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Journal articles on the topic 'Belgian Congo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Fraiture, Pierre-Philippe. "Modernity and the Belgian Congo." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, no. 1 (November 8, 2017): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i1.3463.

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This article will explore the intellectual context in which French-Belgian colonial writing developed from the turn of the twentieth century to the late 1930s. This period is marked by a gradual shift from evolutionism to cultural relativism. The analysis will first focus on the Tervuren colonial exhibition of 1897 and the progressive emergence of Belgian africanism in the early twentieth century. Secondly, it will account for the ways in which this overall context bore witness to new and somewhat less Eurocentric conditions of possibility. Subsequently, the article will attempt to draw parallels between these more inclusive and seemingly less orientalising anthropological paradigms and the advent, first in France and then in Belgium, of a rejuvenated brand of colonial literature (or indigenous realism) which, for all its openness and eagerness to embrace modernity, did not result in radical rejections of colonialism on the part of its promoters. Finally, two Belgian novels in French – M. L. Delhaise-Arnould’s Amedra (1926) and H. Drum’s Luéji (1932) – will be analysed to appraise whether or not their authors’ objective to reconstitute Congolese indigeneity is a strategy to oppose Belgian modernity against Congolese supposed pre-modernity.

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2

Rosoux, Valerie, and Laurence van Ypersele. "The Belgian national past: Between commemoration and silence." Memory Studies 5, no. 1 (November 16, 2011): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698011424030.

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This article examines the gradual deconstruction of the Belgian national identity. Is it possible to speak of a de facto differentiation or even ‘federalization’ of the so-called ‘national past’ in Belgium? How do Belgians choose to remember and forget this past? To contribute to an understanding of these issues, the article considers two very different episodes of Belgian history, namely the First World War and the colonization of the Congo. On the one hand, the memory of the First World War appears to provide the template for memory conflicts in Belgium, and thus informs the memories of other tragedies such as the Second World War. On the other hand, the memory of the colonial past remains much more consensual – providing a more nuanced picture of competing views on the past. Beyond the differences between the ways in which these episodes are officially portrayed, the same fundamental trend may be observed: the gradual fragmentation of a supposedly smooth and reliable national version of history.

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3

Van Schuylenbergh, Patricia. "Pisciculture in the Belgian Congo." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 137, no. 4 (December 22, 2022): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.11689.

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After the Second World War, an ambitious fish farming project was set up in the Congo by the Belgian colonial government on the basis of scientific reports indicating the state of fish resources. The aim was to feed the indigenous population, especially in rural areas considered to be the poorest, and to make economic production profitable, which could contribute to the well-being of the Congolese workers. By placing this project in the long history of sustainability, this article presents the main economic and socio-environmental issues regarding food and the use of fish resources that drove this project, as well as the measures put in place by the authorities associated with the experts to respond to them. The last part provides and discusses arguments that allow for the evaluation of the extent to which the fish farming project met the conditions of interconnected economic, social and environmental sustainability, as defined by the concept of sustainable development. Na de Tweede Wereldoorlog ontwikkelde de Belgische koloniale overheid in Congo een ambitieus viskweekproject op basis van wetenschappelijke rapporten over het welzijn van de visbestanden. Het doel was de lokale bevolking van met name de arme plattelandsgebieden te voeden, de economie rendabel te maken en het welzijn van de Congolese arbeiders te verhogen. Door dit project in de lange geschiedenis van duurzaamheid te plaatsen, presenteert dit artikel de belangrijkste economische, sociale en ecologische problemen die aan de basis van dit project lagen en de maatregelen die experts en autoriteiten hiervoor voorstelden en namen. In de laatste paragraaf wordt beoordeeld in welke mate het viskweekproject voldeed aan het ideaal van duurzame ontwikkeling, waarbinnen economische, sociale en ecologische dimensies van duurzaamheid als onderling samenhangend worden gedefinieerd.

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4

Piret, Bérengère. "Reviving the Remains of Colonization – The Belgian Colonial Archives in Brussels." History in Africa 42 (February 18, 2015): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2015.1.

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AbstractSince 1997, all the archives of Belgian Congo are deposited at the Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Brussels and are opened up the public. For more than fifteen years, researchers have consulted and scrutinized its documents produced by the colonial authorities between 1908 and 1960. Still several collections have not been explored. This article relates of the history and the organization of the archives of Belgian Congo.

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5

De Meester, Tom. "Nationaliteit in Belgisch Congo: Constructie en Verbeelding." Afrika Focus 14, no. 1 (February 11, 1998): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-01401004.

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Nationality in the Belgian Congo: Construction and Imagination This article discusses nationality law in the Belgian Congo and analyses theoretical disputes in the contemporary legal literature concerning issues of nationality and racial segregation in colonial society. The Belgian nationality of the black inhabitants of the Congo region is depicted as mere rhetoric, since it did not protect them from racial segregation and severe discrimination. The minor importance of national boundaries in colonial society and the domination of social reality by a hegemonic racial idiom were reflected in an insufficient and inaccurate nationality law. Colonial law and regulations moreover, were built around racial categories the mutual boundaries of which were not clearly defined.

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6

Maxwell, David. "FREED SLAVES, MISSIONARIES, AND RESPECTABILITY: THE EXPANSION OF THE CHRISTIAN FRONTIER FROM ANGOLA TO BELGIAN CONGO." Journal of African History 54, no. 1 (March 2013): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853713000030.

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AbstractThis article extends the history of freed slaves from the well-studied areas of West Africa to the frontier between Angola and Belgian Congo. Originally enslaved by Ovimbundu traders in what became south-eastern Belgian Congo, these enslaved people became Christians through contact with Euro-American missions while labouring in Angola. Following the abolition of slavery in the Portuguese Empire in the 1910s, they returned to their home areas as Christian evangelists. In Belgian Congo, they helped to spread Christianity but clashed with missionaries over authority and respectability. Some struggled with the trauma of enslavement while others sought alternative routes to status and authority through participating in Independent Christian movements or assuming positions of traditional leadership.

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7

Fernández Soriano, Víctor. "‘Travail et progrès’: Obligatory ‘Educational’ Labour in the Belgian Congo, 1933–60." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 2 (July 13, 2017): 292–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417697807.

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The authorities of the Belgian Congo imposed a series of compulsory workloads to the local communities under the argument that these tasks contributed to the ‘education' of the native populations, which they called ‘Travaux d'ordre éducatif' (TOE). Such workloads represented the main legal form of forced labour which existed in the Belgian Congo from their creation in 1933 until independence in 1960. Unlike what happened in most colonial empires, these workloads were not abolished after the Second World War. This article shows, through the case study of the province of Equateur, how these workloads were conceived and organized by the Belgian colonial administration. It seeks an answer to the question of why this form of forced labour remained legal in Congo until its independence.

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8

Hincks, W. D. "THE PASSALIDAE OF THE BELGIAN CONGO." Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society of London 81, no. 1 (April 24, 2009): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2311.1933.tb00398.x.

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9

Beke, Dirk. "Jef van Bilsen, de Onafhankelijkheid van Congo en de Visie op Lumumba." Afrika Focus 16, no. 1-2 (February 11, 2000): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0160102003.

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Jef van Bilsen, The Independence of the Congo and his view of Lumumba This article gives an overview of the involvement of Professor Jef Van Bilsen in Belgian politics before and during the Second World War and during the decolonisation of the Belgian Congo. It is based mainly on the statements and writings of Van Bilsen himself and on interviews with him. These personal testimonies are complemented with brief comments from others on Van Bilsen. Van Bilsen’s political career reveals a unique and interesting evolution. Before the Second World War, he became active in the Flemish emancipation struggle. As a student and young lawyer, he was a leading member of the elitist right wing movement, Verdinaso, which strove for the unification of Belgium and the Netherlands. During the war, he joined, together with a group of Verdinaso members, the royalist armed resistance against the German occupation. Immediately after the war, his commitment and his personal contacts allowed him to become a journalist in Central Africa, where he was brought face to face with the narrow-minded Belgian colonial policy and where he forged contacts with the first Congolese nationalists. In the early fifties, Van Bilsen returned to Belgium, where he became a professor in colonial and development matters and started advocating the planning of an independence process for the Belgian colonies in a political and academic environment that was very hostile to any idea of decolonisation. When the Belgian government in I960, under internal and international pressure, was obliged to grant independence, we see Van Bilsen offering his services as an adviser to the Congolese nationalists. During the independence talks and immediately after independence, the first President, Kasavubu, recruited him as a personal adviser. Van Bilsen declared in later interviews that he tried to act as a neutral adviser. During the conflict between President Kasavubu, Prime Minister Lumumba and the Katangese leader Tshombe, he strove for reconciliation between the three opponents and for a UN-sponsored political compromise He strongly condemned Belgian support for the secession of Katanga. Although Van Bilsen declared himself to be personally sympathetic to Lumumba, he was accused openly by Lumumba of defending Belgian and western interests. Finally, Van Bilsen was forced to leave the Congo but he continued to advocate an agreement between Kasavubu, Lumumba and Tshombe. In New York at the UN-sessions on the Congo-crisis, he argued forcefully for a resolute commitment to this policy on the part of the UN and that Belgium take a back seat in Congolese politics. In his later career as professor and as founder of the Belgian Overseas Co-operation Service, Van Bilsen became a determined defender of unconditional co-operation, a co-operation which was not tied to the economic and financial interests of western donors. He also continued to stress fervently the importance of the UN for the development of the Third World. The overview of Van Bilsen’s political career reveals the role that personal networks can play in contacts, even in circles whose members find themselves in opposing camps. It also shows how Van Bilsen’s confrontation with the colonial and post-colonial situation in Central Africa led him to insist on the formation of an African elite which was committed to political and social emancipation.

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10

Msambya, Joseph Apolo. "De la République Démocratique du Congo voulue indépendante À la République Démocratique du Congo qui commémore ses fêtes d’indépendance." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 69, no. 1 (June 27, 2024): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2024.1.05.

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From the Democratic Republic of Congo Seeking Independence to the Democratic Republic of Congo which Commemorates Its Independence Celebrations. On June 30, 1960, the independence of the Belgian Congo, once personal possession for 23 years of the Belgian King Leopold II, was proclaimed as the “Republic of the Congo”. Emery-Patrice Lumumba (1925-1961) played a capital role in this emancipation which resulted in the consecration of Joseph Kasavubu as first President of the Republic of Congo and himself, Emery Patrice Lumumba, as Prime Minister. Congo has proclaimed its independence, but the new country remains plagued by violence and infighting. Belgian troops and peacekeepers from the United Nations intervene in the territory as a standoff begins between Kasavubu and Lumumba. On September 14, 1960, Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu led a first coup d’état which was followed by the arrest and assassination of Lumumba. The following years would be punctuated by rebellions and fighting interspersed with ceasefires in protest against the dictatorship established by the Mobutu regime after its second coup d’état, five years later, during a new political crisis. After thirty-two years of unchallenged reign, Mobutu was ousted from power by Mzee Laurent Désiré Kabila in May 1997 and since then, it has been difficult to speak of the real independence of the country, which became the Democratic Republic of Congo. Keywords: formal independence, real independence, Independence Day, Zaïre, Democratic Republic of Congo, colonization, decolonization, political emancipation, sovereignty.

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11

Verhoeven, Gerrit, and Nina Payrhuber. "‘Les pèlerins de la saison sèche': Colonial Tourism in the Belgian Congo, 1945–60." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 3 (June 28, 2018): 573–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418761215.

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Belgium has often been labelled as a reluctant colonizer in the past. Yet, a meticulous analysis of tourist magazines, guidebooks, brochures, posters, and documentaries on colonial tourism in the Belgian Congo tells a different story. Travel literature was often teeming with pro-empire propaganda that emphasized the primitiveness of the Congo and underscored the civilizing mission. Tourism was, in this respect, not very different from the overtly positive framing of the Belgian colonial rule that was propagated by museums, monuments of colonial heroes, exhibitions, movies and schoolbooks. The aim of this article is to take the argument even further. Most research on colonial tourism is focused on the creation of pro-empire propaganda in tourist magazines and guidebooks, while the actual appropriation of this image by travellers of flesh and blood is often tacitly assumed or – even worse – taken for granted. Interviews with ex-colonials show that the reality was much more subtle, as the overly positive propaganda was not always swallowed hook, line and sinker.

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12

Kenny, Gale, and Tisa Wenger. "Church, State, and “Native Liberty” in the Belgian Congo." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 1 (January 2020): 156–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000446.

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AbstractThis essay describes a religious freedom controversy that developed between the world wars in the Belgian colony of the Congo, where Protestant missionaries complained that Catholic priests were abusing Congolese Protestants and that the Belgian government favored the Catholics. The history of this campaign demonstrates how humanitarian discourses of religious freedom—and with them competing configurations of church and state—took shape in colonial contexts. From the beginnings of the European scramble for Africa, Protestant and Catholic missionaries had helped formulate the “civilizing” mission and the humanitarian policies—against slavery, for free trade, and for religious freedom—that served to justify the European and U.S. empires of the time. Protestant missionaries in the Congo challenged the privileges granted to Catholic institutions by appealing to religious freedom guarantees in colonial and international law. In response, Belgian authorities and Catholic missionaries elaborated a church-state arrangement that limited “foreign” missions in the name of Belgian national unity. Both groups, however, rejected Native Congolese religious movements—which refused the authority of the colonial church(es) along with the colonial state—as “political” and so beyond the bounds of legitimate “religion.” Our analysis shows how competing configurations of church and state emerged dialogically in this colonial context and how alternative Congolese movements ultimately challenged Belgian colonial rule.

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13

Hincks, W. D. "A NEW DIPLATYS (DERMAPTERA) FROM BELGIAN CONGO." Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 5, no. 6 (March 18, 2009): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1936.tb00609.x.

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14

Jordan, Karl. "TWO NEW SIPHONAPTERA FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 10, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 43–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1941.tb00689.x.

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15

Hood, J. Douglas. "TWO NEW THYSANOPTERA FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 26, no. 9-10 (March 18, 2009): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1957.tb00399.x.

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16

Au, Sokhieng. "Cutting the Flesh: Surgery, Autopsy and Cannibalism in the Belgian Congo." Medical History 61, no. 2 (March 6, 2017): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2017.5.

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Within the colonial setting of the Belgian Congo, the process of cutting the body, whether living or dead, lent itself to conflation with cannibalism and other fantastic consumption stories by both Congolese and Belgian observers. In part this was due to the instability of the meaning of the human body and the human corpse in the colonial setting. This essay maps out different views of the cadaver and personhood through medical technologies of opening the body in the Belgian Congo. The attempt to impose a specific reading of the human body on the Congolese populations through anatomy and related Western medical disciplines was unsuccessful. Ultimately, practices such as surgery and autopsy were reinterpreted and reshaped in the colonial context, as were the definitions of social and medical death. By examining the conflicts that arose around medical technologies of cutting human flesh, this essay traces multiple parallel narratives on acceptable use and representation of the human body (Congolese or Belgian) beyond its medical assignation.

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17

Govaerts, Bert. "De zaak van Rechter Grootaert en de strijd om het Nederlands in Belgisch-Congo. Een symbooldossier uit de jaren vijftig." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 67, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 7–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v67i1.12460.

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In 1908 verwierf België de souvereiniteit over de voormalige Congo Vrijstaat, die particulier bezit van koning Leopold II was geweest. De nieuwe kolonie kreeg een soort grondwet, het Koloniale Charter. Artikel 3 daarvan bepaalde dat er in Belgisch-Congo taalvrijheid heerste, maar ook dat de Belgen er dezelfde taalrechten en -bescherming zouden genieten als in het moederland. Uiterlijk tegen 1913 moesten speciale decreten de taalregeling in rechtszaken en in de administratie vastleggen. Die afspraak werd niet gehonoreerd. De decreten kwamen er niet en de kolonie werd in de praktijk exclusief Franstalig. Een klein aantal Vlaamse koloniale ambtenaren verzette zich daar tegen en boekte ook beperkte successen, op plaatselijk niveau. Een doorbraak kwam er pas in de nadagen van de kolonie, toen een Vlaams magistraat, Jozef Grootaert, het recht opeiste om in het Nederlands te vonnissen. Pas na een lang en bitter gevecht, uitgevochten tot op regeringsniveau en mee gekleurd door allerlei persoonlijke motieven, werd uiteindelijk in 1956, meer dan veertig jaar later dan afgesproken, een decreet over het gebruik van de talen bij het koloniale gerecht goedgekeurd. Over een decreet i.v.m. bestuurzaken raakte men het niet meer eens voor de onafhankelijkheid van de kolonie in 1960. In het onafhankelijke Congo was er voor het Nederlands geen (officiële) plaats.________The Case of Judge Grootaert and the struggle for Dutch in the Belgian CongoIn 1908 Belgium acquired the sovereignty over the former Congo Free State, which had been the private property of king Leopold II. The new colony was granted a kind of constitution, the Colonial Charter. Article 3 of this charter provided not only that there would be freedom of language in the Belgian Congo, but also that the Belgians in that country would enjoy the same rights and protection of their language as they had in their motherland. The language regulation for court cases and the administration was to be laid down in special decrees by 1913 at the latest. That agreement was not honoured. The decrees failed to be drawn up and in practice the colony became exclusively French speaking. A small number of Flemish colonial officials resisted against this situation and in fact obtained some limited successes on a local level. A breakthrough finally occurred in the latter years of the colony, when a Flemish magistrate, Jozef Grootaert claimed the right to pronounce judgement in Dutch. Only after a long and bitter struggle that was fought out until the bitter end on a governmental level and that was also characterized by all kinds of personal motives, a decree about the use of languages at the colonial court was finally approved in 1956, more than forty years after it had been agreed. It proved to be no longer possible to reach agreement about a decree concerning administrative matters before the independence of the colony in 1960. In the independent Congo Republic no (official) role was reserved for Dutch.

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18

Fonju, Dr Njuafac Kenedy. "Belgian Unforgotten Historical Evils Orchestrated Against the Congolese (BUHEOAC) till the Assassination of Famous Black African Nationalists (AFBAN) 19th-20th Centuries." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 7, no. 10 (November 10, 2021): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2021.v07i10.001.

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A deeper historical study and understanding of Belgian BUHEOAC and AFBAN in the African Continent were manifested through 28 different Diplomatic Agents with distinguished administrative portfolios beginning with Francis de Winton as an Administrator General (A.G) from 22 April 1884 to Hendrik Cornelis as Governor General (G.G.) whose massacred era came to an end on 30th June 1960.Then, On 1st July 1960, the former Congo Free State (CFS) later Belgian Congo (B.C) became an independent country bearing the name the Republic of the Congo (R.C) with the worst and horrible homicide with total conspiracy masterminded by the Western Capitalist World following the assassination of Patrice Lumumba who was qualified as a pro-Communist African Nationalist during the second half of the 20th Century. Those cannibalistic activities occurred with total complicities of the 7 Belgian Monarchical men alongside with 53 Prime Ministers identified in this study. The activities of the Belgian colonial agents are comparable to the aggressive actions of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini in Africa and elsewhere around the World during the first half of the 20th Century as aggressors and Statesmen who acquired honours from human massacred. Therefore, what are the Belgian Government and Kings thinking of the unforgotten evils of their ancestors against the Congolese? The scrutiny of, diverse sources and documentaries enable us to use a historical analytical approach with statistical tables of the actors involved between 1884 and 1960 as a modest contribution to the 21st Century constant reawaking of reparation requested by the country’s siblings.

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19

Renders, Luc. "In black and white: a bird’s eye overview of Flemish prose on the Congo." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, no. 1 (November 9, 2017): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i1.3470.

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This article provides an overview of the literary prose written in Dutch about the Congo, the former Belgian colony. The Congo was ruled over by king Leopold II as his private property from 1885 to 1908. From 1908 to 1960 it was governed by the Belgian state. The Congo gained its independence on 30 June 1960. During the colonial period and after the Congolese independence a substantial number of Flemish literary works have been written about the Congo. During the colonial period most of them were written in the colonialist vein. They reflect a Eurocentric perspective and a colonialist attitude. However, there are also a number of writers who are critical of the colonial project. Some of them criticize the way in which the colonization is carried out; others reject the colonial enterprise out of hand. After the Congolese independence Flemish authors engaged in some serious soul searching. The universality of western values is examined and the problems regarding acculturation are addressed. In the last two decades authors such as Guido Tireliren and Lieve Joris have tried to understand the Congo from within. Most Flemish literature on the Congo is not of a high literary quality but from a historical-cultural perspective it is a very important domain of study.

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20

Booth, Anne. "Accumulation, Development, and Exploitation in Different Colonial and Post-Colonial Contexts: Taiwan, Indonesia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1900-80." Economics and Finance in Indonesia 61, no. 1 (April 11, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/efi.v61i1.494.

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The Belgian Congo (Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), the Netherlands Indies (Indonesia), and Taiwan/Formosa (now the Republic of China) experienced policies during the 19th and early 20th century which could be termed exploitative or extractive, although some policies in these colonies could also be termed developmental. All three colonies had a troubled passage to independence, and the immediate post-independence era was marked by considerable political and economic turmoil. But the growth performance of the three former colonies has been very different. Taiwan has seen very rapid growth sustained over decades; Indonesia’s economic growth since 1970 has been quite robust; the Congo has seen a growth collapse which is extraordinary even by African standards. The paper suggests some explanations for this divergence in terms of policies pursued by the Japanese, Dutch and Belgian colonial regimes, and by postindependence governments in these countries.

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21

Langford, Rachael. "Photography, Belgian colonialism and Hergé’s Tintin au Congo." Journal of Romance Studies 8, no. 1 (March 2008): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.8.1.77.

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22

Geary, Christraud M., and Frank L. Lambrecht. "PAWA: Memoir from the Belgian Congo, 1945-1949." African Arts 29, no. 4 (1996): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337407.

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23

Kauffmann, F., Gh Courtois, and E. Oye. "THREE NEW SALMONELLA TYPES FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 24, no. 5-6 (August 18, 2009): 588–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1947.tb00628.x.

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24

Kauffmann, F., and R. Reul. "Two New Salmonella Types From The Belgian Congo." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 26, no. 2 (August 18, 2009): 335–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1949.tb00734.x.

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25

Kauffmann, F., E. Oye, and J. Vandepitte. "Two New Salmonella Types From The Belgian Congo." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 26, no. 2 (August 18, 2009): 337–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1949.tb00735.x.

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26

MOURITZ, L. BERESFORD. "Notes on Birds observed in Katanga, Belgian Congo." Ibis 56, no. 1 (April 3, 2008): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1914.tb04070.x.

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27

Cockerell., T. D. A. "21. African Mollusca, chiefly from the Belgian Congo." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 103, no. 2 (August 21, 2009): 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1096-3642.1933.tb01599.x.

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28

Heirbaut, Dirk, and B. C. M. Jacobs. "De historica van de juristen en de rechtenfaculteiten." Pro Memorie 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/pm2019.1.002.heir.

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Summary This article is an interview with Hilde Symoens, the fifteenth in a series of Pro Memorie talks with retired Dutch and Belgian legal historians. Born in Brussels in 1943, Hilde Symoens spent part of her youth in Congo, where her parents, still in the colonial era, worked as teachers, She returned with her mother to Belgium in 1958 and started her university studies at Ghent University in 1960. As her father kept on being responsible for the Belgian schools in decolonized Congo, the colonial experience and the more general idea that the world was more than just the village one lives in, were important for her personal view of the world. At Ghent University, Hilde Symoens studied history and engaged in a PhD project on the Low Countries students at the late medieval and early modern university of Orléans. It was the start of a whole scientific career on the prosopography and the social roles of jurists. As a historian, not a jurist herself, she studied particularly ‘external legal history’. She married a Ghent professor of medicine, Leo De Ridder, was full professor at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam and at Ghent University. She was one of the first women making career as history professor and talks on the incomprehension she met on her way.

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29

Boisacq, M.-J. "Le Congo de Tintin." Literator 16, no. 1 (April 30, 1995): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v16i1.600.

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As any event, whatever it may be, bears the mark of the period and of the society when and where it was conceived, I believed it would be of interest to situate, in its ideological context, Herge's comic, Tintin au Congo, often criticised by readers in spite of its enthusiastic reception. After having briefly recalled Tintin's adventures in the Congo, I then explain the circumstances of the creation of this album and the ideological climate which determined the contents. I go on to recall how the Belgian Catholic middleclass actually imagined Africa to be. In my final point, 1 try to indicate the reasons for the success of Herge 's work

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Govaerts, Bert. "Wilfried Borms in Belgisch-Congo. Een eenmansgevecht voor het Nederlands in de kolonie?" WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 66, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 6–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v66i1.12513.

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Wilfried Borms was een bekwame koloniale ambtenaar in Belgisch Congo op het einde van de jaren 1930, die een principiële strijd leverde voor zijn wettelijke rechten als Nederlandstalige. Hij werd daarvoor, maar ook door de schaduw van zijn vader, de controversiële Vlaams-nationalistische voorman August Borms, fijngemalen in de repressieve machine van de hiërarchie, niet het minst toen de gouverneur-generaal tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog de Belgische kolonie onvoorwaardelijk ten dienste stelde van de geallieerden, terwijl vader Borms voor de tweede maal collaboreerde met de Duitse bezetter. Bert Govaerts beschrijft dit onverkwikkelijk en vooral intriest verhaal waarin de kwalijke vooringenomenheid en het naïeve zelfvertrouwen de boventoon vormen.________Wilfried Borms in the Belgian Congo. A one-man crusade for the Dutch language in the colony?Wilfried Borms was a competent colonial official in the Belgian Congo at the end of the 1930s, who fought a battle on principle to defend his legal rights as a Dutch speaker. For this reason, but also because of the shadow cast by his father, the controversial Flemish nationalistic leader August Borms, he was crushed by the repressive hierarchical system, particularly when during the Second World War the governor general placed the Belgian colony unconditionally at the disposal of the Allies, whilst father Borms collaborated for the second time with the German occupying forces. Bert Govaerts describes this unsavoury and chiefly deeply sad tale, characterised by vile prejudice and naïve self-confidence.

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Hunt, Nancy Rose, and Frank L. Lambrecht. "Pawa: A Memoir from the Belgian Congo, 1945-1949." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 2/3 (1999): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220418.

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Oskolkov, Petr, and Dmitry Sivov. "TRANSFORMATION OF COLONIAL EXPERIENCE REFLECTION IN THE BELGIAN PUBLIC DISCOURSE." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 33, no. 3 (June 1, 2023): 166–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32023166174.

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In the article, the dynamics in the perception of the Belgian colonial experience in Congo are examined on the evidence of public discourse produced by public political actors in contemporary Belgium. Apart from the universally accepted postcolonial and decolonial optics, the authors suggest employing the five stages of grief model by Kübler-Ross, widespread in psychoanalysis. The concluding stage of acceptance took place in the 2020s caused mainly by public demand; it was performatively landmarked by the return of the Congolese prime minister's remains to his homeland. The authors demonstrate the complexity of the common historical experience reflection in the European and African states and the necessity of this reflection for the dynamic development of bilateral and multilateral ties.

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Bel, Jacqueline. "Congo, de missie en de literatuur: Over David van Reybrouck, J. G. Schoup en Amaat Vyncke." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, no. 1 (November 9, 2017): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i1.3471.

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Congo, the mission and the literature Missionaries played an important role in the colonisation of the Congo. They brought Christianity and “civilisation” to the new colony in central Africa, which was ruled over by the Belgian King Leopold II from 1885 to 1908 and by the Belgian government from 1908 to 1960. Missionaries were active in the field of education, but they also left their mark on colonial literature, both as authors and as protagonists. This article explores the traces of the missionaries in the literature on the Congo. Father Amaat Vyncke was an early example of a missionary and author, just as Father Garmijn and Father Constant de Deken. These missionaries provided a positive assessment on the colonial system in their writings. Writers like Ad. Verreet and J. G. Schoup used missionaries as protagonists in their novels. Schoup portrayed a sympathetic missionary who sharply criticised the colonial system. After the colonial period Jef Geeraerts painted a very negative image of the missionary in his Gangreen novels. However, the travel books written by Lieve Joris and Bart Castelein and the play Missie (Mission) written by David van Reybrouck (2007) sketched a positive and nostalgic image of the missionary.

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Huigen, S. "Verhalen van Matsombo: Jef Geeraerts’ beeld van de 'Kongo-crisis' in Het verhaal van Matsombo." Literator 22, no. 1 (August 7, 2001): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v22i1.356.

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Matsombo’s stories: Jef Geeraerts’s representation of the 'Congo crisis' in Het verhaal van Matsombo The so-called Congo crisis (1960-1965) received a great deal of attention internationally. A literary response in Dutch to what happened in the former Belgian colony is Het verhaal van Matsombo (Matsombo’s story) by Flemish writer and former colonial civil servant, Jef Geeraerts. Until now, little critical attention has been given to Het verhaal van Matsombo, despite regular reprints of the text. This article researches how the Congo crisis is represented in Geeraerts’s novel. Although Geeraerts’s depiction of colonial conflict is, in certain respects, close to that of Franz Fanon, Geeraerts’s is ultimately a Western view.

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Van De Mieroop, Dorien, and Jonathan Clifton. "The discursive management of identity in interviews with female former colonials of the Belgian Congo." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.24.1.06mie.

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Whilst interviews are often regarded as an essential tool for social science, it has long been recognized that the interviewer has a formative role in the locally situated socio-communicative events that interviews are. Using transcripts of interviews elicited from female former colonials in the Belgian Congo, this article examines the way in which the interviewer, himself a former colonial, manages the construction of meaning and identity in relation to two intricately interwoven issues, namely the position of women and colonial society more generally. Findings demonstrate that the interviewer places the interviewees in a position of interactional subordination which also allows him, despite the threat to the interviewees’ face, to construct women as being superfluous both in 1950s-society in general and more specifically in the storyworld of the Belgian Congo, whilst at the same time he avoids any face threat to the colonial society more generally.

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van Spaandonck, Marcel. "Belgium: A Colonial Power Becomes a Federal State." Itinerario 20, no. 2 (July 1996): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006999.

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Although I studied, among other things like linguistics and anthropology, the history of Africa, I cannot be called ‘a real historian’. My view on decolonization, literally throwing away colonization – be it a very slow and sometimes painful process – has been initiated especially by a long experience in different fields. I am one of the rare, still surviving specimen who have lived (Congo 1952-1958) and worked (Railway BCK, Société Générale) in the colonial world, and later participated modestly in the Round Table Conference of 1960 which led to the independence of the Belgian Congo. On the other hand I have undergone, due to my African studies (Ghent 1958-1962), a complete change in knowledge and mentality. Having been involved in the birth of a ‘Vlaamse Vriendenkring’ (Kolwezi, former Katanga) and later in the open and sometimes heated discussions about ‘cultural autonomy’ in Belgium (1962-1965), I finally became in the seventies a fervent defender of international thinking, global education based upon interdisciplinarity and interculturality.

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Meeuwis, Michael. "Taalstrijd in Afrika: Het taalwetsartikel in het koloniaal charter van 1908 en de strijd van de Vlamingen en Afrikaners voor het Nederlands in Afrika tot 1960." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 75, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 27–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v75i1.16392.

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Het Koloniaal Charter, de organieke wet die in 1908 de overname van Congo door de Belgische staat uit de privé-handen van Koning Leopold II regelde, bevatte een artikel over taalrechten in de kolonie. Hoewel ook taalrechten voor de Congolezen erin vermeld werden, handelde het artikel in de eerste plaats over taalrechten voor de Belgische koloniserende minderheid. Het artikel is er gekomen op aandringen van enkele Vlaamse parlementsleden tijdens debatten gehouden in de Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers in de eerste helft van 1908. In deze bijdrage worden deze debatten besproken om zo de semantiek en taalideologische achtergronden van elk deel van het artikel van een historische verklaring te voorzien. Daarnaast wordt ook belicht hoe niet alleen in 1908 maar ook in de decennia erna (en tot aan de dekolonisatie in 1960), met name telkens wanneer Vlaamse politici de gebrekkige toepassing van het taalwetsartikel en de blijvende dominantie van het Frans in Belgisch-Congo aanklaagden, zij verwijzingen maakten naar de Afrikaners en het Afrikaans in Zuid-Afrika, om zo het argument kracht bij te zetten dat het Nederlands in heel Afrika onder de Sahara een taal van belang was of kon worden. Opmerkelijk is dat ook Zuid-Afrikaanse denkers en politici meermaals naar de aanwezigheid en het officiële statuut van het Nederlands in Belgisch-Congo verwezen, namelijk in hun strijd tegen de dominantie van het Engels tegenover het Nederlands/Afrikaans bij hen. Vanaf 1914 kwamen er bovendien rechtstreekse contacten tussen Vlaamse en Afrikaanse politici over deze materie. In een afsluitend deel wordt aangegeven hoe aan het eind van de Belgische kolonisatie de Congolese elite erg negatief reageerde op de Vlaamse eisen voor een tweetalige kolonie, omdat ze er een kolonialistische rem op hun kansen tot socio-economische emancipatie in zagen.___________ Language Struggle in Africa: The language law article in the Colonial Charter of 1908 and the fight of Flemings and Afrikaners for Dutch in Africa until 1960The Colonial Charter, the organic law that regulated the Belgian state’s takeover of Congo from the private ownership of King Leopold II in 1908, contained an article about language rights in the colony. While language rights for the Congolese were mentioned therein, the article primarily dealt with language rights for the colonizing Belgian minority. The article came about on the insistence of several Flemish members of parliament during debates held in the Chamber of Representatives in the first half of 1908. In this article, these debates are discussed in order to provide a historical explanation for the semantic and language-ideology background for each section of this article of the Charter. In addition, light will be shed on how not only in 1908, but also in the following decades (and until decolonization in 1960), particularly whenever Flemish politicians complained about the spotty application of the article and the continuing dominance of French in Belgian Congo, they pointed to the Afrikaners and Afrikaans in South Africa in order to make a strong argument that Dutch was, or could become, an important language in all of sub-Saharan Africa. Notably, South African thinkers and politicians also pointed out the presence and official status of Dutch in Belgian Congo on several occasions, namely in their own struggle against the domination of English over Dutch/Afrikaans. Moreover, from 1914 onward there were direct contacts between Flemish and Afrikaner politicians concerning this matter. The conclusion of this article suggests that in the last years of Belgian colonialism, the Congolese elite reacted quite negatively to Flemish demands for a bilingual colony because they saw in such demands a colonialist hindrance on their chances for socioeconomic emancipation.

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Etambala, Zana Aziza. "Carnet de Route D’un Voyageur Congolais: Masala à L’exposition universelle D’anvers, en 1885." Afrika Focus 9, no. 3-4 (February 2, 1993): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0090304005.

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Notebook of a Congolese Traveller: Masala at the 1885 Antwerp World Exhibition Masala, the central figure in this article, came to Belgium to be exhibited, together with eleven other natives of the Congo Independent State, at the International Fancy Fair organized in Antwerp in 1885. Of course, the illiterate Masala didn’t take notes during his stay in Antwerp. But a meticulous investigation of the contemporary local press, which paid enough attention to this event, made it possible to describe in detail the daily european experiences of Masala and his companions. It also enables us to examine the ‘white’ belgian view on the black subjects of Leopold II.

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Etambala, Zana Aziza. "Carnet De Route D’un Voyageur Congolais: Masala à L’exposition Universelle D’anvers, en 1885." Afrika Focus 10, no. 1-2 (February 2, 1994): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0100102002.

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Notebook of a Congolese Traveller: Masala at the 1885 Antwerp World Exhibition Masala, the central figure in this article, came to Belgium to be exhibited, together with eleven other natives of the Congo Independent State, at the International Fancy Fair organized in Antwerp in 1885. Of course, the illiterate Masala didn’t take notes during his stay in Antwerp. But a meticulous investigation of the contemporary local press, which paid enough attention to this event, made it possible to describe in detail the daily european experiences of Masala and his companions. It also enables us to examine the ‘white’ belgian view on the black subjects of Leopold II.

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Rotberg, Robert I. "The Lumumba Legacy and the Enduring Tragedy of the Congo." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 54, no. 3 (2024): 413–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_02004.

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Abstract Had the first prime minister of what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo lived, he might have led the Congolese people to a unified and prosperous nation post-independence. But Patrice Lumumba’s aspirations were cut short by his brutal assassination in late 1960, just months after Congo gained independence from Belgian rule. His death and the enduring impact of it on the Congo’s trajectory are the focus of Reid’s compelling The Lumumba Plot, which exposesthe many egregious errors and sinister efforts of the cia to eliminate Lumumba.

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Coghe, Samuël. "Between colonial medicine and global health: protein malnutrition and UNICEF milk in the Belgian Congo." Medical History 65, no. 4 (October 2021): 384–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2021.28.

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AbstractDuring the last decades of colonial rule, Belgian colonial authorities, health agencies and researchers intensely engaged with kwashiorkor, a severe syndrome that was deemed widespread among young children in some parts of the Belgian Congo and Ruanda-Urundi and chiefly attributed to protein malnutrition. To fight kwashiorkor, the Belgian government, in the early 1950s, set up a joint milk distribution campaign with the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund, Food and Agriculture Organization and World Health Organization, the first of its kind in colonial Africa. Placing this campaign in the context of mounting international and inter-imperial concern about kwashiorkor and other nutritional problems in Africa and across the globe, this article explores its rationales, mechanisms and consequences, and in particular, how the campaign was shaped and publicised by FORÉAMI, one of the main health providers on the ground. It not only contributes to the history of European colonial medicine and nutritional policies, but also opens new perspectives on international health collaboration during late colonialism. It argues that Belgian authorities were wary of international interference in colonial policies, but that especially FORÉAMI also viewed and used the campaign as an opportunity to display its ‘mastery’ in rural and infant healthcare and control the narrative on Belgium’s colonial medicine.

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KAUFFMANN, F., E. OYE, and M. SCHOETTER. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (SALMONELLA DJUGU) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 37, no. 5 (August 18, 2009): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1955.tb00971.x.

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Kauffmann, F., and E. Oye. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (SALMONELLA KOROVI) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 36, no. 4 (August 14, 2009): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1955.tb04627.x.

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Kauffmann, F., and E. Oye. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (S. KISANGANI) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 24, no. 5-6 (August 18, 2009): 614–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1947.tb00632.x.

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Kauffmann, F., and P. G. Janssens. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (S. TINDA) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 26, no. 5 (August 18, 2009): 719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1949.tb00774.x.

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Kauffmann, F., and J. Vandepitte. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (S. SIMI) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 27, no. 2 (August 18, 2009): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1950.tb04535.x.

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Kauffmann, F., F. Evens, and E. Oye. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (S. SANGA) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 27, no. 2 (August 18, 2009): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1950.tb04543.x.

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Kauffmann, F., J. P. Delville, R. Reul, and A. Bouckaert. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (S. ELISABETHVILLE) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 27, no. 4 (August 18, 2009): 492. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1950.tb04918.x.

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Kauffmann, F., and E. Oye. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (S. KINSHASA) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 27, no. 4 (August 18, 2009): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1950.tb04923.x.

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Kauffmann, F., Gh Courtois, and G. Abbeele. "A NEW SALMONELLA TYPE (S. WAGENIA) FROM THE BELGIAN CONGO." Acta Pathologica Microbiologica Scandinavica 28, no. 2 (August 17, 2009): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1699-0463.1951.tb03679.x.

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