruction the destructive areas. This research examines the concepts of urbicide, space and memory, in order to define their relation and the best way to deal with division line and war memory. In addition, the research takes Beirut as a case study, by studying the urban history of the city before the civil war and the period of the reconstruction. As conclusion the dissertation presents proposals for Eastern Ghouta in Damascus, which witnessed one of the important battles in the Syrian conflict with it main city Douma. This area has been selected as a sample area to propose a vision of uniting the society through a strategy that links the city with its suburbs by a conceptual work.
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Kouyoumdjian, Mary. "Creating with Ghosts: Identity and Artistic Purpose in Armenian Diaspora." Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-4fqv-ch76.
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The creative submission for my dissertation includes two of my documentary works: They Will Take My Island, a thirty-minute multimedia collaboration with filmmaker Atom Egoyan for amplified string octet, electronic track, and film, commissioned by the Metropolitan Museum of Art; and Paper Pianos, a ninety-minute staged collaboration with director Nigel Maister and projection artist Kevork Mourad. The written submission for my dissertation is an examination of the ways in which experiences around transgenerational trauma inform and manifest in my creative practice. I offer a summary of my own family history of survivors of the Armenian Genocide and Lebanese Civil War, as well as a survey of displacement amongst the Armenian community in the past century. Furthermore, I discuss identity processing as diaspora and the act of cultural preservation, as inspired by genocide survivor, composer, priest, writer, and musicologist, Komitas Vardapet. I later examine these ideas in the context of creating They Will Take My Island and Paper Pianos, both of which were constructively motivated by transgenerational survivor’s guilt and draw from extra-musical documentary and horror genre practices.