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Academic literature on the topic 'Belfast Agreement (1998)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Belfast Agreement (1998)"

1

Bogdanor, Vernon. "The British–Irish Council and Devolution." Government and Opposition 34, no. 3 (July 1999): 287–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00482.x.

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THE BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL SPRINGS FROM AND IS PROVIDED FOR IN the Belfast Agreement signed on Good Friday 1998. Its coming into force depends upon the implementation of the Agreement. The Council is established, however, not by the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, which gives legislative expression to the bulk of this Agreement, but by an international treaty, the British–Irish Agreement, attached to the Belfast Agreement.The Belfast Agreement together with the legislation providing for devolution to Scotland and Wales establishes a new constitutional settlement, both among the nations which form the United Kingdom, and also between those nations and the other nation in these islands, the Irish nation. The United Kingdom itself is, as a result of the Scotland Act and the Government of Wales Act, in the process of becoming a new union of nations, each with its own identity and institutions – a multi-national state, rather than, as many of the English have traditionally seen it, a homogeneous British nation containing a variety of different people.

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Breen-Smyth, Marie. "Frameworks for Peace in Northern Ireland: Analysis of the 1998 Belfast Agreement." Strategic Analysis 32, no. 6 (October 23, 2008): 1131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160802404612.

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Donohue, Conor. "The Northern Ireland Question: All-Ireland Self-Determination Post-Belfast Agreement." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 47, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v47i1.4878.

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By the Belfast Agreement of 1998, the major parties involved in the Northern Ireland conflict agreed that the territorial status of Northern Ireland would be determined by the Northern Irish people and the people of the island of Ireland collectively. Although this Agreement is significant in shaping the right to self-determination in the all-Irish context, it contains within it many ambiguities. Many questions as to the nature, extent and effects of the right to self-determination in the all-Irish context still remain. These questions and issues which arise within the Agreement are resolvable with recourse to the customary international law of self-determination, particularly the law and practice relating to referenda. The Belfast Agreement is not simply of relevance in the Irish context. Rather, it offers an understanding of the limitations which may be imposed on the right to self-determination, and serves as a model for the resolution of self-determination disputes.

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Hoey, Paddy. "Dissident and dissenting republicanism: From the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement to Brexit." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818088.

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The 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Peace Agreement was almost universally supported by nationalists in Northern Ireland, and Sinn Féin’s high-profile role in the discussions was the foundation upon which it would transform itself from the political wing of the Provisional Irish Republican Army to second biggest party at Stormont. However, dissidents pointed out that the compromises made by Sinn Féin during the Peace Process were a sell-out of the political and ideological aspirations held by republicans for at least a century. New dissident groups emerged in opposition to the course taken by Sinn Féin, and the period since 1998 has been one of the most dynamic in republican history since the Irish Civil War. New political parties and organisations like the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, éirígí, Republican Network for Unity and Saoradh emerged reflecting this state of flux and the existential fears felt by those for whom the Good Friday Agreement fell far short of delivering the republican aspiration of a united Ireland. Although Brexit provided a curious and fortunate opportunity for momentary public attention, these groups have remained peripheral actors in the Irish and British political public spheres.

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Horgan, Goretti, and Julia S. O'Connor. "Abortion and Citizenship Rights in a Devolved Region of the UK." Social Policy and Society 13, no. 1 (April 18, 2013): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746413000146.

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The 1998 Belfast Agreement seemed to promise women in Northern Ireland equality. This article examines the extent to which that promise has been met by exploring abortion rights in the region. It situates abortion within a citizens’ rights framework. The article explores the interconnectedness of civil, political and social rights and the implications of an inability to vindicate any aspect of those rights.

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Ó Ciardha, Éamonn. "Border Gothic - history, violence and the border in the writings of Eugene McCabe." Acta Neophilologica 49, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2016): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.49.1-2.73-83.

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As well as producing a rich body of novels, novellas, short-stories and plays spanning throughout seventy years of the century of partition, Eugene McCabe charts the broad trajectory of Irish history and politics from the Elizabethan Conquest and Ulster Plantation of the 16th and 17th centuries to the recent 'Troubles' which spanned the thirty years between the beginnings of the Civil Rights Movement (1968) and the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (1998). They positively seethe with gruesome assassinations, indiscriminate bombings and deliberate shootings, while resonating with a veritable cacophony of deep-seeded ethnic rivalries and genocidal, religious hatreds, which are interlaced with poverty, social deprivation and dis-function, migration and emigration.

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OSBORNE, R. D. "Progressing the Equality Agenda in Northern Ireland." Journal of Social Policy 32, no. 3 (July 2003): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279403007025.

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Developing the equality agenda has been a major preoccupation of policy intervention in Northern Ireland since Direct Rule from London was instituted in 1972. This paper examines how policy has developed and its effectiveness. The paper highlights new developments since the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and examines in particular new attempts to mainstream equality in the policy process. The paper concludes by suggesting that the Northern Ireland experience has much to offer students of social policy elsewhere.

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Devine, Paula, and Gillian Robinson. "A Society Coming out of Conflict: Reflecting on 20 Years of Recording Public Attitudes with the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey." Research Data Journal for the Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24523666-00401001.

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Annual public attitudes surveys are important tools for researchers, policy makers, academics, the media and the general public, as they allow us to track how – or if – public attitudes change over time. This is particularly pertinent in a society coming out of conflict. This article highlights the background to the creation of the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey in 1998, including its links to previous survey research. Given the political changes after the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement in 1998, the challenge was to create a new annual survey that recorded public attitudes over time to key social issues pertinent to Northern Ireland’s social policy context. 2018 marks the 20th anniversary of the survey’s foundation, as well as the 20th anniversary of the Agreement. Thus, it is timely to reflect on the survey’s history and impact.

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9

Knox, Colin, and Paul Carmichael. "Devolution—The Northern Ireland Way: An Exercise in ‘Creative Ambiguity’." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 23, no. 1 (February 2005): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0429.

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Devolution in Northern Ireland followed directly from the 1998 Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement which provided, inter alia, for a democratically elected Assembly “inclusive in its membership, capable of exercising executive and legislative authority, and subject to safeguards to protect the rights and interests of all sides of the community”. More than six years on, the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly are in suspension for the fourth time (the latest since October 2002). The conjunction of devolution and the implementation of the Agreement mean that the former is wholly dependent on the vagaries of the latter and, as a consequence, has devalued the potential of devolution to improve the governance of Northern Ireland.

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Anthony, Gordon. "The Uniqueness of Northern Ireland Public Law." Legal Information Management 12, no. 4 (December 2012): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669612000606.

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AbstractThis article is broadly based upon a presentation given by Gordon Anthony, which was given at the annual conference of the British and Irish Association of Law Librarians on 15 June 2012 in Belfast. Its purpose is to outline some of the ways in which public law in Northern Ireland is unique within the wider setting of the UK. Although it is true that the law of Northern Ireland shares much in common with principle and practice elsewhere in the UK, there are some notable differences that are attributable to the fact that Northern Ireland has its own court system and legal and political history. The article thus examines some of the differences that exist at the constitutional level and which can be associated with, most famously, the Belfast Agreement 1998. It also summaries some of the differences that can be found at the level of legal citation, for instance of case law and statute law for the jurisdiction.

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Books on the topic "Belfast Agreement (1998)"

1

Durkan, Mark. Celebration of the Good Friday Agreement 4th anniversary. Belfast: SDLP, 2002.

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Cairns, David. Has consociationalism been a successful part of the Belfast Agreement?. [s.l: The author], 2003.

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3

The politics of Northern Ireland: Beyond the Belfast Agreement. London: Routledge, 2005.

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4

Trust, Ultach, ed. How to broadcast the Irish language in Northern Ireland: Irish language broadcasting and the Belfast Agreement. Belfast: Ultach Trust, 1999.

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5

The peacebuilding elements of the Belfast Agreement and the transformation of the Northern Ireland conflict. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Peter Lang, 2009.

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6

Council, IBEC/CBI Joint Business. IBEC/CBI Joint Business Council position paper on Strand Two of the Belfast Agreement (North/South Ministerial Council): October 1998. Belfast: Joint Business Council, 1998.

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7

Ahern, Bertie. Speech by the Taoiseach at a joint press conference of party leaders on the Belfast Peace Agreement and Amsterdam Treaty Referendums, 14 May 1998. Dublin: [s.n.], 1998.

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8

Making peace. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000.

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9

Making peace. New York: Knopf, 1999.

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10

J, Mitchell George. Making peace. London: William Heinemann, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Belfast Agreement (1998)"

1

Hayward, Katy. "The 1998 Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement Referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland." In The Palgrave Handbook of European Referendums, 247–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55803-1_12.

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2

Todd, Jennifer. "Equality as Steady State or Equality as Threshold? Northern Ireland after the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement, 1998." In The Challenges of Ethno-Nationalism, 145–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230282131_8.

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3

Hennessey, Thomas. "‘Slow learners’? Comparing the Sunningdale Agreement and the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement." In Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers' Council Strike and the Struggle for Democracy in Northern Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099519.003.0012.

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This chapter compares and contrasts the 1973 and 1998 Agreements that, on the face of it, are remarkably similar: both involve power-sharing and an institutional link between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The phrase ‘Sunningdale for slow learners’, attributed to Seamus Mallon, masks a misunderstanding of the fundamental differences between the two Agreements. The former Agreement looked to establish a Council of Ireland with executive powers that had the potential to evolve into an embryonic all-Ireland government; the latter Agreement established a consultative North-South Ministerial Council with no executive powers that could not evolve into a united Ireland by incremental moves. This was the key to Unionist acceptance of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in comparison to Unionist rejection of the Sunningdale Agreement. In constitutional terms the GFA was a Unionist settlement that secured Northern Ireland’s position within the United Kingdom, recognised British sovereignty in Northern Ireland and established that a united Ireland could only be achieved on the basis of the principle of consent. In contrast the Sunningdale Agreement was, in constitutional terms, a Nationalist settlement that did not recognise Northern Ireland was part of the UK and attempted to bypass the principle of consent by establishing powerful North-South bodies. The chapter argues that the only thing the two Agreements has in common was a power-sharing element for the government of Northern Ireland.

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4

O’Leary, Brendan. "The Making, Meaning(s), and Tasks of the 1998 Agreement." In A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume III, 175–229. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198830580.003.0005.

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This chapter provides a detailed account of the contents and significance of the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement of 1998, and of its consociational and non-consociational components. It conforms to all aspects of a consociational settlement—namely, parity, proportionality, autonomy, and veto rights among the partners—but it is not just a consociation. The agreement encompasses a peace agreement, a substantive program to complete the reform of Northern Ireland, cross-border cooperation across Ireland, and intergovernmental cooperation between Ireland, Northern Ireland, and all the British Isles. It can be seen as creating a “federacy” in Irish eyes; in unionist eyes every component of the agreement can be modified by normal UK legislation. An assessment of why the agreement was made is offered, as well as a preliminary evaluation of its early difficulties in implementation.

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5

Scull, Margaret M. "‘Let history judge who was to blame’, 1990–1998." In The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998, 159–98. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0005.

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Individuals within the Church, rather than the institution as a whole, became the main negotiators for peace after the revelations of clerical child abuse in the early 1990s. Priests like Fathers Alec Reid, Gerry Reynolds, and Denis Faul worked privately to convince paramilitary groups to lay down their weapons. The Church hierarchy was forced into a defensive position in order to protect its reputation as a moral arbiter after the child abuse revelations. The institutional Catholic Church was no longer able to play a role in the peace process by this point. However, individual priests who fostered relationships with their Protestant counterparts continued to act as negotiators for an end to the conflict. The signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement marked one step in the peace process but after this point the Catholic Church had no influence on these policies.

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6

Whiting, Matthew. "The US and Brokering Republican Moderation." In Sinn Féin and the IRA. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420549.003.0005.

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This chapter argues that in order for moderation through institutional inclusion to take full hold, it was necessary for the US to act as a powerful external broker throughout the negotiations of the Belfast Agreement and during the consolidation of republican moderation. This brokering was short and targeted, not of relevance in the early stages of republican moderation and only mattered during the formal peace process phase and its implementation. The US provided a series of credible guarantees to republicans that their interests would be protected and given fair representation when entering a bargain with the more powerful British state. It also provided a series of incentives (funding, investment, access to powerful allies) and disincentives (the threat of removing the incentives, political marginalisation) that encouraged republicans to increase their engagement. This was important not only in persuading republicans to sign the Belfast Agreement in 1998 but also in persuading the IRA to eventually decommission its weapons some seven years later.

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7

Bolton, David. "The mental health impact of the Troubles, 1969–1999." In Conflict, Peace and Mental Health. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719090998.003.0005.

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This Chapter is the first of two that describe efforts to understand the mental health and related impacts of the conflict in Northern Ireland, often referred to as The Troubles. The Chapter covers the period from the outbreak of violence in the late 1960’s up until the period around the peace accord, the Belfast Agreement (or Good Friday Agreement) of April 1998. The early studies reveal little, if any, major effects on the wellbeing and mental health of the population, but as the years go by, evidence starts to build of the impact of the violence, particularly as the ceasefires of the early and mid 1990’s take hold. The developing understanding of the impact was due in part to the evolution of methods and approaches being used by researchers - which is discussed in more detail at the end of Chapter 5.

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8

Hennessey, Thomas, Máire Braniff, James W. McAuley, Jonathan Tonge, and Sophie A. Whiting. "Introduction." In The Ulster Unionist Party, 1–8. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794387.003.0001.

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The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) was the dominant party in Northern Ireland from the 1920s until the end of the twentieth century. The twenty-first century has been much more of a struggle. The UUP was punished, not rewarded, by many in the Protestant Unionist British community for conceding too much to Irish nationalists in the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. Those concerned about the deal defected to the more militant Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The story of the UUP during the peace process and in the decades since the 1998 Agreement is examined in subsequent chapters. The volume draws upon the first-ever dataset on UUP members constructed by the authors to examine who belongs to the UUP, explore what they think of their party and others, and assess their views on the political changes which have seen their party come under pressure.

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9

Mulholland, Marc. "2. The government." In Northern Ireland: A Very Short Introduction, 29–51. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198825005.003.0003.

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‘The government’ discusses the developing Troubles from the British government’s perspective. The British government introduced troops onto the streets of Northern Ireland to deal with the escalating tensions that exploded in August 1969. Britain was anxious to sustain the existence of the Stormont system and feared having to introduce ‘direct rule’ from London. The logical consequence of this was sustaining the political legitimacy of the Unionist government in Northern Ireland. The encounters between the British army and Catholics did much to reinforce nationalist assumptions about British oppression. The increasing violence, subsequent direct rule, the restoration of devolution, the Anglo-Irish Agreement, and the 1990s peace process resulting in the 1998 Belfast Agreement are all discussed.

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10

Bradbury, Jonathan. "Politics and Devolution in Northern Ireland, 1998–2007." In Constitutional Policy & Territorial Politics in the UK Vol 1, 209–40. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529205886.003.0008.

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This chapter analyses politics in Northern Ireland in the context, first, of the failed attempts to implement devolution that led to its suspension, then the St Andrews Agreement in 2006, elections and the restoration of devolution in 2007. It reappraises the tortuous years in terms of the territorial strains that were still present in Northern Ireland, the resources available to the Republican/Nationalist and Unionist party leaderships in Northern Ireland as well as to the Blair government, and the political management approaches that they each pursued. It focuses on the political imperatives and constraints that determined the Northern Ireland Assembly's journey between intermittent existence and suspension, and eventually led to the unlikely agreement between the leaders of the extreme representatives of Republicanism and Unionism. The chapter is informed by the proposition that both sides in Northern Ireland still recognised their resource limitations in asserting their ideal outcomes in the short term. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Sinn Fein still pursued power-sharing devolution in the short to medium term to realise their long-term objectives of Irish unity. This was principally to be achieved through electoral success and the cultivation of the North–South institutions under strand two of the Belfast Agreement to normalise Irish governance through instrumental arguments, shared policy development and functional spillovers. Meanwhile, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), as the principal Unionist party, competitively sought to use devolution as a new framework in which to sustain an inter-governmentalist approach to governing within the UK, asserting the very different long-term aim of maintaining Northern Ireland within the Union.

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