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Journal articles on the topic 'Belgian political history'

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1

Barnes, Samuel. "Political Culture and Christian Trade Unionism." Relations industrielles 19, no. 3 (2014): 354–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021274ar.

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Summary Belgian trade unionism has always intensely attracted industrial relations specialists because of some peculiarities in its structuring and functioning. The object of the following paper is to impart some knowledge about the history of pluralist Belgian trade unionism, its foundation and relationships it entertains at different levels: religious, political, ideological.
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2

Beyen, Marnix. "A parricidal memory: Flanders’ memorial universe as product and producer of Belgian history." Memory Studies 5, no. 1 (2011): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698011424029.

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This article examines how the Belgian patriotic collective memory in Flanders during the 20th century was supplanted by a Flemish Nationalist counter memory. The article starts with a semiotic analysis of some concrete commemorative practices and discourses surrounding the brothers Van Raemdonck, two Flemish soldiers who died during the First World War and were venerated as Flemish heroes. Next, these cases are situated in some larger themes and tendencies dominating the intellectual construction of Flemish National collective memory during the 19th and 20th centuries. Finally, the success of
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3

ten Hagen, Sjang L. "The Local versus the Global in the history of relativity: The case of Belgium." Science in Context 33, no. 3 (2020): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889721000028.

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ArgumentThis article contributes to a global history of relativity, by exploring how Einstein’s theory was appropriated in Belgium. This may sound like a contradiction in terms, yet the early-twentieth-century Belgian context, because of its cultural diversity and reflectiveness of global conditions (the principal example being the First World War), proves well-suited to expose transnational flows and patterns in the global history of relativity. The attempts of Belgian physicist Théophile de Donder to contribute to relativity physics during the 1910s and 1920s illustrate the role of the war i
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4

Buyst, Erik, Luc Lauwers, and Patrick Uvtterhoeven. "A Game-Theoretical Approach to the Results of Parliamentary Elections in Belgium between the Wars." Social Science History 13, no. 3 (1989): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016394.

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This paper deals with the distribution of power among Belgian political parties during the interwar period. In the 1930s Belgium, like most European countries, was confronted with the electoral success of extreme right- and left-wing parties that wanted to change the existing political system into an authoritarian one. Usually, historians draw attention to the rapidly growing share of seats in Parliament held by extreme parties as a sign of their increasing influence on Belgian politics. Among game theorists, however, it is widely accepted that the proportion of seats is a poor proxy for power
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5

Adams, Maurice. "Het rechtsvormingsproces inzake euthanasie in België : Politieke verklaringen en vergelijkende beschouwingen." Res Publica 44, no. 4 (2002): 599–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i4.18436.

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On the 16th of May 2002, the Belgian House of Representatives approved of a Bill on euthanasia. Belgium is now the second country in the world, next to the Netherlands, that has legislation which under certain conditions legitimizes euthanasia (i.e. intentionally terminating life by another person than the person concerned, at this persons request). In this article the Belgian legislative procedure on euthanasia is looked upon from a political point of view. To be able do so first of all the legal context on euthanasia before the new bill was approved of has to be discussed. Then the political
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6

Verhoeyen, Etienne. "Wegvoeringen en weggevoerden tijdens de meidagen van 1940." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 3 (2014): 250–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i3.12145.

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Met dit boek levert Frank Seberechts een nagenoeg volledige studie af van een van de minder fraai kanten van de Belgische samenleving in 1940: de administratieve arrestatie en de wegvoering naar Frankrijk van enkele duizenden personen (de ‘verdachten’), Belgen of in België verblijvende vreemdelingen. De extreem-rechtse en pro-Duitse arrestanten hebben na hun vrijlating dit feit politiek in hun voordeel uitgebaat, waardoor volledig in de schaduw kwam te staan dat de overgrote meerderheid van de weggevoerden joodse mensen waren die in de jaren voor de oorlog naar België waren gevlucht. Dat het b
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7

Delbecke, Bram. "Gerechtelijke nationale cultuur en haar blinde vlek: de mercuriales en gelegenheidsredes van Charles Faider als procureur-generaal bij het Hof van Cassatie (1871–1885)." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 75, no. 4 (2007): 363–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181907782912435.

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AbstractThis article sketches the attitude of the Belgian liberal magistrate and politician Charles Faider towards the constitutional civil liberties and freedoms. One can discover an interesting paradox by comparing his opening speeches and his acts as a politician. In the speeches he gave as procureur-général at the Cour de cassation, Faider consequently emphasised the beneficiary effects of the liberal 1831 Belgian Constitution. In his discourse, the Belgian magistrates were the best guards of the splendid future of the nation, because they fully understood the age-old national tradition of
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8

Beyen, Marnix. "Multiple democracies in one country: Belgian narratives of democracy, 1830–1950." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (2019): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835748.

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Narratives of democracy have played an important part in Belgium’s self-understanding ever since the country gained its independence in the 1830–1831 revolution. In the more or less official historiography created by the Belgian political and intellectual élites, collective actors of lower and middle strata much rather than monarchs and aristocrats were presented as the forerunners of the Belgian nation. This situation stimulated a proliferation of alternative, and often dissident, democratic narratives among those who saw themselves as the true heirs of these collective actors. Left-wing Repu
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9

WOUTERS, NICO. "New Order and Good Government: Municipal Administration in Belgium, 1938–1946." Contemporary European History 13, no. 4 (2004): 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001869.

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The inefficient operation of state institutions – including municipal administration – lay at the heart of Belgium's crisis of legitimacy in the 1930s. In 1940, the German military occupation government opted to keep many of the existing administrative institutions and personnel in place. The collaborating political parties, Rex and the Vlaams Nationaal Verbond (VNV), possessed little legitimacy with either the Germans or the Belgian population. However, this article argues that both parties turned this to their advantage, infiltrating the Flemish municipal apparatus (especially mayors). Yet,
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10

Wolffram, Dirk Jan. "De BMGN als platform voor vernieuwing van de politieke geschiedenis." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 136, no. 2 (2021): 136–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.9887.

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De politieke geschiedenis van Nederland en België zoals bestudeerd in de BMGN had verschillende gezichten. Aanvankelijk domineerde een zekere traditionele geschiedschrijving over beide landen, die als een steeds dunner wordende rode draad door de inhoud van de afgelopen vijftig jaar loopt. Vanaf het midden van de jaren tachtig verschoof de nadruk naar de geschiedschrijving over de Nederlandse politiek, en ontwikkelde de BMGN zich tot platform voor de vernieuwing van de politieke geschiedenis van de moderne tijd. Deze politieke-cultuurbenadering manifesteerde zich vanaf het midden van de jaren
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Couttenier, Ivan. "Belgian politics in 1988." Res Publica 31, no. 3 (1989): 302–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i3.18864.

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During the first Jour months of 1988, Belgium witnessed the painstaking formation of the Martens VIII center-left Cabinet. In October 1987, the Christian Democratic-Liberal Martens VI Cabinet had been forced to resign over the perennial Fourons affairs. After the parliamentary elections of December 1987 which had resulted in a Socialist victory, the center-left Martens VIII Cabinet wassworn in on May 9, 1989, marking the end of a political crisis which had lasted 147 days; i.e., the longest crisis in Belgian history. During the remaining months of 1988, the new Government sought parliamentary
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12

Couttenier, Ivan. "Belgian politics in 1989." Res Publica 32, no. 2-3 (1990): 208–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v32i2-3.18842.

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The center-left Martens VIII cabinet, which had taken office in May 1988 following the longest political cricis in Belgian history, continued in 1989 implementation of its constitutional reform program. The European elections had no domestic impact, but during the campaign the focus was once again on the burning immigration issue. Meanwhile, abortion liberalization caused tension inside the majority. In foreign affairs, the focus was on normalization of relations with Zaire.
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Thomas, Mergel. "Ultramontanism, Liberalism, Moderation: Political Mentalities and Political Behavior of the German Catholic Bürgertum, 1848–1914." Central European History 29, no. 2 (1996): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012991.

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In 1912 the Catholic lawyer, real estate speculator, and Center Party politician, Karl Trimborn wrote to his wife about a visit he had made to their Belgian relatives:Their Catholicism, this demonstrative insistence on the Catholic point of view, this goingthrough thick and thin while excluding all criticism is not sympathetic to me. It encourages me to contradict them and to demonstrate my liberal point of view … In no way did we have an argument, but as we said good-bye, we knew: we are different people.
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14

Blaise, Pierre, and Vincent De Coorebyter. "L'Islam et l'Etat belge." Res Publica 35, no. 1 (1993): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v35i1.18822.

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In the countries with a strong muslim immigration, the practice and the organization of Islam represent a national and international politica! stake. The Belgian state, which recognizes and supports the most important cults financially, recognized Islam in 1974. But this cult doesn't still obtain this state support and the questions concerning its organization are more complex than ever. Thelegislation is insufficient and its application almost non-existent. The debates on 'integrism' and hijab have confronted us with the problem of the integrating role of Islam. The Belgian political world se
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15

Heyvaert, Pauline, François Randour, Jérémy Dodeigne, Julien Perrez, and Min Reuchamps. "Metaphors in political communication." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 2 (2019): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17057.hey.

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Abstract This article analyses the use of (deliberate) metaphors in political discourse produced by French-speaking Belgian regional parliamentarians during non-institutional political interviews. The article first investigates if the use of deliberate metaphor limits itself to a particular type of political discourse (i.e. public and institutional political discourse) or if metaphor use is also found in other types of settings (i.e. non-institutional political discourse). Second, the article analyses the variation of deliberate metaphor use between political actors depending on gender, senior
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16

Delbecke, Bram. "Le jugement de l’opinion publique et la répression des provocations collectives non suivies d’effet en Belgique (1831–1914)." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 81, no. 1-2 (2013): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-1310a0011.

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The judgment of public opinion and the repression of ineffective criminal provocation in Belgium (1831-1914) – Amongst others, the preoccupation of the 1830–1831 Belgian National Congress with national public opinion as its political foundation, was reflected in the way it thought about criminal provocation. When no effect was given to seditious articles or subversive speeches, they considered them not to be punishable, since public opinion had not bothered to heed their incitements. However, the rise of the labour movement urged the Belgian authorities to change their policy towards this kind
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17

Luminet, Olivier, Laurent Licata, Olivier Klein, et al. "The interplay between collective memory and the erosion of nation states – the paradigmatic case of Belgium: Introduction to the special issue." Memory Studies 5, no. 1 (2011): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698011424027.

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The main goal of the special issue on ‘the interplay between collective memory and the erosion of nation states: The paradigmatic case of Belgium’ is to examine the erosion of the Belgian State as an exemplary illustration of the way memories of past events can influence current attitudes, emotions, representations and behaviours. We believe that the recent political crisis in Belgium, with no government for more than one year after the 2010 general elections, could be partly illuminated by the diverging and sometimes contradictory memories each linguistic group (Dutch- vs. French-speakers) in
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18

Heenen-Wolff, Susann, Anne Verougstraete, and Ariane Bazan. "The Belgo-Belgian conflict in individual narratives: Psychodynamics of trauma in the history of Belgium." Memory Studies 5, no. 1 (2011): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698011424032.

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On the basis of interviews, we highlight important historical elements with potential traumatic implications in order to understand some of the psychological roots of the current conflict-ridden relationship between French-speaking and Flemish Belgian citizens. We suggest that this conflict has a complex psychodynamic structure. Due to former experiences of shame, humiliation, disdain and contempt, two concomitant but asymmetrical defensive processes can be observed: repression in the French-language group, dissociation or rejection in the Flemish group. In particular, we hypothesize that the
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19

Van Der Herten, Bart, and Pascal Verhoest. "Tweehonderd jaar privatiseringsdebat in België : Historische reflectie over het wel en wee van de Belgische (tele)communicatiebedrijven." Res Publica 35, no. 1 (1993): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v35i1.18826.

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The debate on the privatization of some public enterprises in Belgium has been reopened. Pros and cons seem to be inspired by ideological and political imperatives rather than by scientific considerations. The way in which similar debates were carried out during Belgian history, highlights some features of the actual debate. This paper traces back the way in which the tensions between thepublic and the private sectors have been approached and regulated. This historical analysis points to some inconsistensies and shortcomings of actual opinions on telecommunications regulation in Belgium, and m
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20

Gourdin, Gregory, and Rita Schepers. "The Medical Council in Belgian hospitals: A political perspective." Management & Organizational History 6, no. 2 (2011): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1744935910370195.

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21

Aerts, Koen. "De bestraffing van de collaboratie na de Tweede Wereldoorlog: mild in Vlaanderen en streng in Franstalig België? Een pleidooi voor een sociale geschiedenis van de Tweede Wereldoorlog." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 1 (2014): 34–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i1.12174.

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De bestraffing van de collaboratie na de Tweede Wereldoorlog is één van de meest gepolitiseerde gebeurtenissen uit het Belgisch nationaal verleden. In Vlaanderen werd de repressie al gauw afgeschilderd als een Belgische, zelfs francofone, wraakoefening om de Vlaamse beweging te breken. Die beeldvorming vindt nog steeds bijval bij het brede publiek. Nochtans heeft de wetenschappelijke geschiedschrijving de zogenaamde anti-Vlaamse repressie al lange tijd ontmaskerd als een mythe. Op basis van de uitkomst van de repressierechtspraak wordt er geconcludeerd dat er in Vlaanderen meer en in Franstali
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22

Zvereva, T. "Belgium on the Road to Confederation: Problems and Prospects." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-80-88.

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The article is about the Belgian federal system transformation, as well as the factors that aggravate or, on the contrary, restrain the centrifugal trends in the country. The specific nature of Belgian federalism determines its evolution from federation to confederation, but the answer to the question about the prospects of this transformation remains open. On the one hand, the Belgian Kingdom history, its geographical location, as well as economic and cultural-linguistic features predetermined the existence and deepening of dividing lines between the two main ethnic communities in the country
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Kenny, Gale, and Tisa Wenger. "Church, State, and “Native Liberty” in the Belgian Congo." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 1 (2020): 156–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000446.

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AbstractThis essay describes a religious freedom controversy that developed between the world wars in the Belgian colony of the Congo, where Protestant missionaries complained that Catholic priests were abusing Congolese Protestants and that the Belgian government favored the Catholics. The history of this campaign demonstrates how humanitarian discourses of religious freedom—and with them competing configurations of church and state—took shape in colonial contexts. From the beginnings of the European scramble for Africa, Protestant and Catholic missionaries had helped formulate the “civilizin
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Witte, Els. "De voorlopers van het parlementologisch onderzoek in België." Res Publica 27, no. 4 (1985): 429–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i4.19200.

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In this article we conclude, via a comparison of the 19th C. scientific publications concerning the Belgian parliament and the state of parliamentological research of the day, that Belgian writers achieved an international standard. In Belgium, as elsewhere in Europe, parliamentology was pursued from the standpoint of various complementary schools of thought. Modern political history provided very detailed information about the functioning of the parliamentary institution; constitutional law investigated the juridical aspects of it ; political science transcended these juridical boundaries and
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Hooghe, Marc, and Gita Deneckere. "Op het elan van de democratie : Emoties als mobilisatiefactor in de Belgische politieke geschiedenis." Res Publica 44, no. 1 (2002): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i1.18450.

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In recent years, several authors have stated that emotions have come to play a more important role in political life, especially in political mass mobilisation. Ouring the 1990s, Belgium and other Western countries have indeed witnessed some spectacular examples of emotion-driven mobilisation. In this article, we argue that emotions are not an innovation in political mass-mobilisation. Various examples from the Belgian political history of the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate that emotions have always been a key factor for explaining the occurrence, the form and the outcome of political pro
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Müßig, Ulrike. "Constitutional developments after 1830: towards a balance between monarchical and popular sovereignty." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 79, no. 3-4 (2011): 489–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181911x596402.

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AbstractThe constitutional developments and debates during the first half of the 19th century, in particular following the French and Belgian revolutions of 1830 and the introduction of new written constitutions (the French Charte of 1830 and the Belgian constitution of 1831) show the dynamics between the Executive, still largely controlled by the monarch, and the parliamentary representation. Although the balance of power differed from one political system to another, the dual system established during the July Monarchy, which increasingly called for a government and government policies which
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27

Alstein, Maarten Van. "From Enigma to Enemy: Paul-Henri Spaak, the Belgian Diplomatic Elite, and the Soviet Union, 1944–1945." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (2011): 126–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00144.

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This article draws on recently declassified documents from the Belgian archives to assess the division within the Belgian diplomatic service about Soviet intentions at the start of the Cold War. The diplomatic corps was divided between those who viewed the Soviet Union favorably and believed that continued close cooperation after the war was both feasible and essential, and those who were wary of Soviet intentions in Eastern Europe and believed that Western democracies would have to be united in opposing Soviet encroachments. Paul-Henri Spaak, the long-time Belgian foreign minister, was initia
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Alloul, Houssine, and Roel Markey. "“PLEASE DENY THESE MANIFESTLY FALSE REPORTS”: OTTOMAN DIPLOMATS AND THE PRESS IN BELGIUM (1850–1914)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (2016): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000040.

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AbstractSimilar to ruling elites in Western Europe, the Ottomans were preoccupied with foreign “public opinion” regarding their state. Historians have devoted attention to Ottoman state efforts at image building abroad and, to a lesser degree, related attempts to influence the European mass press. Yet, an in-depth study of this subject is lacking. This article turns to one of the prime, though largely neglected, actors in Ottoman foreign policy making: the sultan's diplomats. Through a case study of Ottoman envoys to Belgium, it demonstrates how foreign “press management” evolved and was adapt
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Monballyu, J. "The political responsibility for Royal pardons in Belgium during the 19th century (1830–1900)." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 75, no. 2 (2007): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181907781352582.

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AbstractIn Belgium, the Royal Prerogative of pardoning convicted criminals was legally embedded in the Constitution of 14th February, 1831. It allowed the King to reduce a sentence or to grant a discharge of a sentence given by a court. Any Royal decision to pardon had, however, to be countersigned by a member of the Government, who took on the political responsibility of the decision towards Parliament. In most cases, the task fell upon the Minister of Justice. During the 19th century, in both Houses of the Belgian Parliament, the Minister of Justice was repeatedly questioned about the way th
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Lasoen, Kenneth L. "185 years of Belgian security service." Journal of Intelligence History 15, no. 2 (2016): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2016.1145854.

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Ermakova, E. V. ""LETTER TO THE KING" BY JULES DESTRY: FROM SEPARATISM TO UNITARISM IN BELGIUM." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(48) (June 28, 2016): 102–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-3-48-102-111.

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Contradictions between the regions of Belgium - Wallonia and Flanders - have a long history associated with uneven political, economic and cultural development of the territories, which in 1830 became parts of an independent state, the Kingdom of Belgium. The "Letter to the King", written by eminent Belgian politician and writer, socialist Jules Destree (1863 - 1936 gg.), is one of the most interesting sources on the history of Belgium of this period, It became a kind of manifesto of balance between the ideas of separatism and unitarianism. This article includes excerpts from the "Letter to th
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Fitzgerald, Frank T., Herbert Kitschelt, and Staf Hellesmans. "Beyond the European Left: Ideology and Political Action in Belgian Ecology Parties." Social Forces 70, no. 1 (1991): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580097.

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Lambrecht, Sarah. "Practice of the Belgian Constitutional Court in the Implementation of the Judgments of the European Court of Human Rights: An Insider’s Perspective." Journal of Human Rights Practice 12, no. 1 (2020): 204–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huaa012.

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Abstract The Belgian judiciary has a deeply ingrained tradition of openness towards international and European law. This note discusses the implementation practice of the Belgian Constitutional Court with regard to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.
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De Wever, Bruno. "Geschiedschrijving en lokale politiek." Res Publica 39, no. 1 (1997): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i1.18602.

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In Belgian historical research a lot of attention is given to local politics, also by the activities of local amateur historians. This research mostly bas a very limited scientific finality because the local political past is taken in isolation. 'Glocal history' requires representative data. Within a broader perspective one can consider the local political past in a global context. This 'global history' sees the local level as a field in which to analyze the political, social, economic and cultural developments in relation to each other. At the same time the local political sphere is considere
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Falter, Rolf. "Verkiezingen en kiesstelsels." Res Publica 27, no. 4 (1985): 485–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i4.19202.

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Nineteenth-century literature on electoral systems and elections in Belgium was generally made of political pamphlets. Politicians were the most interested in the subject, which seems quite logical for the elections, butis also true for the electoral legislation, because this bas almost continuously been a topic in the political fights in Belgium between 1830 and 1914. Therefore, a lot of research-work on electoral legislation and data was done in the discreet study-roms of local party-offices, as can be learned from the archives of nineteenth-century politicians.The valuable information resul
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van den Braembussche, Antoon. "The Silence of Belgium: Taboo and Trauma in Belgian Memory." Yale French Studies, no. 102 (2002): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090591.

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Fernández Soriano, Víctor. "‘Travail et progrès’: Obligatory ‘Educational’ Labour in the Belgian Congo, 1933–60." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 2 (2017): 292–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417697807.

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The authorities of the Belgian Congo imposed a series of compulsory workloads to the local communities under the argument that these tasks contributed to the ‘education' of the native populations, which they called ‘Travaux d'ordre éducatif' (TOE). Such workloads represented the main legal form of forced labour which existed in the Belgian Congo from their creation in 1933 until independence in 1960. Unlike what happened in most colonial empires, these workloads were not abolished after the Second World War. This article shows, through the case study of the province of Equateur, how these work
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Walgrave, Stefaan, and Jan Manssens. "The Making of The White March: The Mass Media as a Mobilizing Alternative to Movement Organizations." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 2 (2000): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.l2263725765g0177.

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The White March in Brussels on October 20, 1996 left many social scientists speechless. They witnessed by far the largest demonstration in Belgian history, 300,000 participants, but were struck by the total absence of any mobilization machinery. This article's thesis is that the press acted as an adequate alternative to intermediary organizations and, as such, was responsible for the huge success of the White March. Focusing on the coverage of the Dutroux case in five Belgian newspapers during the three months leading up to the demonstration, we argue that there is sufficient evidence that the
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Louckx, Kaat. "Population, Territory, and State-istics: “Habitual Residence” in the Belgian Census, 1846–1947." Journal of Social History 54, no. 2 (2019): 503–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz079.

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Abstract In the eighteenth century, statistics was designed and understood as state-istics, as a scientific representation of the state, its territory, and its population. Statistics helped modern nation-states to “embrace” the social lives of the people contained in them; it served these nation-states to monitor the condition, to promote the welfare, and to protect the rights of their people. The history of statistics can therefore be analyzed to shed light on the politics of membership in modern states. In this article, I present a case study that focuses on the various specifications of the
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Monballyu, J. "La justice transitionnelle en Belgique dans les affaires pénales après la Première Guerre mondiale (1918–1928)." TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR RECHTSGESCHIEDENIS 80, no. 3-4 (2012): 443–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-000a1216.

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Transitional justice in Belgium after the First World War in the area of criminal justice (1918–1928). – After the First World War, from 1918 until 1928, Belgium experienced a form of transitional justice, especially in the area of criminal justice. In order to meet demands for revenge fostered among the population against various individuals accused of high treason, the death penalty was reinstated for a number of political crimes, military tribunals were given powers to hear cases of offences against state security committed by civilians, and the judicial branch of Public Prosecutions (Minis
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RULOF, BERNARD. "Selling Social Democracy in the Netherlands: Activism and its Sources of Inspiration during the 1930s." Contemporary European History 18, no. 4 (2009): 475–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309990105.

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AbstractDuring the 1930s the Dutch social democratic party changed into a party which sought to reform rather than to abolish capitalism. This transformation was accompanied by a change in tactics and strategy intended to meet the challenges of economic and political crises. Henceforth, the Sociaal-Democratische Arbeiderspartij tried to establish co-operation with social groupings well beyond its traditional rank and file of industrial labourers. A new generation of voluntarist politicians proposed to adopt the methods of propaganda, and turned for inspiration to activities undertaken by Belgi
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Martínez, Javier Gimeno. "Actualizing the past: political devolution and the symbols of the European regions. The case of Belgian federalization (1970–1998)." Rethinking History 12, no. 2 (2008): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642520802002315.

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Maes, Christophe, and Brecht Deseure. "‘The Nation will always prevail’, Representation, participation and contestation in the Belgian Constitution of 1831." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 88, no. 3-4 (2020): 495–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-00880a10.

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Summary The exact nature of the concept of sovereignty enshrined by the Belgian Constitution of 1831 has recently become the object of academic debate. This article takes a stand in this debate by analyzing the representative system instated by the constituent National Congress. It is argued that the congressmen attributed primacy to the legislative Chamber because it concentrated in its midst all the individual wills of the people in order to express the general will or the wish of the Nation. Importantly, though, parliament was not the only representative of the national will, neither was it
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van Spaandonck, Marcel. "Belgium: A Colonial Power Becomes a Federal State." Itinerario 20, no. 2 (1996): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006999.

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Although I studied, among other things like linguistics and anthropology, the history of Africa, I cannot be called ‘a real historian’. My view on decolonization, literally throwing away colonization – be it a very slow and sometimes painful process – has been initiated especially by a long experience in different fields. I am one of the rare, still surviving specimen who have lived (Congo 1952-1958) and worked (Railway BCK, Société Générale) in the colonial world, and later participated modestly in the Round Table Conference of 1960 which led to the independence of the Belgian Congo. On the o
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Groessens, Eric, and Marie-Claire Dyck. "Two Hundred Years of Geological Mapping in Belgium, From D'omalius D'halloy to the Belgian Federal State." Earth Sciences History 26, no. 1 (2007): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.26.1.80j02357x222n732.

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The career of Jean-Baptiste-Julien d'Omalius d'Halloy (1783-1875), commencing with brilliant scientific activities and proceeding to his attainment of the highest administrative and political positions, in itself demonstrates that he was an exceptional individual. His scientific career started with a long voyage through the French Empire and adjacent regions, during which he gained an understanding of the geological structure of most of Europe. The geological map he compiled based on his travel notes formed the basis of all future geological maps in the areas that he covered. After the indepen
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Deseure, Brecht. "Jane C. Judge, The United States of Belgium. The Story of the First Belgian Revolution." Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis/ The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 16, no. 2 (2019): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/tseg.1097.

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Hunt, Nancy Rose, and Frank L. Lambrecht. "Pawa: A Memoir from the Belgian Congo, 1945-1949." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 2/3 (1999): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220418.

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Likaka, Osumaka. "Rural Protest: The Mbole against Belgian Rule, 1897-1959." International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, no. 3 (1994): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220760.

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Kesteloot, Chantal. "The Past in Belgium: Different Memories and Controversial History in a Divided Society?" European Review 21, no. 4 (2013): 480–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000471.

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This contribution focuses on the spirit and the associated behaviours belonging to Belgian society. It deals with the past and, more specifically, with the legacy of the two world wars. In which way did Flemings and Francophones interact? What is the real nature of their relations described from the roots of the many issues and embedded consequences seen even today? Why is there a different vision of the past and how did the situation evolve with the federalization within the country?
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Carlier, Julie. "Forgotten Transnational Connections and National Contexts: an ‘entangled history’ of the political transfers that shaped Belgian feminism, 1890–1914." Women's History Review 19, no. 4 (2010): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2010.502396.

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