Academic literature on the topic 'Belrin'

European hedgehogs (Erinaceus europaeus), also known as common hedgehogs, can be found all throughout Western Europe, including the Iberian Peninsula and Italy on the south side and Scandinavia in the north. Hedgehogs are known to carry a variety of bacterial and fungal pathogens, as well as viruses, the pathological and zoonotic potential of which is not yet fully elucidated. Here, we report the discovery of a novel paramyxovirus, named Belerina virus, in Belgian hedgehogs. Based on its divergence from other known paramyxovirus species, Belerina virus is thought to represent a new species in the family Paramyxoviridae. Phylogenetic analysis groups Belerina virus together with members of the genus Jeilongvirus, although its genome organization is most similar to that of several as yet unclassified bat viruses. Because of several dissimilarities with other Jeilongviruses, these bat viruses have been proposed to represent a new genus, tentatively called “Shaanvirus”. Out of 147 animals screened in this study, 57 tested positive for Belerina virus (39%), indicating the wide spread of this virus throughout the Belgian hedgehog population, although the virus’ pathogenic and zoonotic potential remains to be elucidated. In summary, we present here the complete genome sequence of Belerina virus, a putative new paramyxovirus species commonly found in Belgian hedgehogs.

In 1842 verscheen Poëtische luimen, de vierde poëziebundel van de Antwerpse dichter Theodoor Van Ryswyck (1811-1849). De bundel bevat een veertigtal dichtstukken van uiteenlopende aard (komisch, poëticaal-literair, politiek of sociaal geëngageerd), waaronder ‘Het apenspel’. In dit gedicht klaagt Van Ryswyck het kopieergedrag aan van de Belgen ten aanzien van de Franse cultuur en gewoonten; de Belgen apen de Fransen op velerlei gebied na. Om dit probleem aan de kaak stellen, maakt Van Ryswyck gebruik van Franse woorden en van een Frans motto. ‘Het apenspel’ is zowel inhoudelijk als formeel exemplarisch voor de paradoxale omgang met de Franse taal en cultuur bij Vlaamsgezinden in de jonge Belgische natiestaat: de Belgen kopiëren gedrag, zeden, gewoonten en literatuur van een natie die ze zelf verachten.Dit artikel onderzoekt de dubieuze relatie met de Franse taal en cultuur aan de hand van het poëtische oeuvre van Theodoor Van Ryswyck. De functie van de Franse taal en literatuur in Van Ryswycks poëzie wordt bestudeerd; zowel woordenschat, motto’s als melodieaanduidingen komen daarbij aan bod. Er worden verschillende dichtbundels van Van Ryswyck aangehaald om zo een representatief beeld te schetsen van de aanwezigheid van de Franse taal en letterkunde in Van Ryswycks oeuvre. Deze tekstuele functieanalyse zal leiden tot een interpretatie van de paradoxale relatie met de Franse taal en cultuur in de vroegnegentiende-eeuwse, Vlaams-Belgische letterkunde.________‘The Ape Game’: The French paradox in the Flemish-Belgian literature of the early nineteenth century 1842 saw the publication of Poëtische luimen (Poetical whims), the fourth collection of poems by the Antwerp poet Theodoor Van Ryswyck (1811-1849). The volume consists of around forty poems of varying genres (comical, poetical-literary, politically or socially committed) including ‘Het Apenspel’ (the ‘Ape Game’). In this poem Van Ryswyck denounces the copycat behaviour of the Belgians with respect to French culture and customs; the Belgians imitate the French in many areas. In order to denounce this problem, Van Ryswyck uses French words and a French motto. ‘The Ape Game” exemplifies in form and content the paradoxical way in which the French language and culture is dealt with by the supporters of the Flemish Movement in the young Belgian nation state: the Belgians copy behaviour, morals, customs and literature of a nation, which they despise themselves.This article researches the dubious relationship with the French language and culture based on the poetical work of Theodoor Van Ryswyck. It studies the function of the French language and literature in Van Ryswyck’s poetry by reviewing his use of vocabulary, mottos and indications of tunes. Various collections of poems by Van Ryswyck are quoted in order to present a representative picture of the presence of French language and literature in the literary work of Van Ryswick. This textual functional analysis is the basis for an interpretation of the paradoxical relation with the French language and culture in the early nineteenth century Flemish Belgian literature.

The distillation process is vital in many fields of chemical industries, such as the two-coupled distillation columns that are usually highly nonlinear Multi-Input Multi-Output (MIMO) coupled processes. The control of MIMO process is usually implemented via a decentralized approach using a set of Single-Input Single-Output (SISO) loop controllers. Decoupling the MIMO process into group of single loops requires proper input-output pairing and development of decoupling compensator unit. This paper proposes a novel intelligent decoupling approach for MIMO processes based on new MIMO brain emotional learning architecture. A MIMO architecture of Brain Emotional Learning Based Intelligent Controller (BELBIC) is developed and applied as a decoupler for 4 input/4 output highly nonlinear coupled distillation columns process. Moreover, the performance of the proposed Brain Emotional Learning Based Intelligent Decoupler (BELBID) is enhanced using Particle Swarm Optimization (PSO) technique. The performance is compared with the PSO optimized steady state decoupling compensation matrix. Mathematical models of the distillation columns and the decouplers are built and tested in simulation environment by applying the same inputs. The results prove remarkable success of the BELBID in minimizing the loops interactions without degrading the output that every input has been paired with.

IntroductionDuring disaster relief, personnel's safety is very important. Mental well-being is a part of this safety issue. There is however a lack of objective mental well being monitoring tools, usable on scene, during disaster relief. This study covers the use of validated tools towards detection of psychological distress and monitoring of mental well being of disaster relief workers, during the Belgian First Aid and Support Team deployment after the Haiti earthquake in 2010.MethodologyThe study was conducted using a demographic questionnaire combined with validated measuring instruments: Belbin Team Role, Compassion Fatigue and Satisfaction Self-Test for Helpers, DMAT PsySTART, K6 + Self Report. A baseline measurement was performed before departure on mission, and measurements were repeated at day 1 and day 7 of the mission, at the end of mission, and 7 days, 30 days and 90 days post mission.ConclusionsThe study proved the ability to monitor mental well being and detect psychological distress, by self administered validated tools, during a real disaster relief mission. For practical reasons however some tools should be adapted to the specific use in the field. This study opens a whole new research area within the mental well-being and monitoring field.

• Objective of this research study urban planning for the city of Aleppo after internal conflicts and civil war. • We will choose the city of Berlin is an example of the European experience for comparison. As a result of exposure to destruction after World War II, this led to changes in urban planning and social, economic and political. • These changes have attracted specialists for reconstruction and according to modern methods, and turned from the city of devastating to the city of sophisticated and contemporary. • As a result, can benefit from the European experience in this area in the urban planning of the city of Aleppo. With the study of the positive and negative aspects in this experiment.

В магистерской работе прием пародии рассматривается как основной,центральный в "повестях Белкина".Кроме этого,мы формурлируем принципиально иное понятие пародии.Если изначально многие исслелователи выделяли такую породию,которая обладала"опрокидывающеей" и "аннулирующей функцией сент��менталисткие и романтические штампы и клише,то мы,исспользуя данное понятие,отталкиваемся от его понимание в пушкинское время,где пародия не "уничтожает" что-либо,а служит средс��вом создания нового текста.
Magistro darbe parodijos priemone nagrinejama,kaip pagrindine,centrine "Belkino apysakose'.Tuo paciu mes formuojame visai kitą parodijos sąvoka.Jeigu iš pradžių daugelis tyrinėtojų išriškindavo tą parodija,kuri turėjo"apverčiančia" bei "anuliuojančia"sentimentalius ir romantinius štampus ir klišę funkcija,tai mes,naudodami šią sąvoka,atsistumiame nuo jos suvokimo Puškino laikais,kur sį priemone"nenaikina"bei "išjuokia" kažrą,o suteikia nauja prasmę naudojant senas konstrukcijas.
The masters thesis considers the devise of parody as a basic and central in"The Belkins novels".For all this,we an absuliuteli different concept of parody.Whail the parody exposed by many investigators involvd the funksion refusing and termiminating of sentimental and romantic stamps and clishe,so we whail using the previous concept departed from its comprehension in the Pushkins time when te previous device wasnt considered as destraction,derision of something,but as device of creation of new sense at the expense of the old construction.

The central goal of this dissertation has been mapping, discussing and making sense of the political activities undertaken by Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations based in Brussels. I therefore identified these organisations in the national register of moral personalities. I furthermore administered a standardised questionnaire among a representative sample of the registered organisations. I focused in this questionnaire on both what I call institutional and non-institutional political activities. In making sense of the political activities by ethnic minority organisations I started this dissertation with a focus on the hypothesis developed by the Dutch scholars Fennema and Tillie on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community. They argue a positive association between a high level of collaboration within a particular ethnic minority associative field on the one hand and a high level of political participation that is observed among the associative elite on the other. They argue an aggregate effect following a high degree of ethnic civic community. It would not only affect the political activity undertaken by the organisations that are involved in the collaborations but also the political activity of those not involved and thereby it is thought to influence the level of participation of the entire ethnic minority associative field. To operationalise this hypothesis Fennema and Tillie designed an index for the measurement of the degree of ethnic civic community. They measure the level of collaboration among the ethnic minority organisations by mapping the interlocking directorates that occur in the ethnic minority associative field. They identify in other words the directors that are seating in the administrative board of more than one organisation. The index is composed by 4 different measures that are summed in one aggregate score. To discuss the aggregate effect they confront the ranking the ethnic minority group holds on both the index and on the level of political participation. For the Amsterdam case they find a strong parallel between both. They find the Turkish group to stand out compared to the Moroccan and Surinamese both in regard to the degree of ethnic civic community and concerning the level of political participation. During the process that has been this dissertation I gradually changed the initial hypothesis. I argue on the one hand that Fennema and Tillie put a too strong emphasis on the presence of interlocking directorates to operationalize the idea of ethnic civic community. I argue the importance to consider equally the collaborations that occur in the daily practice of the organisations. I furthermore argue the pertinence to discuss the collaborations that ethnic minority organisations establish with the Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field. I argue on the other hand that they put too little emphasis on contextual elements. I argue the importance to consider characteristics of the political setting in which the organisations are operating and to the social inequality and power imbalances that characterises the relation between ethnic minority and majority groups. I equally argue the importance of considering the presence of other than social resources that characterises the ethnic minority associative field and to pay attention to the anchoring of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group in the Belgian society. I basically argue that these contextual elements can interact with the ethnic civic community hypothesis. Based on these arguments I created a more complex research design in which I discuss both the importance of bonding and bridging social capital and in which I essentially argue the multidimensional relation between the two multi-facetted concepts of social capital and political participation. I argue that bonding and bridging collaborations can have a differential influence on the outcome of political participation according to the political activity that is considered. I argue that the direction of the relation is shaped by elements of the Brussels setting. I argue that the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community for the Brussels case could well be limited to the non-institutional dimension of political participation. I find for the Brussels case the Belgian Moroccan group to obtain the highest score on the index of ethnic civic community. The network of interlocking directorates is characterised by the presence of large clusters of interconnected organisations and a high level of connectivity. The Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group share a second position in this regard. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan associative field to be more politically active as compared to both other groups, neither concerning institutional political activities, nor regarding non-institutional activities. I observe in fact very few differences in the level of political participation across the three ethnic minority groups I study in Brussels. I do not find any statistical significant difference regarding electoral participation, involvement in consultation and the participation to claim making activities. I find only one significant difference between the groups and this concerns the presence of direct of particularized contacting of public or political authorities. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan group to stand out in this regard. I find on the other hand the Belgian Turkish associative field to hold a first position. I do in other words not find a parallel between the ranking the three groups hold on the index of ethnic civic community and the ranking the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group show as for the level of political activities undertaken by the associative elite. I read in this result a strong empirical evidence to reject the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis. However I argue that comparing the rank order that the groups hold on both independent and dependent variable essentially equals confronting uni-variate analyses and therefore is not fit to study an association between both type of variables. A third variable could for instance act as a suppressor or mediator variable making it as such impossible to make sense of the presence or absence of a parallel. I therefore argue the importance of studying the individual effect prior to discussing the aggregate effect. I additionally discuss the individual association between being embedded in the network of interlocking directorates on the one hand and the outcome on the different indicators of political participation. I thereby pay attention to the particular position an organisation holds within the network but also to the possible interactions that can occur with other than social resources of an organisation. For the Brussels case I only find one main individual effect. I find being part of one of the larger components to reliably predict the outcome concerning the direct or particularized contacting of representatives of political institutions. I find this to be true for all three groups, but in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. However the particular strong association I observe for the Belgian Moroccan organisations does not coincide with a highest group level of particularized contacting. On the contrary, I find the Belgian Turkish group to show a significant higher level of this type of political activity, followed by the Belgian Congolese. Based on these observations, I reject for the Brussels case the hypothesis on the aggregated effect following the size and structure of the network of interlocking directorates. I either do not find an individual effect or in case I find an individual effect it does not add to the understanding of the differences in the level of political participation I find across the three groups. If it is not the size and the structure of the network of interlocking directorates that allows to make sense of the level of political activity observed among an ethnic minority associative elite for the Brussels case, what is then? To answer this question I explore the individual effect of other types of collaborations and of other than social resources an organisation has to its disposition. Across these analyses, I find two independent variables to be of particular importance to understand the political participation by ethnic minority organisations. I find the information on receiving public funding and on being involved in collaborations with Brussels pro-migrant associative life to predict most reliably the outcomes on the different dependent variables on political participation except as for the variable on electoral participation. In uni-variate analyses I find moreover that these two resources attain relatively similar levels for the three ethnic minority groups. I understand the similarities I find across the three groups concerning the level of participation to consultation and to claim making activities strongly by referring to the predominant influence of these two resources. I note that the presence of these resources is strongly determined by the decisions that are made at the institutional level. I argue that the similar opportunities the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations meet within the Brussels institutional and political setting are strongly important in shaping the access to consultation and claim making. However I equally find that resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative field as for example the presence of an advocacy mission still adds to the understanding of these types of political participation, even after controlling for the information on public funding and contacts with the pro-migrant associative field. I argue notwithstandingthat top down processes in Brussems outnumber bottom-up processes to understand the participation of the ethnic minority organisations to consultative mechanisms and to claim making. The same can be argued concerning the involvement of the organisations in the electoral process. I find similar levels of electoral participation across the three ethnic minority associative fields. However I do not find an influence of public funding or of an embeddedness in Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field in this regard. I do not find any of the selected independent variables to reliably predict the outcome on the dependent variable. In my entire database I find only one characteristic of the organisations to allow a reliable prediction concerning the outcome on electoral participation namely that on the presence of personal relations with Brussels political parties. I argue therefore that the link between ethnic minority associative life and the electoral process is structured not so much by a systematic knowledge of which are the larger, more established or more influential organisations but by processes of personal acquaintanceship. I interpret this result by referring to the presence of assimilationist perspective on integration that is predominant in Brussels. I argue that this predominant discourse creates obstacles for that leaders of strongly resourceful ethnic minority organisations are seen as more legitimate actors to access institutional political arena. To sum up, I understand the similarities that I find across the three group concerning the level of political participation by referring to both the similar opportunities and obstacles they meet in the Brussels context. A last question that then remains concerns the difference I observe between the group concerning the level of direct contacting of representatives of the institutional political arena. I understand the first position the Belgian Turkish group holds in this regard by referring to the Turkish migration history and the particular anchoring of the group in Belgian society. I refer in particular to the more collective integration strategy that characterises this group, as compared to both other groups. I understand the second position that is hold by the Belgian Congolese group by referring to the significant higher level of two resources that occur within the Belgian Congolese associative field. I find the significant higher level of advocacy organisations and of an organising along community interests to add strongly to the understanding of the higher level of direct contacting as compared to the Belgian Moroccan group. To end with I point to the fact that the differences I observe on direct contacting are all the more remarkable since the number of elected politicians of Moroccan origin in Belgium is strongly higher as compared to the number of elected politicians of Turkish and Congolese origin. I argue that the favourable position the Belgian Moroccan group holds at the individual level concerning the access to the institutional political arena is not repeated at the collective level. On the contrary I observe an inverse relation. I therefore argue that this difference in direct contacting between the Belgian Moroccan organisations on the one hand and the Belgian Turkish and Congolese on the other should at least partly be understood in terms of a compensatory mechanism for the lack of opportunities these communities hold at the individual level. This compensatory mechanism is supported and made possible by resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative fields. I find these resources however not to be social resources, but to concern the presence of a strong collective group identity and of an intrinsic political motivation. I started this dissertation with the hypothesis on the importance of internal collaboration to understand the differences and similarities in the level of political participation undertaken by the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field. However instead of bonding social capital I find the presence of public funding of bridging social capital and of characteristics of the Brussels context and of the ethnic minority groups to be of more importance for understanding both institutional and non-institutional political activities. However this does not mean that the level of internal collaboration is of no importance at all to make sense of the political activity undertaken by ethnic minority organisations in Brussels. Even after controlling for the presence of other resources, I find that the presence of internal collaborations adds to the contentious capacity of ethnic minority organisations. I find the presence of informal collaborations to add to the understanding of the presence of proclaiming activities. I find an embeddedness in the network of interlocking directorates to reliably predict the outcome on direct contacting. If it were not for the organisations involved in the network of interlocking directorates, the level of particularised contacting would be much lower in Brussels, in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. Although the first position the Belgian Moroccan group holds on the index of ethnic civic community did not show to be a good predictor for finding a higher level of political participation among the Belgian Moroccan associative elite, it still is meaningful in the more restricted sense that the Belgian Moroccan network more strongly as compared to both other networks adds to the understanding of the level of direct contacting. To end with I find the hypothesis on the multidimensional relation between two multifaceted concepts of social capital and political participation to be confirmed for the Brussels case. Bonding and Bridging social capital relate differently to the outcomes on political participation according to the type of political activity. I moreover find the hypothesis on the importance of taking into account contextual elements to make sense of the direction of these relations to be equally confirmed. The interpretation of the empirical results I collected has not been possible without referring to characteristics of the Brussels context, of the three ethnic minority groups and of the particular anchoring of these groups in Belgian society.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis analyzes the investment environment in Belgium using SWOT analysis. Within the scope off this analysis there are discussed the most important aspects of political, legislative, economic, socio-cultural and technological nature. Due to this fact, this thesis provides a comprehensive view on the Belgian investment environment and allows potential investors to become familiar with the local characteristics. Belgian investment environment namely disposes of many sectors, which are not apparent at first glance and which can carry investment potential. Therefore, despite the complexity of the Belgian administration, legislation and regional support programs, Belgium provides a convenient place for a particular business.