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Journal articles on the topic 'Beirut (Lebanon) Civil War'
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1
ABISAAB, MALEK. "HASSAN N. DIAB, Beirut: Reviving Lebanon's Past (Westport, Conn.: Praeger Publishers, 1999). Pp. 144. $55.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801351061.
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The fifteen-year civil war in Lebanon and its destructive social effects have called for soul-searching by many Lebanese. Hassan Diab explores the regional and international economic developments that caused political instability and led to episodes of civil strife and social upheaval in Lebanon from the late Ottoman period until recent times. Further, Diab promises to assess the revival of Beirut's past through the governmental project of Rafiq Hariri known as Horizon 2000, and the ramifications of reconstructing downtown Beirut in the aftermath of the civil war. Diab raises a number of legitimate concerns about the validity and necessity of these projects and the extent to which they can prevent the eruption of a civil war in the future.
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Sakr, Rita. "Imagining mid-nineteenth-century Beirut as a ‘City of the World’: Public intellectuals, photography, cartography and historical literature." Journal of Urban Cultural Studies 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jucs_00002_1.
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This study explores the process of constructing mid-nineteenth-century (1858–76) Beirut as a city of the world not merely through its gradual material instantiation in mechanisms of technological modernization and in the built environment but also, more emphatically and enduringly, as a product of the cultural imagination. The article engages the ethico-political parameters of a ‘crisis of representation’ in the context of both the selected historical period that is one of geopolitical crisis, specifically the 1860 civil conflict in Mount Lebanon and Damascus that brought refugees, military and diplomatic intervention into Beirut, and our ongoing era of intensive contestation and critical attention to Beirut’s urban heritage. This contrapuntal framework of geocreativity invites an examination of the output of mid-nineteenth-century Beiruti intellectuals and missionaries (including newspapers, public lectures, the encyclopaedia and the memoir), alongside mid-nineteenth-century photography and cartography by military and civilian visitors to Beirut, and twenty-first-century Lebanese historical literature, particularly Rabī‘ Jabir’s Bayrūt trilogy (2003–07), that recreates mid-nineteenth-century Beirut as a city of the world from the perspectives of the archive and the consciousness of the city’s post-war transformations.
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Buchakjian, Gregory. "Beirut by Night." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 8, no. 2-3 (2015): 256–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00802006.
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Over the past century, Beirut has acquired a reputation as the nightlife destination of choice in the region. Photography was and remains a privileged witness of the proverbial ‘Beirut nights’. In this essay I trace the history of the genre of nightlife photography in Beirut over the past century, from the grand ball era of the Mandate period to informal underground nightlife during the civil war and its aftermath; to the rise of the nightlife image-making industry in the 1990s and 2000s. I pay particular attention to the ways in which technological developments interplayed with historical and social contingencies in Lebanon—such as the Lebanese civil war and the disintegration of barriers between private and public spheres in the age of social media. Recast as art, digital nightlife photography is responsible for the erosion of ‘vulgarity’ as a social category under the twin pressures of neoliberalism and technological development; it also plays a major role in the contemporary branding of Beirut on a global scale.
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El-Masri, Maha. "Terracotta oil lamps from the excavation at the Bey 004 site (Beirut, Lebanon)." Ancient lamps from Spain to India. Trade, influences, local traditions, no. 28.1 (December 30, 2019): 423–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam28.1.24.
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The excavation of site Bey 004 in the urban center of Beirut was done as part of a major salvage-archaeology operation in the 1990s, in reparation for the redevelopment of the city after the Lebanese Civil War. War destruction had given archaeologists the opportunity to investigate the topography, history and everyday life of Beirut over the millennia since its establishment and before a new city would be built on top of the ruins in the 21st century. Terracotta oil lamps, like tableware, are a sensitive guide to the passage of time and cultures, spanning the ages the 5th century BC through the 9th century AD, from Persia to Islam. The article reviews the assemblage from the Bey 004 site, broken down by a local site typology that reflects major periods of occupation, and relates it to existing typologies of ancient Near Eastern lamps from the Canaanite to the Islamic.
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Voderstrasse, Tasha. "Archaeology of Medieval Lebanon: an Overview." Chronos 20 (April 30, 2019): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v20i0.476.
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This article will present an overview of the archaeological work done on medieval Lebanon from the 19th century to the present. The period under examination is the late medieval period, from the 11th to the 14th centuries, encompassing the time when the region was under the control of various Islamic dynasties and the Crusaders. The archaeology of Lebanon has been somewhat neglected over the years, despite its importance for our understanding of the region in the medieval period, mainly because of the civil war (1975-1990), which made excavations and surveys in the country impossible and led to the widespread looting of sites (Hakiman 1987; Seeden 1987; Seeden 1989; Fisk 1991; Hakiman 1991; Ward 1995; Hackmann 1998; Sader 2001. In general, see Fisk 1990). Furthermore, many collections within Lebanon itself could not be visited for the purpose of study and even collections outside Lebanon remained largely neglected. The end Of the civil war, however, marked a time of renewed interest in the country's archaeology, particularly in the city of Beirut. Also, the identification of large numbers of Christian frescoes in the region meant that churches and their paintings were studied in detail for the first time. Although much had been lost during the civil war, it was clear the archaeological heritage of Lebanon remains critical to our understanding of the archaeology of the Levant. As a crossroads for Christians, Muslims, and Jews in the late medieval period, the region that is now Lebanon was of great importance in the 1 lth to 14th centuries.
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Yun, Elisheva. "The Lebanese Blogosphere." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2008): 45–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.342.
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Over a decade after the close of the fifteen-year Lebanese Civil War, the cultural and political landscape of sectarianism has shifted significantly in Lebanon. Circumstances of uncertainty and upheaval in the past couple of years—Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri’s assassination in 2005, the subsequent Cedar Revolution that spurred Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanese territory, a string of assassinations of anti-Syrian politicians, the Israel-Hizbullah War of 2006, anti-government protests and Hizbullah’s seizure of sections of Beirut in May 2008—have both fed into and arose from tensions between religious groups. Recent events suggest the centrality of sectarianism to questions about Lebanon’s stability. The momentous political changes that Lebanon has witnessed have raised questions as to the changing nature of sectarianism as well. In particular, given that sectarianism has fed into significant conflict, is it appropriate or productive to maintain sectarianism as the guiding principle for the political system? How have new avenues of discussion influenced Lebanon’s experience of sectarianism? Blogs, collectively referred to as the blogosphere, have provided an increasingly popular means of expression in Lebanon. Blogging has become more prominent through moments of conflict, namely the Cedar Revolution in 2005 and the Israel-Hizbullah conflict in the summer of 2006. As the Lebanese blogosphere virulently debates the unfolding events and the role of sectarianism in Lebanon, blogs offer an illuminating lens as to whether the Lebanese population deems sectarianism to be an appropriate organizing principle for its government.
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Jaran, Mahmoud. "Beirut e la guerra: Elias Khuri e Oriana Fallaci." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (August 7, 2015): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340073.
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“Switzerland of the Middle East” and “the oriental Paris” are some of the names that the beautiful city of Beirut had earned before the disasters of the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990). This historical event is considered the most important one in the contemporary history of Lebanon, not only because it marks the end of a difficult peaceful coexistence among the various ethnic and religious groups during the period between the Independence (1943) and the beginning of the conflict (1975), but also because it made radical geopolitical changes to the entire region. At the end of the “Swiss epoque”, the city of Beirut begins to undergo a series of transformations in terms of urban planning, landscape, etc. This paper aims to study the literary representation of Beirut during the conflict, taking as examples two authors, one Lebanese, Elias Khuri, who shows, in his novel The Journey of Little Gandhi, the irrationality of war and its effects on the city and on the inhabitants; the other one is the Italian writer, Oriana Fallaci, who describes in his novel Inshallah the experience of the Italian contingent in the peacekeeping mission in Beirut. Despite the considerable differences between the two authors, the papers shows the narratives’ affinity which highlight the transformation of Beirut, the image of its citizens and the problematic of the assimilation process between them and their city.
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Sinno, Wael. "How People Reclaimed Public Spaces in Beirut during the 2019 Lebanese Uprising." Journal of Public Space, Vol. 5 n. 1 (January 31, 2020): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.32891/jps.v5i1.1258.
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Over the past years, popular uprisings across the Middle East continue to grow. Throughout these movements, public spaces have played a crucial role in allowing citizens to express their demands. Public spaces have brought people together, providing the space for citizens to assert their rights to freedom of speech and demanding basic rights. Since 17 October 2019, Lebanon has been experiencing a similar civic movement. Expressions and manifestations of this movement have used underutilized public spaces across the country. For instance, in Beirut, the retrieve of public spaces has taken place on three levels: - Multi-purpose public spaces: where the protestors are reshaping the wide formal streets of Beirut Central District to active and lively urban spaces. - Open public spaces: such as Samir Kassir garden, which was once a meditative space, is now a vibrant social place. - Public urban facilities: such as the abandoned Egg [1] and the deteriorated Grand Theatre are being brought to life by becoming respectively a community centre and an observatory. To date, the act of placemaking and the reclamation of public spaces has been observed throughout the 2019 Lebanese Uprising. It has reconfigured public spaces into ones of unity, thereby reuniting citizens of all ages, religions, gender and walks of life. Some see the uprising as a genuine end to the 1975 Civil War – a war that gave birth to religious, political, and social boundaries – by organically bringing together the country as one, demonstrating under one flag, the Lebanese flag. [1] The Egg, an unfinished cinema built in the 1960s, is a landmark urban facility that was closed to the public for a long time. The Egg is located in the heart of the city near the former Civil War green zone line. Designed by Architect Joseph Philippe Karam, work on this unfinished structure started in the 1960s, interrupted by the Lebanese Civil War during which the building was abandoned and suffered major structural damage.
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Wakim, Jamal. "LEBANESE CIVIL WAR AND THE SYRIAN INTERVENTION IN LEBANON UNTILL 1990,." Revista Práxis e Hegemonia Popular 5, no. 7 (December 18, 2020): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2526-1843.2020.v5n7.p141-157.
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Este artigo argumenta que, ao contrário da alegação da escola liberal dominante, a Síria não agiu como um desestabilizador do sistema confessional libanês, o que levou ao colapso do sistema e à guerra civil entre 1975 e 1990. Em vez disso, o regime sírio, impulsionado pelo interesses da classe burguesa damascena intimamente associada ao fluxo comercial entre Beirute e a região do Golfo via Damasco, escolheu conter a crise e reabilitar o sistema confessional que é um sistema de hegemonia que impede a luta de classes em benefício da burguesia mercantil libanesa.
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Khyami, Ali. "Impact of land cover change on land surface temperature over Greater Beirut Area – Lebanon." Journal of Geoinformatics & Environmental Research 2, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.38094/jgier2121.
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Remote sensing (RS) technology has been used together with geographic information systems (GIS) to determine the LC types, retrieve LST, and analyze their relationships. The term Greater Beirut Area (GBA) is used to refer to the city of Beirut and its suburbs which witnessed rapid urban growth, after the end of the civil war, in the last decade of the twentieth century, due to the increase in the number of its inhabitants, and the prosperity and development of sectors such as; industrial, trade, tourism, and construction. These factors led to a wide change in the land cover (LC) types and increased land surface temperature LST. The results showed an increase in built-up areas by 29.1%, and agricultural lands by 6%, while bare land, forests, and seawater decreased by 28.5%, 4.9%, and 1.9%, respectively. These changes caused large differences in the LST between built-up areas and other LC types. The highest LST recorded was in built-up areas (33.03°C in 1985, and 34.01°C in 2020), followed by bare lands (32.61 °C in 1985 and 33.49°C in 2020), cropland (31.23°C in 1985 and 32.17°C in 2020), forest (30.08°C in 1985 and 30.47°C in 2020), and water (24.97°C in 1985 and 28.15°C in 2020). Consequently, converting different LC types into built-up areas led to increases in LST and changed microclimate.
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Tarraf, Zeina. "Haunting and the neoliberal encounter in Terra Incognita and A Perfect Day." Cultural Dynamics 29, no. 1-2 (February 2017): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374017709239.
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This article analyses two post–civil war Lebanese films, Ghassan Salhab’s Terra Incognita and Khalil Joreige and Joana Hadjithomas’ A Perfect Day, to examine how the conditions and valences of a particular sociocultural moment register affectively and mobilize the investments that inform memory making in the Lebanese context. In particular, I study these works as embodiments of an emerging structure of feeling specific to post–civil war Beirut, in which the haunting remnants of an unresolved violent past intersect with the neoliberal imperatives to propel Lebanon into a global market. In this sense, I build upon an exclusive concern with ‘pastness’, which often dominates discussions about post-conflict and post-colonial societies, in order to consider how an unfinished traumatic past intersects with more contemporary oppressions and the affective dimension of these intersections. Through a series of visual motifs and audio techniques, Terra Incognita and A Perfect Day track the ways that forces from the past encounter a wholesale embrace of neoliberalism and commercialism to create a kind of affective impasse that plays out either in depressed apathy or in excessive indulgence.
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Abu Fares, Ashraf, and Indrani Borgohain. "Representations of Death in Rawi Hage’s Beirut Hellfire Society." International Journal of English Language Studies 2, no. 4 (October 30, 2020): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijels.2020.2.4.5.
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The aim of this paper is to explore the representations of death in Beirut Hellfire Society, a novel written by the Lebanese author, Rawi Hage, and published in 2018. The novel indulges in immoral and varied casts like the de-romanticizing subjects in Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian which help illustrate the realities of life during wartime. All the characters portrayed in Beirut Hellfire Society are colorful and complicated vignettes. They span the four seasons following the death of Pavlov’s father, who is killed in a bomb explosion when he is in the middle of digging a grave. In this novel, Hage portrays the dilemma that people faced during the Lebanese civil war and the meaninglessness of death. He deliberately presents a striking description of death that overflows in the city of Beirut throughout the civil war and links it to a myriad of aspects associated to it; mourning, burials, funeral dancing, lunacy, a sense of humor and jokes regarding death, and above all, cremation, to personify the abundant death and destruction that pervaded Beirut on that period of Lebanon’s history with its utmost horrible and devastating face. Pavlov, a twenty years old undertaker, and his father are extraordinary characters and members of the “Hellfire Society,” a secretive organization of infidels, hedonists, idolaters, in which the members cremate people at their own request. Hellfire Society is a mysterious, rebellious and anti-religious sect that arranges secret burial for those who have been denied it because the deceased was a homosexual, an atheist, and an outcast or abandoned by their family, church and state. With death front and centre, Rawi Hage’s Beirut Hellfire Society is a treatise on living with war. In short, it is a novel that practically defines iconoclasm and registers the horrible, prevalent, and immeasurable shocking death that ensues as a real consequence of war and its atrocities.
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Daou, Dolly. "Sahat al-Borj: A Feminine City Square as a Container of Events." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 5 (February 16, 2016): 795–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216629930.
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Beirut’s city center, Sahat al-Borj, has been the receptacle to many historical events, which shaped its current identity, such as repeated wars and other violent events such as tsunamis and earthquakes. These events affected the Square’s identity and the national identity and culture of Lebanon, and led to the creation and evolution of Sahat al-Borj from a cosmopolitan city center in the 1950s and 1960s, to a demarcation line between East (Christians) and West (Muslims) during the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990) to an abandoned city center since 1990. Like Derrida’s khōra, the sites of Beirut and Sahat al-Borj both have interior qualities and are receptacles of repeated wars and violent events. In Lebanese, both the city and the city Square are referred to with a feminine pronoun: hiyeh or “she” in Lebanese and elle in French. In Arabic and Lebanese, the nouns Sahat (a square, is an open space; open to a diversity of activities) and Mdineh (city) are feminine, giving both feminine connotations. This gendered pronoun accruing to cultural practices humanizes the Square and personalizes its identity and its occupation by referring to the city and its center as “she” or “her.” In Anglophone societies, city squares are usually referred to as “it” in English and do not have feminine or masculine genders or “character” attributed to them, unlike French, Arabic, or Lebanese. Through a series of historical cartographic maps and images collected from different library archives in France and Lebanon, this article will explore the human occupation of the Square throughout history and will examine the urban site of Beirut as a container of events and a transitional “non-place” with feminine and interior qualities with a specific reference to Derrida’s khōra. Although there are many interpretations of Khōra, like Derrida’s Khōra, in this article, the interior is explored as a receptacle associated with the feminine, the container, which receives human’s occupation.1
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Seale, Patrick. "Class & client in Beirut: the Sunni Muslim community and the Lebanese state, 1840–1985 and Syrian intervention in Lebanon: the 1975–76 civil war." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621555.
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Kosmatopoulos, Nikolas. "Unhatching the Egg in Lebanon’s 2019 Protests." South Atlantic Quarterly 120, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 446–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8916190.
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This auto-ethnographic essay revisits the story of the Beirut City Center Dome, also known as the “Egg,” a 1960s brutalist-modernist cinema abandoned to snipers during Lebanon’s civil war, which briefly became a stage for a direct action politics in the early days of Lebanon’s October 2019 uprising. One of the uprising’s most ambitious aims was the ushering in of a new social contract beyond sectarian divisions. The essay tests the argument that a postwar model of expert-driven peace, which involves compartmentalizing the political society while devolving power into real-estate investors–prime ministers, crucially depends on the constant reproduction of technomoral hierarchies between experts and their subjects. In the context of mass mobilization, the essay considers “real estate” to be a fitting metaphor to describe the process through which potentially emancipatory projects fail to materialize within a toxic climate that tends to equate political critique with purity competitions and boundary work.
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Elias, Chad. "Signs of Conflict: Political Posters of Lebanon's Civil War (1975—1990) Planet Discovery Exhibition Hall, Beirut, 12—21 April." Journal of Visual Culture 8, no. 1 (April 2009): 116–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412909102887.
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Ghouse, Nida. "Lotus Notes." ARTMargins 5, no. 3 (October 2016): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00159.
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Lotus was a tri-lingual quarterly brought out by the Afro-Asian Writers' Association. Initially titled Afro-Asian Writings, its inaugural edition was launched from Cairo in March 1968, in Arabic and English, followed by the French. By 1971, the trilingual quarterly acquired the name Lotus. Egypt, the Soviet Union, and the German Democratic Republic funded its production. The Arabic edition was printed in Cairo, and the English and French editions were printed in the German Democratic Republic. The Afro-Asian Writers' Association (AAWA) and its over-arching affiliate, the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization (AAPSO), both had headquarters in Cairo. In 1978, President Anwar Sadat signed the Camp David Accords and the Permanent Bureau in Cairo was deactivated. Lotus moved to Beirut despite the raging Civil War, where it was was granted home and hospitality by the Union of Palestinian Writers. Its offices remained there until the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 when it once again relocated along with the Palestinian Liberation Organization to Tunis. The journal was discontinued in the late 1980s or early 1990s with the dismantling of the Soviet Union. The Permanent Bureau in Cairo was reinstated, but the journal was not as such reactivated. The project outlines a partial biography of a forgotten magazine from a bipolar world and its interrupted historical networks. It considers graphic and textual elements from the margins of the magazine for evidence of its trajectory.
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Kobeissi, Loulou, Marcia C. Inhorn, Antoine B. Hannoun, Najwa Hammoud, Johnny Awwad, and Antoine A. Abu-Musa. "Civil war and male infertility in Lebanon." Fertility and Sterility 90, no. 2 (August 2008): 340–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.fertnstert.2007.06.061.
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Hassan, Salah D. "Unstated: Narrating War in Lebanon." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1621–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1621.
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This essay consists of three beginnings, then a deferred reading of a novel. One beginning, a theoretical beginning, reflects on the question implicit in my title: What is unstated in the state of Lebanon? Another beginning, a literary critical beginning, returns to the work of Kahlil Gibran, the most famous early-twentieth-century Arab North American writer. Gibran links modernist and postmodernist Arab North American writing and, in a historical parallel, connects the foundations of the Lebanese state under French colonial rule to its disintegration in the context of the civil war. A third beginning, a contextual beginning, evokes more recent events in Lebanon through a discussion of the July War of 2006, during which Israel bombed the country for over a month. These three points of departure, I suggest, are crucial to readings of contemporary Arab North American fiction, which is always conditioned by theories of the state, a post-Gibran literary sensibility, and the politics of the present. More specifically, I argue that Rawi Hage's representation of the civil war in Lebanon in DeNiro's Game negotiates the destruction of the Lebanese state through figures of the unstated, whose very existence questions more generally the state form as the preeminent site of political authority and contributes to unstating the state.
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Knudsen, Are. "Acquiescence to Assassinations in Post-Civil War Lebanon?" Mediterranean Politics 15, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629391003644611.
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Scalenghe, Sara, and Nadya Sbaiti. "Conducting Research in Lebanon: An Overview of Historical Sources in Beirut (Part I)." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 37, no. 1 (2003): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400045442.
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Nearly two decades of war in Lebanon crippled possibilities for historical research during a period when scholarship underwent significant theoretical and methodological developments. The last several years, however, have seen a renewed vigor to preserve, catalog, and promote all types of sources that could possibly shed light on the rich history of the country and of the Middle East in general. Sources and resources in Lebanon are largely decentralized, rendering the country something of a logistical labyrinth that can cost scholars considerable expenditures of time and energy. This article is a modest attempt to facilitate research in Beirut. Although mostly geared towards historians, we hope that this article may prove useful to scholars from other fields as well. It is slightly slanted towards the British and American academies, particularly since the Francophone world has been so much more embedded in the intellectual and scholarly atmosphere of the country.
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Aburish, Said. "The last Jew in Beirut." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 162–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802576221.
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The true story of a woman by the name of Qamar who was the ‘last Jew in Beirut’ and the protection given to her and her relatives by the Kurdish family of Jamīl and Amīnah Milhou in the historic Jewish quarter of Wādī Abū Jamīl centred around the Sinnou Building, during the first desperate years of the Lebanese Civil War (1975–77). Eventually attracting international press coverage and the attention of PLO Chairman Yāssir ‘Arafāt due to an article in the Lebanese daily al-Nahār which mistakenly identified the males of the Milhou family as PLO fighters, the story of Qamar and her protectors came to symbolize noble humanity in an inhumane war. The account is based on an interview with Fayṣal Milhou.
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Makdisi, Karim. "Lebanon’s October 2019 Uprising." South Atlantic Quarterly 120, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 436–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8916176.
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This essay frames the early promise and energy of Lebanon’s October 2019 uprising, triggered by the government’s announcement of a series of regressive taxes. After fifteen years of civil war (1975–90) and three decades of postwar neoliberal policies, people rose up against a kleptocratic ruling class of sectarian leaders and financiers that had captured and bankrupted the state through a nationwide Ponzi scheme. Protests were nation-wide, calling for the downfall of the government and reform of the sectarian political and clientalist system. Many demanded a new form of politics based on social and economic justice. The essay then charts the uprising’s demise amid protestor division, mass poverty and unemployment, galloping inflation, palpable insecurity, COVID-19 lockdowns, and external intervention. Hizbullah became the elephant in the room, with sectarian tension and some protestor resentment stoked by Trump’s US “maximum pressure” policies. A massive blast in Beirut’s port in August 2020 ended any lingering hope for reform and prompted Macron to personally unveil a stabilization plan through IMF neoliberal reforms, a carrot to Trump’s stick. The essay concludes that, one year on, Macron’s neoliberal plan is the only game in town, and protestors need to urgently remobilize for the struggles and catastrophic social realities ahead.
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BARAKA, A., and Jerome H. Modell. "Anesthetic Problems During the Tragic Civil War in Lebanon." Survey of Anesthesiology 29, no. 2 (April 1985): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00132586-198504000-00028.
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Volk, Lucia. "Memory Politics in Lebanon a Generation after the Civil War." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 10, no. 2-3 (2017): 293–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01002013.
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Chalak, Salma. "The clumsy flies: Krebs Memorial Scholarship." Biochemist 32, no. 5 (October 1, 2010): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/bio03205056.
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Meier, Daniel. "Lebanon: The Refugee Issue and the Threat of a Sectarian Confrontation." Oriente Moderno 94, no. 2 (November 18, 2014): 382–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340063.
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This article highlights the many dimensions of the threat that exists nowadays in Lebanon regarding the impact of the Syrian uprising turning into a civil war. To do so, I will firstly focus on the issue of Syrian refugee in Lebanon. Recalling the Syrian-Lebanese complex relationship, the article delves in the collective memory of the Palestinian issue in Lebanon that pops up again as thousands of them are fleeing Syria to seek refuge in Palestinian camps. In the second part, the article addresses the related question of Sunnis/Shiites tensions that have become a significant factor in the Syrian civil war and that have been imported into Lebanon by major political parties and entrepreneurs of violence.
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Gade, Tine. "Limiting violent spillover in civil wars: the paradoxes of Lebanese Sunni jihadism, 2011–17." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1311601.
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Research on violent spillovers in civil war has often exaggerated the potential for conflict contagion. The case of Lebanon is a counter-example. Despite the massive pressure of the horrific war in next-door Syria, it has, against all odds, remained remarkably stable – despite the influx of more than 1 million Syrian refugees and almost complete institutional blockage. This paper, based on ethnographic research and semi-structured interviews from Lebanon, studies the determination to avoid a violent spillover into Lebanon from the perspective of the country's Sunni Islamists. Recent trends in the scholarly literature have shown that Islamists are not inherently revolutionary, nor always dogmatists, and often serve many social purposes at home. The main argument is that the Syrian war has not been imported into Lebanon; instead, the Lebanese conflict is externalized to Syria. Lebanon's conflicting factions, including the Islamists, have found the costs of resorting to violence inside Lebanon to be too high. Even those Lebanese Sunnis who have crossed the borders to fight in Syria do so because of domestic reasons, that is, to fight against Hezbollah on Syria soil, where they can do so without risking an explosion of the Lebanese security situation. Sectarianism, in the sense of opposition to Hezbollah and the Lebanese Shia, is the main driver of radicalization for Lebanese Sunnis.
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Schmid, Heiko. "Privatized urbanity or a politicized society? Reconstruction in Beirut after the civil war." European Planning Studies 14, no. 3 (April 2006): 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09654310500420859.
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Kobishchanov, Taras Y. "Beirut under Russian rule Part 1. The eve of the occupation (1772-1773)." RUDN Journal of World History 10, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 338–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2018-10-4-338-354.
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During the Russian-Ottoman war of 1768-1774 Russia became the fi rst European country that invaded Middle East in the Modern times and even for the short period occupied its part: the town of Beirut. The events that preceded the assault and capture of the town were fi xed by the local chroniclers and Russian offi cers; as well they were refl ected in the messages of Arab rulers and the reports of the diplomats residing in Syria. As a result the volumetric picture of the society is emerging that for the first time faced the colonial expansion of the modernized Europe. The fi rst part of presented article is devoted to the analysis of the socio-political situation in the region on the eve of the arrival of the Russian squadron at the Syrian coast. Special attention is paid to the situation in Beirut before and during the fi rst assault of the town in June 1772, and to the subsequent change in the balance of power in Lebanon.
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Ghosn, Faten, and Amal Khoury. "Lebanon after the Civil War: Peace or the Illusion of Peace?" Middle East Journal 65, no. 3 (July 20, 2011): 381–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/65.3.12.
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Richani, Nazi. "The Druze of Mount Lebanon: Class Formation in a Civil War." Middle East Report, no. 162 (January 1990): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3013282.
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Shehadi, Kamal. "Lebanon: fire and embers. A history of the Lebanese civil war." International Affairs 70, no. 2 (April 1994): 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625340.
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Quandt, William B., and Dilip Hiro. "Lebanon: Fire and Embers: A History of the Lebanese Civil War." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 5 (1993): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045865.
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Knudsen, Are John. "Emergency Urbanism in Sabra, Beirut." Public Anthropologist 1, no. 2 (September 14, 2019): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891715-00102003.
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Since the mid-1980s, generations of displaced people have sought refuge in the ramshackle buildings that were once the Gaza-Ramallah Hospital, a multi-story hospital complex built by the Palestinian Liberation Organization (plo). Damaged during the civil war, today the buildings blend in with the run-down Sabra-Shatila neighbourhood in Beirut’s “misery belt.” This paper charts the buildings’ history and main characters: the lodgers, landlords, and gatekeepers who respectively lease, rent, and control the dilapidated buildings’ dark corridors, cramped flats, and garbage-strewn stairways. The multi-story buildings are examples of emergency urbanism whereby displaced people seek refuge in cities, and their story can be read as a vertical migration history of people escaping conflict, displacement, and destitution. Examining the buildings as archives of spatial and political histories provides a genealogy of displacement and emplacement that can inform the study of emergency urbanism and point to solutions in cities for refugees lacking access to affordable housing.
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Salamey, Imad, and Paul Tabar. "Democratic transition and sectarian populism: the case of Lebanon." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 497–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.714575.
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Despite being considered as one of the oldest constitutional democracies in the Middle East, Lebanon has been confronted with periodical institutional crises and civil violence. A protracted transitional period towards democracy has threatened the autonomy of deeply fragmented sectarian groups, and has instigated a polarizing struggle over nationhood. Fearing the degradation of their power to a majoritarian order, sectarian leaders have resorted to various mobilization strategies to obstruct the emergence of a unifying national identity and democratic state. Consequently, a chronically weak state has emerged, divided along antagonistic sectarian loyalties with power shared according to sectarian consociationalism. In order to reveal the tenets of sectarian populism in Lebanon and their impacts on nation-building, the state and democratic transition, a nationwide opinion survey was conducted by the Lebanese American University (LAU), Beirut, during January of 2011 with a random sample of 586 Lebanese respondents divided along sectarian affiliation. The survey examined differential populist mobilization among major sectarian groups and revealed potential explanatory variables. The results shed light on the formation of populism in a divided society and the challenges it poses for democratic transitions in Lebanon and perhaps in transitional Middle Eastern states.
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Barak, Oren. "“Don't Mention the War?” The Politics of Remembrance and Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanon." Middle East Journal 61, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.1.13.
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This article explores the divergent ways in which the state, the political society, and the civil society in Lebanon have addressed the Civil War (1975-90) in the postwar era. More specifically, I explore the interplay between actors operating within these spheres concerning three contentious questions: a) Should the war be remembered and commemorated? b) Who is responsible for the war? c) How to consider Lebanon's modern history in light of the war? The discussion highlights both the possibilities and constraints of civil society groups in post-conflict settings.
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Amyuni, Mona Takieddine. "Style as Politics in the Poems and Novels of Rashīd al-Ḍaʿīf." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1996): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800063121.
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The Lebanese war revealed man to me. It revealed to me that there was no end to evil. Man's capacity to suffer and cause suffering is endless too. War is the cloth which weaves relationships amongst men and nations. When I write, “From your absence comes the evening,” I express the anguish of losing my beloved. This anguish is similar to that caused by war. Fear and anguish provoked by war have also at their root jealousy, desire, ambition, money, success. What is specific about war is that it strips down man and shows him in his absolute nakedness.When Rashīd al-Daʿīf (henceforth, plain text) expressed himself in this fashion in an interview in 1989, several of his novels and poems had already appeared in Beirut. His original voice had started to spread in the intellectual circles of Lebanon and abroad. Al-Daʿif's originality lies precisely in this stripping of human beings, feelings, and things down to absolute nakedness in the midst of a war that tore apart the artist'snation. He expresses himself in a language stripped to its bare essentials, as well, breaking away from the traditional Arabic mode, in which rhetoric and lyricism dominated.
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Allen, Ira. "Falling Apart Together." Screen Bodies 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/screen.2017.020206.
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I could not hear weeping as the screen fell dark. But the glistening cheeks and too-bright eyes spoke loudly enough when the lights rose. We had confronted together a loss of revolutionary possibility, and a refusal of that same loss, that touched nearly every body in the theater. To view Syrian filmmaker Mohammad Ali Atassi’s Our Terrible Country (2014) in Beirut, scarcely seventy-five miles from a Damascus whose dying and lost flowed continuously into Lebanon even as we watched for Syrian hope on the screen, was to be swept up in the civil war’s terrible pull of collective suffering and loss. Swept up, for many in the salle, perhaps all, all the more than each was already. Less than a decade earlier, Syrian military checkpoints had controlled movement throughout Lebanon entire. Lebanon had been the fractured vassal state, Syria its wise but firm tutor. In the “now” of 2014, however, there was no longer a Syria but only an increasingly dim possibility that one might come someday again to be. Syrian refugees swelled Lebanon’s population, crowded Beirut and Tripoli and the mountain towns and the verdant Bekaa Valley. And many sitting silent and wet-eyed through the film’s still-terrible credits had friends and loved ones not only from but still in the terrible, devastated spaces we had together watched passing across the screen—spaces still falling apart in 2014 as we watched, scarcely two hours away, scarcely further than the length of the film itself, falling apart before our eyes in the 2013 of the film’s shooting as they had been falling apart for two years already before that. As they are falling apart still, now in 2018, with only proper names exchanged: Ghouta, Raqqa, Homs, Aleppo, today Ghouta again. Tomorrow? Their terrible country, indeed.
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Ahmed, Zafar U., and Craig C. Julian. "International Entrepreneurship in Lebanon." Global Business Review 13, no. 1 (January 17, 2012): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097215091101300102.
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This article provides a review of Lebanese entrepreneurial business practices since the 1920s. The characteristics of Lebanese culture are covered with special reference to the value systems inherent within Lebanese management practices. The historical development of Lebanese business in the context of management, culture and practices; innovation; individualism and collectivism; the role of government; indigenous entrepreneurs; education and training; and internationalization of Lebanese business is also reviewed via the literature and selected case studies. It is clear that the historical development of domestic business in Lebanon is unique and has been influenced by the civil war to a large extent and Lebanon’s previous trading relationships with its Arab neighbours.
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Saadawi, Ghalya. "A Book Review in the Form of a Polemic Chad Elias's Posthumous Images: Contemporary Art and Memory Politics in Post-Civil War Lebanon and the Old New World Order." ARTMargins 9, no. 3 (October 2020): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00273.
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Chad Elias' 2018 book Posthumous Images: Contemporary Art and Memory Politics in Post-Civil War Lebanon attempts to deal with the question of post-civil war representation, image-making and contemporary art from the perspective of memory studies in Lebanon. Dealing with a particular group of artists working since the 1990's in installation, video, film, and performance, the book attempts to create a relation between their artistic propositions and narratives on the one hand, and the post-war reckoning with the missing and disappeared, the history of former Leftist combatants, neglected space programs, reconstruction and urban space, on the other. The book has a series of shortcomings and structural, theoretical blind spots that this review essay attempts to redress. For instance, Posthumous Images has no framework for the notions of communities of witnessing, collective memory, or post-war amnesia that seems to underpin its claims, as they seem to figure only nominally. In these theoretical omissions, the essay argues, the book adopts and furthers the ideology human rights as this relates to the politics of remembrance, as well as to Lebanon's neoliberal post-war realities. Moreover, it lacks a rigorous art historical frame to study the given artworks formally, or theoretically, leaving the book open to a post-historical method that disavows a critical, social history of art needed for an analysis of post-civil war and post-Cold war art forms in Lebanon and beyond.
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Nagel, Caroline, and Lynn Staeheli. "Nature, environmentalism, and the politics of citizenship in post-civil war Lebanon." cultural geographies 23, no. 2 (February 22, 2015): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474015572304.
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Rowayheb, Marwan George. "Political Change and the Outbreak of Civil War: The Case of Lebanon." Civil Wars 13, no. 4 (December 2011): 414–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2011.629871.
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Al-Mousa, Nedal. "The Impact of the Lebanese Civil War on Weaving the Texture of the Narrative of Ghada Al-Samman’s Beirut Nightmares." Arab World English Journal For Translation and Literary Studies 4, no. 4 (October 15, 2020): 238–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awejtls/vol4no4.17.
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The paper is concerned with examining the impact of the Lebanese civil war on weaving the fabric of the narrative of Ghada al-Samman’s novel Beirut Nightmares (1975). The enormous atrocities and people’s great sufferings brought about by the civil war are filtered through the consciousness of a femrale narrator. The narrator’s self-imposed mission to bear witness to the devastating effect of the civil war on a people and their country is presented in part in diary-like accounts of events. For al-Samman, factual representation of the events of the civil war deemed to be inadequate to portray their tremendous traumatic effect expressed in peoples’ overwhelming sense of dislocation, painful recognition of the superficiality of human ties, and the unmasking of the dark side of human soul. The civil war, I argue, serves as a remarkable fertile ground for invigorating al-Samman’s literary imagination as is well reflected in her employment of a wide range of modes of representation and discourses, including diary-like account of events, fantasy, nightmares, dreams, surrealistic elements, anthropomorphism, and anthropocentrism.That is to the end of portraying the impact of the civil war on the private lives of the individuals in the most effective dramatic manner. This polyphonic strategy, in the terminology of Michail Bachtin, enables al-Samman to rigorously probe the social, political, moral, and psychological effects of the civil war on the micro and the macro levels.
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Fricke, Adrienne. "Forever Nearing the Finish Line: Heritage Policy and the Problem of Memory in Postwar Beirut." International Journal of Cultural Property 12, no. 2 (May 2005): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739105050150.
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Between 1976 and 1991, central Beirut, repository of centuries of historic structures, was substantially destroyed by civil war. In 1994, a private company known by its French acronym Solidère was created by government decree and given the task of reconstructing the center of Beirut. Despite political problems, the Solidère project brought the hope of social recovery through economic renewal; yet progress should not come at the cost of memory.How can Beirut, destroyed, be a site of both recovery and erasure? Even though traditional legal and political discourses acknowledge that cultural heritage holds a powerful position in reconstruction, there are few tools for capturing its functions. Using heuristics originally employed in archeology and art history, this article addresses psychological aspects of reconstruction by discussing contemporary Lebanese art. If culture is defined not only as what people do buthow they make sense of what they have done, the enormity of the political problems of post–civil war reconstruction become clear. National governments hoping to consolidate authority would do well to consider how best to approach public places resonant with emotionally charged memories.Policymakers should consider the complex benefits of negative heritage in drafting laws that will enable its protection. Legal reform carried out with the goal of balanced heritage policies that accommodate negative heritage is key for postconflict urban spaces. By acknowledging the weight of the past, such policies would also bolster confidence in the emergent government and the political process.
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Shaar, Khuzama Hijal. "Post-traumatic stress disorder in adolescents in Lebanon as wars gained in ferocity: a systematic review." Journal of Public Health Research 2, no. 2 (September 5, 2013): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/jphr.2013.e17.
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For decades, Lebanon was war-torn by civil strife, and occupation and invasion by neighboring countries. In time, these wars have escalated in intensity from sniping, barricading streets and random shelling of residential quarters to the use of rockets, aerial bombing, and heavy artillery. Adverse mental health effects are noted in times of war with post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as a main outcome. The aim of this study was to carry out a systematic review of published studies documenting the prevalence of PTSD in the adolescent population of Lebanon, to investigate the increase in these rates with the escalation of war intensity, and to examine PTSD determinants. A search strategy was developed for online databases (PubMed and Google Scholar) between inception to the first week of January 2013. Search terms used were PTSD, adolescents and Lebanon. Eleven studies reporting PTSD in adolescents met the inclusion criteria for a total number of 5965 adolescents. Prevalence rates of PTSD ranged from 8.5% to 14.7% for the civil war, 3.7% for adolescents with sensory disabilities, 21.6% for the Grapes of Wrath War, and 15.4% to 35.0% for the 2006 July War. Some increase in PTSD rates in time is noted. Type of trauma such as bereavement, injury, house destruction, and economic problems, low self efficacy and scholastic impairment were related to PTSD. These findings may help in the development of public health policies for PTSD prevention and treatment for the protection of adolescents from war atrocities and their consequences.
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Volk, Lucia. "WHEN MEMORY REPEATS ITSELF: THE POLITICS OF HERITAGE IN POST CIVIL WAR LEBANON." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 2 (May 2008): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080550.
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On 4 August 2005 the Lebanese English-language paper the Daily Star reported that Lebanon's ancient inscriptions at Nahr al-Kalb had been accepted into the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization's (UNESCO’s) collection of “worldwide rare documents” through its Memory of the World Programme. UNESCO established the Memory of the World Programme in 1992, after realizing that its World Heritage Programme, which seeks to protect historic landscapes and architectural landmarks, did not safeguard a category of less visible, yet equally important, documents of the past: texts. The Memory of the World Programme made the preservation of “documentary heritage [which] reflects the diversity of languages, peoples and cultures” its goal, hoping that its work would help prevent “collective amnesia.” An eight-member Lebanese national committee made up of cultural and political elites affiliated with Lebanon's Ministry of Culture and Lebanese University, the country's largest public university, submitted a unanimous proposal to UNESCO's International Advisory Committee (IAC) to include Nahr al-Kalb in its collection of “documentary heritage.” The IAC reviewed and accepted the proposal in June 2005, placing the inscriptions along the river of Nahr al-Kalb in the company of 156 other universally memorable texts from around the world.
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Volk, Lucia. "WHEN MEMORY REPEATS ITSELF: THE POLITICS OF HERITAGE IN POST CIVIL WAR LEBANON." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 2 (May 2008): 314a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080902.
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In 2005 the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization accepted Lebanon's archaeological site of Nahr al-Kalb into its Memory of the World Programme, turning it from national heritage into a globally memorable text. I argue that it is not the content of the commemorative inscriptions but the mode of repeated commemoration that makes it possible to reinterpret potentially divisive markers of Lebanon's past into icons of national unity and a shared humanity. By focusing on the intersection of public monumentality, repetition, and the construction of community identity based on the logic of resemblance, I show that governmental elites at times of political transition need to make public interventions into the past to bolster their legitimacy, new commemorations are confined by rules and conventions of public memorializing, and the logic of resemblance inherent in commemorative processes can be used to convert a fragmented history into a memory of unity and strength
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Atlas, Pierre M., and Roy Licklider. "Conflict among Former Allies after Civil War Settlement: Sudan, Zimbabwe, Chad, and Lebanon." Journal of Peace Research 36, no. 1 (January 1999): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343399036001003.
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Barany, Zoltan. "Building National Armies after Civil War: Lessons from Bosnia, El Salvador, and Lebanon." Political Science Quarterly 129, no. 2 (June 2014): 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.12181.
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