Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Belrin'

• Objective of this research study urban planning for the city of Aleppo after internal conflicts and civil war. • We will choose the city of Berlin is an example of the European experience for comparison. As a result of exposure to destruction after World War II, this led to changes in urban planning and social, economic and political. • These changes have attracted specialists for reconstruction and according to modern methods, and turned from the city of devastating to the city of sophisticated and contemporary. • As a result, can benefit from the European experience in this area in the urban planning of the city of Aleppo. With the study of the positive and negative aspects in this experiment.

В магистерской работе прием пародии рассматривается как основной,центральный в "повестях Белкина".Кроме этого,мы формурлируем принципиально иное понятие пародии.Если изначально многие исслелователи выделяли такую породию,которая обладала"опрокидывающеей" и "аннулирующей функцией сент��менталисткие и романтические штампы и клише,то мы,исспользуя данное понятие,отталкиваемся от его понимание в пушкинское время,где пародия не "уничтожает" что-либо,а служит средс��вом создания нового текста.
Magistro darbe parodijos priemone nagrinejama,kaip pagrindine,centrine "Belkino apysakose'.Tuo paciu mes formuojame visai kitą parodijos sąvoka.Jeigu iš pradžių daugelis tyrinėtojų išriškindavo tą parodija,kuri turėjo"apverčiančia" bei "anuliuojančia"sentimentalius ir romantinius štampus ir klišę funkcija,tai mes,naudodami šią sąvoka,atsistumiame nuo jos suvokimo Puškino laikais,kur sį priemone"nenaikina"bei "išjuokia" kažrą,o suteikia nauja prasmę naudojant senas konstrukcijas.
The masters thesis considers the devise of parody as a basic and central in"The Belkins novels".For all this,we an absuliuteli different concept of parody.Whail the parody exposed by many investigators involvd the funksion refusing and termiminating of sentimental and romantic stamps and clishe,so we whail using the previous concept departed from its comprehension in the Pushkins time when te previous device wasnt considered as destraction,derision of something,but as device of creation of new sense at the expense of the old construction.

The central goal of this dissertation has been mapping, discussing and making sense of the political activities undertaken by Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations based in Brussels. I therefore identified these organisations in the national register of moral personalities. I furthermore administered a standardised questionnaire among a representative sample of the registered organisations. I focused in this questionnaire on both what I call institutional and non-institutional political activities. In making sense of the political activities by ethnic minority organisations I started this dissertation with a focus on the hypothesis developed by the Dutch scholars Fennema and Tillie on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community. They argue a positive association between a high level of collaboration within a particular ethnic minority associative field on the one hand and a high level of political participation that is observed among the associative elite on the other. They argue an aggregate effect following a high degree of ethnic civic community. It would not only affect the political activity undertaken by the organisations that are involved in the collaborations but also the political activity of those not involved and thereby it is thought to influence the level of participation of the entire ethnic minority associative field. To operationalise this hypothesis Fennema and Tillie designed an index for the measurement of the degree of ethnic civic community. They measure the level of collaboration among the ethnic minority organisations by mapping the interlocking directorates that occur in the ethnic minority associative field. They identify in other words the directors that are seating in the administrative board of more than one organisation. The index is composed by 4 different measures that are summed in one aggregate score. To discuss the aggregate effect they confront the ranking the ethnic minority group holds on both the index and on the level of political participation. For the Amsterdam case they find a strong parallel between both. They find the Turkish group to stand out compared to the Moroccan and Surinamese both in regard to the degree of ethnic civic community and concerning the level of political participation. During the process that has been this dissertation I gradually changed the initial hypothesis. I argue on the one hand that Fennema and Tillie put a too strong emphasis on the presence of interlocking directorates to operationalize the idea of ethnic civic community. I argue the importance to consider equally the collaborations that occur in the daily practice of the organisations. I furthermore argue the pertinence to discuss the collaborations that ethnic minority organisations establish with the Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field. I argue on the other hand that they put too little emphasis on contextual elements. I argue the importance to consider characteristics of the political setting in which the organisations are operating and to the social inequality and power imbalances that characterises the relation between ethnic minority and majority groups. I equally argue the importance of considering the presence of other than social resources that characterises the ethnic minority associative field and to pay attention to the anchoring of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group in the Belgian society. I basically argue that these contextual elements can interact with the ethnic civic community hypothesis. Based on these arguments I created a more complex research design in which I discuss both the importance of bonding and bridging social capital and in which I essentially argue the multidimensional relation between the two multi-facetted concepts of social capital and political participation. I argue that bonding and bridging collaborations can have a differential influence on the outcome of political participation according to the political activity that is considered. I argue that the direction of the relation is shaped by elements of the Brussels setting. I argue that the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community for the Brussels case could well be limited to the non-institutional dimension of political participation. I find for the Brussels case the Belgian Moroccan group to obtain the highest score on the index of ethnic civic community. The network of interlocking directorates is characterised by the presence of large clusters of interconnected organisations and a high level of connectivity. The Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group share a second position in this regard. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan associative field to be more politically active as compared to both other groups, neither concerning institutional political activities, nor regarding non-institutional activities. I observe in fact very few differences in the level of political participation across the three ethnic minority groups I study in Brussels. I do not find any statistical significant difference regarding electoral participation, involvement in consultation and the participation to claim making activities. I find only one significant difference between the groups and this concerns the presence of direct of particularized contacting of public or political authorities. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan group to stand out in this regard. I find on the other hand the Belgian Turkish associative field to hold a first position. I do in other words not find a parallel between the ranking the three groups hold on the index of ethnic civic community and the ranking the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group show as for the level of political activities undertaken by the associative elite. I read in this result a strong empirical evidence to reject the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis. However I argue that comparing the rank order that the groups hold on both independent and dependent variable essentially equals confronting uni-variate analyses and therefore is not fit to study an association between both type of variables. A third variable could for instance act as a suppressor or mediator variable making it as such impossible to make sense of the presence or absence of a parallel. I therefore argue the importance of studying the individual effect prior to discussing the aggregate effect. I additionally discuss the individual association between being embedded in the network of interlocking directorates on the one hand and the outcome on the different indicators of political participation. I thereby pay attention to the particular position an organisation holds within the network but also to the possible interactions that can occur with other than social resources of an organisation. For the Brussels case I only find one main individual effect. I find being part of one of the larger components to reliably predict the outcome concerning the direct or particularized contacting of representatives of political institutions. I find this to be true for all three groups, but in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. However the particular strong association I observe for the Belgian Moroccan organisations does not coincide with a highest group level of particularized contacting. On the contrary, I find the Belgian Turkish group to show a significant higher level of this type of political activity, followed by the Belgian Congolese. Based on these observations, I reject for the Brussels case the hypothesis on the aggregated effect following the size and structure of the network of interlocking directorates. I either do not find an individual effect or in case I find an individual effect it does not add to the understanding of the differences in the level of political participation I find across the three groups. If it is not the size and the structure of the network of interlocking directorates that allows to make sense of the level of political activity observed among an ethnic minority associative elite for the Brussels case, what is then? To answer this question I explore the individual effect of other types of collaborations and of other than social resources an organisation has to its disposition. Across these analyses, I find two independent variables to be of particular importance to understand the political participation by ethnic minority organisations. I find the information on receiving public funding and on being involved in collaborations with Brussels pro-migrant associative life to predict most reliably the outcomes on the different dependent variables on political participation except as for the variable on electoral participation. In uni-variate analyses I find moreover that these two resources attain relatively similar levels for the three ethnic minority groups. I understand the similarities I find across the three groups concerning the level of participation to consultation and to claim making activities strongly by referring to the predominant influence of these two resources. I note that the presence of these resources is strongly determined by the decisions that are made at the institutional level. I argue that the similar opportunities the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations meet within the Brussels institutional and political setting are strongly important in shaping the access to consultation and claim making. However I equally find that resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative field as for example the presence of an advocacy mission still adds to the understanding of these types of political participation, even after controlling for the information on public funding and contacts with the pro-migrant associative field. I argue notwithstandingthat top down processes in Brussems outnumber bottom-up processes to understand the participation of the ethnic minority organisations to consultative mechanisms and to claim making. The same can be argued concerning the involvement of the organisations in the electoral process. I find similar levels of electoral participation across the three ethnic minority associative fields. However I do not find an influence of public funding or of an embeddedness in Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field in this regard. I do not find any of the selected independent variables to reliably predict the outcome on the dependent variable. In my entire database I find only one characteristic of the organisations to allow a reliable prediction concerning the outcome on electoral participation namely that on the presence of personal relations with Brussels political parties. I argue therefore that the link between ethnic minority associative life and the electoral process is structured not so much by a systematic knowledge of which are the larger, more established or more influential organisations but by processes of personal acquaintanceship. I interpret this result by referring to the presence of assimilationist perspective on integration that is predominant in Brussels. I argue that this predominant discourse creates obstacles for that leaders of strongly resourceful ethnic minority organisations are seen as more legitimate actors to access institutional political arena. To sum up, I understand the similarities that I find across the three group concerning the level of political participation by referring to both the similar opportunities and obstacles they meet in the Brussels context. A last question that then remains concerns the difference I observe between the group concerning the level of direct contacting of representatives of the institutional political arena. I understand the first position the Belgian Turkish group holds in this regard by referring to the Turkish migration history and the particular anchoring of the group in Belgian society. I refer in particular to the more collective integration strategy that characterises this group, as compared to both other groups. I understand the second position that is hold by the Belgian Congolese group by referring to the significant higher level of two resources that occur within the Belgian Congolese associative field. I find the significant higher level of advocacy organisations and of an organising along community interests to add strongly to the understanding of the higher level of direct contacting as compared to the Belgian Moroccan group. To end with I point to the fact that the differences I observe on direct contacting are all the more remarkable since the number of elected politicians of Moroccan origin in Belgium is strongly higher as compared to the number of elected politicians of Turkish and Congolese origin. I argue that the favourable position the Belgian Moroccan group holds at the individual level concerning the access to the institutional political arena is not repeated at the collective level. On the contrary I observe an inverse relation. I therefore argue that this difference in direct contacting between the Belgian Moroccan organisations on the one hand and the Belgian Turkish and Congolese on the other should at least partly be understood in terms of a compensatory mechanism for the lack of opportunities these communities hold at the individual level. This compensatory mechanism is supported and made possible by resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative fields. I find these resources however not to be social resources, but to concern the presence of a strong collective group identity and of an intrinsic political motivation. I started this dissertation with the hypothesis on the importance of internal collaboration to understand the differences and similarities in the level of political participation undertaken by the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field. However instead of bonding social capital I find the presence of public funding of bridging social capital and of characteristics of the Brussels context and of the ethnic minority groups to be of more importance for understanding both institutional and non-institutional political activities. However this does not mean that the level of internal collaboration is of no importance at all to make sense of the political activity undertaken by ethnic minority organisations in Brussels. Even after controlling for the presence of other resources, I find that the presence of internal collaborations adds to the contentious capacity of ethnic minority organisations. I find the presence of informal collaborations to add to the understanding of the presence of proclaiming activities. I find an embeddedness in the network of interlocking directorates to reliably predict the outcome on direct contacting. If it were not for the organisations involved in the network of interlocking directorates, the level of particularised contacting would be much lower in Brussels, in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. Although the first position the Belgian Moroccan group holds on the index of ethnic civic community did not show to be a good predictor for finding a higher level of political participation among the Belgian Moroccan associative elite, it still is meaningful in the more restricted sense that the Belgian Moroccan network more strongly as compared to both other networks adds to the understanding of the level of direct contacting. To end with I find the hypothesis on the multidimensional relation between two multifaceted concepts of social capital and political participation to be confirmed for the Brussels case. Bonding and Bridging social capital relate differently to the outcomes on political participation according to the type of political activity. I moreover find the hypothesis on the importance of taking into account contextual elements to make sense of the direction of these relations to be equally confirmed. The interpretation of the empirical results I collected has not been possible without referring to characteristics of the Brussels context, of the three ethnic minority groups and of the particular anchoring of these groups in Belgian society.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis analyzes the investment environment in Belgium using SWOT analysis. Within the scope off this analysis there are discussed the most important aspects of political, legislative, economic, socio-cultural and technological nature. Due to this fact, this thesis provides a comprehensive view on the Belgian investment environment and allows potential investors to become familiar with the local characteristics. Belgian investment environment namely disposes of many sectors, which are not apparent at first glance and which can carry investment potential. Therefore, despite the complexity of the Belgian administration, legislation and regional support programs, Belgium provides a convenient place for a particular business.

Diplomová práce zkoumá zvláštnosti podnikatelského prostředí v Belgii. Práce začíná obecnými východisky PEST analýzy a definováním podnikatelského prostředí. V rámci jednotlivých kapitol jsou analyzovány jednotlivé skupiny faktorů, které mají vliv na rozhodnutí podnikatele o volbě země pro podnikání. Mezi ně patří politicko-právní prostředí (např. založení společnosti a právní úprava podnikání), ekonomické faktory (zejména zahraniční obchod, daňový systém a investiční pobídky) anebo sociálně kulturní aspekty, na které je třeba brát ohled při obchodním jednání v této zemi. Poslední kapitola se zabývá oblastí technologické vyspělosti belgické ekonomiky a jejím postavením vzhledem k ostatním evropským zemím.

Les comtes de Belin - dont l'histoire débuta en 1582, lorsque Jean-François de Faudoas-Sérillac épousa Renée d'Averton, une riche héritière du Maine, en relevant son nom et ses armes, et s'acheva en 1706 par l'extinction et la ruine de la lignée - n'ont laissé qu'une faible renommée. Ils sont principalement connus à travers la figure du premier d'entre eux, gouverneur de Paris pour le duc de Mayenne durant la Ligue, et celle de son fils aîné, François II d'Averton, patron de gens de théâtre et instigateur de la querelle du "Cid". Les érudits du Maine se sont intéressés à eux au XIXe et au début du XXe siècle. En les insérant dans une analyse familiale mobilisant les ressources de l'anthropologie de la parenté, cette étude s'attache à caractériser le fonctionnement des formes d'alliance et de transmission au sein de la noblesse des XVIe et XVIIe siècles commme un système à "maisons". La "maison" Belin devient alors un moyen d'interroger les pratiques de manipulation de la parenté, les conflits en son sein, la place qu'y tenaient les femmes - notamment les épouses et les veuves -, les formes de l'économie domestique et les liens de cette dernière au crédit. Son exemple permet également de reprendre les analyses des relations familiales, clientélaires et vassaliques en les articulant à la vie de la "maison" et à sa construction continuée, et en prenant en compte le poids de l'ensemble de ces éléments sur les engagements individuels. Le patronage littéraire est également réinscrit dans l'histoire sociopolitique des comtes de Belin. Au total, leur exemple ouvre des perspectives nouvelles sur les caractéristques sociales de la "noblesse seconde", ses évolutions, ses rapports au pouvoir monarchique, et sur les mécanismes qui rendaient possibles la ruine d'une "maison" nobiliaire au XVIIe siècle

In questa tesi prenderò in esame l’emigrazione degli italiani in Belgio nel decennio 1946-1956, rispettivamente l’anno della stipulazione dell’accordo italo-belga e della catastrofe di Marcinelle: in questo periodo 140.100 uomini italiani, talvolta raggiunti dalle loro famiglie, presero la via per le miniere belghe. La tesi è divisa in due capitoli: partenze e arrivi. Nel primo capitolo, mi propongo di ripercorrere le tappe che hanno segnato la partenza dei lavoratori italiani: partendo da una breve panoramica sulla situazione europea nel secondo dopoguerra, passo a definire le dinamiche che hanno portato i due paesi a stringere l’accordo italo-belga del 1946 e a illustrare come siano state realizzate le operazioni di reclutamento in Italia. Concludo il capitolo con una breve analisi dei flussi migratori. Nel secondo capitolo, tratto i traumi che hanno subito gli emigrati italiani una volta arrivati in Belgio, in particolare il lavoro nelle miniere e gli alloggi in cui si ritrovarono a vivere, a proposito dei quali apporto la testimonianza di Girolamo Santocono. Passo poi ad analizzare l’integrazione dei nostri connazionali con la popolazione locale, tenendo conto dell’influenza dei ricongiungimenti familiari; tratterò brevemente anche la partecipazione politica degli emigrati italiani. Inoltre, visto il mio percorso di studi, mi è sembrato interessante almeno accennare alle difficoltà linguistiche incontrate dagli espatriati italiani e all’istruzione dei loro figli. La catastrofe di Marcinelle nel 1956, di cui parlerò nella conclusione, rappresentò la fine di flussi costanti di minatori provenienti dall’Italia ma non l’arresto definitivo delle emigrazioni verso il Belgio che, seppur non più destinate al lavoro nelle miniere, sono un fenomeno ancora attuale e, oggi come ieri, motivato dalla speranza di trovare un futuro migliore.

A story about love and desire to imagine architecture in a peruvian landscape. On one hand, 'Refuge in Belen Valley' is a thesis about discovering the ideal conditions that architecture should meet in a landscape, conditions that approach the idea of an offering of man rather than a conditioning for man. On the other, it is a thesis about thinking architecture as a composition derived out of material properties, emotional intentions, inhabiting possibilities and counterpoint, the arrangement of differences through dialogue.
Master of Architecture

This thesis explores the films produced in the francophone Belgian region of Wallonia as a case study for the configuration of what will be termed a ‘transnational regional’ cinema. The first section of this dynamic is considered in relation to film and cultural policy, which problematizes the possible formation of a clearly delineated regional or ‘national’ cinema. This presupposes a reconfiguring of the transnational along the lines of the regional and the linguistic communities of Belgium, which, in essence, pertains to how production, distribution and exhibition mechanisms function within the devolved region of Wallonia. This section therefore focuses on film policy as well as a macro- and micro- economic analysis of the industry in order to consider the perceived imbalance between Belgian and French cinema. In the second half, the thesis develops a textual analysis of a series of case study films to consider how cultural film policy and francophone Belgian identity is imagined and then imaged on screen. The interplay between the transnational and the regional is then nuanced by the approaches to the ‘transnational regional’ aesthetic. This aesthetic includes the visualization of the rural and urban Walloon landscape in Eldorado (Bouli Lanners, 2008) and Ultranova (Lanners, 2006) and the ‘marked’ regional landscape in Cages (Olivier Masset-Depasse, 2006). The shift in location across the conterminous border with France due to the logic of film funding engenders the approach to the ‘marked’ regional space in Masset-Depasse’s film. The final chapter tracks this aesthetic through to the works of the Dardenne brothers and in particular Le gamin au vélo (Dardenne brothers, 2011) in order to approach the construction of a peripheral spatial formation through corporeal movements. This therefore necessitates a consideration of how the Dardenne brothers’ film chimes with waves of European filmmaking, thereby revealing a regional space that is conceptualized as de-centred.

This thesis is focused on the analysis of business conditions of small and medium-sized enterprises in Belgium. First chapter involves the definition of these companies, describes their weaknesses and strengths and importance in the European Union. Next part includes short information about Belgium and contains also the description of the local business environment. Third chapter aims at the characteristics of small and medium-sized companies in Belgium considering the total number of active companies, employment and other measures and analyzes in detail the system of the public support at the european, national and regional level. The last part compares the sector of SMEs in Belgium with the same category of enterprises in the Czech Republic.

This thesis deals with Belgian foreign policy towards its former colonies since colonialism to the present. Particular emphasis is put on the crucial moments of their relationship, which are character of the colonial administration, process of decolonization, civil war in the former colonies and current bilateral cooperation. The conclusion and evaluation of Belgian foreign policy is based on analysis of historical and political mutual relations.

Software engineering often requires a team arrangement because of the size and scope of modern projects. Several team structures have been defined and used, but these structures generally define only the tasks and jobs required for the team. Various process and product metrics seek to improve quality, even though it is generally agreed that the greatest potential benefit lies in people issues. This study uses a team-based personality profiling tool, the Belbin Self-Perception Inventory, to explore the characteristics offered by the Company Worker, one of the team roles defined by Belbin.
Master of Science

La teoría general del delito pretende reunir y articular en un sistema los presupuestos necesarios para la imposición de una pena. Esta pretensión y su justificación es generalmente compartida. No obstante, como puede fácilmente advertirse de las definiciones del concepto de delito propuestas por los diversos autores, históricamente la articulación de los presupuestos de la pena ha tenido lugar de manera muy diversa. El debate sobre esta cuestión se mantiene en la actualidad. El objeto de este trabajo es la exposición y el estudio crítico de la introducción de la tipicidad como elemento de la definición y la teoría general del delito, así como del significado y la trascendencia que Beling y los autores neokantianos otorgaron al tipo penal.

Este estudio se inicia con la exposición del pensamiento de Ernst Beling porque -como se reconoce por la doctrina- es este autor el que introdujo la tipicidad como categoría autónoma en la definición de delito e inició, de este modo, la moderna teoría del tipo penal. La primera parte de este trabajo está dedicada al análisis de la concepción del tipo penal que Beling propuso a partir de sus "Die Lehre vom Verbrechen" y la tercera edición del "Grundzüge des Strafrechts", que se publicaron en 1906 y 1905 respectivamente. Asimismo, hacemos referencia a los objetivos que este autor se propuso, a su concepción sobre el método de la ciencia del Derecho, y al significado que anteriormente la doctrina había dado al concepto de tipo.

En gran medida, la diversidad en el modo de articular los presupuestos de la pena, así como las diferencias en el contenido, el significado y la función de las categorías en las que aquéllos se han agrupado históricamente, responde a la diversidad de las perspectivas metodológicas desde las cuales se ha abordado aquella pretensión. Por esta razón, después de analizar la obra de Beling, hemos dedicado la segunda parte de este trabajo al análisis del concepto y la trascendencia que otorgaron a la teoría del tipo los autores neokantianos, centrando aquí la atención en su concepción acerca del método de la ciencia del Derecho y la plasmación que hicieron de él en la teoría del tipo los penalistas más destacados: M.E. Mayer, Mezger y Sauer.

The aim of the master thesis is to introduce Belgium as a tourist destination. The work is devided into 6 chapters giving the basic information about Belgium, describing its prerequisites and conditions for the development of the tourism and covering the relation between Belgium and the Czech republic. The responses of the questionnaire about the interest in mutual tourism are included. The last chapter presents the analysis of tourism in Belgium, also related to the Czech Republic.

The Nazis' deployment of foreigners (Ausländereinsatz) between 1939 and 1945 established one of the largest forced labour programs since the abolition of slavery during the nineteenth century. Foreign civilians from across Europe were deployed in Germany's war economy. Between 350,000 and 400,000 Belgian civilians were deployed in Germany during the Second World War- roughly half of these workers went to Germany voluntarily, but under a degree of pressure due to the Military Administration's economic policies in occupied Belgium. This thesis examines the implementation of the Nazi forced labour program through the analysis of the lives of Belgians who worked in Germany in the period 1940-1945 and by using a variety of original sources, including the records of the German Military Administration in Belgium and German and Belgian labour officials and the accounts of those who lived and worked in Germany. This thesis proposes a social history of the Nazi foreign labour program with a strong focus on the history of everyday life, drawing extensively on records such as letters, diaries, photographs and personal accounts of Belgians who worked in Germany during the Second World War, as well as hospital, police and judicial records. The employment patterns and experiences of Belgians deployed in Germany are examined through detailed case studies of Berlin and Düsseldorf, industrialised cities where Belgians were deployed in significant numbers. The Nazi regime divided Belgium's population along linguistic lines: Belgians were officially subject to differentiated treatment based on whether they were Flemings or Walloons. Examining the treatment of Belgians by the Nazi regime and comparing Nazi racial policies and practice, this thesis emphasises the key role played by local authorities, employers and individual Germans in shaping the experiences of foreign workers. It is argued that an important distinction must be made in relation to the material advantages western European workers enjoyed due to their elevated position in the Nazi racial hierarchy and the benefits individual foreign workers were able to secure by virtue of their employment skills, linguistic skills and greater confidence. The experiences of Belgian workers are also compared and contrasted with those of other national groups and are related to the broader history of foreign labour in Nazi Germany. This study also examines the experiences of Belgian women. While Belgian women represented close to 15 percent of Belgians deployed in Germany, studies of Belgian labour in Germany have largely overlooked their experiences. Utilising the limited available sources, this thesis contributes to an understanding of women's experiences. By focussing on the social history of the Ausländereinsatz and the stories of individual Belgians, this thesis maps the varied experiences of Belgians in Germany during the Second World War, illustrating convergence and divergence from Nazi racial policy and the fundamental role ordinary Germans played. More importantly, however, this thesis shows that Belgian civilian workers were not just passive victims of the German occupation. The decision to go to Germany to work was a personal one for many Belgian volunteers, based on individual circumstances. In difficult economic times and with no end to the war in sight, Belgians sought to navigate the best course for themselves and their families. While conscripts were by definition not free, as western Europeans Belgians were afforded greater rights and legal protections, which ensured they had room for manoeuvre and were able to exercise a significant degree of control over their own destinies.

The 2011 military intervention in Libya relied solely on air and naval assets and is considered a great success. In some contexts the intervention is even seen as a model for future military interventions, despite some studies highlighting circumstances that makes the conflict in Libya unique. This thesis analyses the underlying dynamics that might be able to explain the NATO-coalition’s success in Libya. More specifically this thesis investigates whether the domestic legitimacy of the Gaddafi regime might have affected the Libyan armed forces’ ability to withstand aerial denial. This in turn, may have made the regime vulnerable to coercion. Using a case study-approach and a qualitative method, the purpose of this thesis is to give military decision-makers further basis for decision-making in terms of when a similar concept might be effective in the future.  Conclusions drawn from the analysis show that the Libyan armed forces might have been a weakened organisation even before the conflict began, due to elements relating to domestic legitimacy. Further conclusions show that despite the intervention being a coercive failure, the use of aerial denial might have enabled the rebel victory on the ground.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-04, Section: A, page: 1490. Adviser: James D. Le Sueur. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed March 22, 2007)."

Thesis (Ed.D.) -- Teachers College, Columbia University, 1989.
Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Ronald J. Baken. Dissertation Committee: Harold F. Abeles. Bibliography: leaves 98-103.

This thesis examines the conflicted relationship between the Belgian army and society from its independence in 1830 through to the end of the First World War in 1918. It assesses the role that the army played as a tool of nation building in what was a culturally, geographically, linguistically, and politically fractured country. Ultimately, the work argues that the army largely failed in this role as political interference in the institution restricted its ability to impact positively on the youth entrusted to its care. The machinations of the two dominant parties, the Catholics and the Liberals, helped reinforce local ties as opposed to fostering a wider sense of nationhood. The military implications were manifold. Not only was the army slow, within a continental context, to adopt conscription, only doing so in 1913, but the strong sense of anti-militarism within society equally held successive governments to account over necessary financial contributions towards other aspects of the military, such as the Civic Guard and the fortresses. When coupled with the issue of language among a majority Flemish rank and file commanded by a predominantly French-speaking officer corps, there was a real fear among domestic and foreign commentators that Belgium’s ability to uphold its unique imposed neutrality in the event of a future war was limited. Notwithstanding, its performance during the First World War was surprising and marked a brief interlude in the contested domestic affairs of the long nineteenth century, as opposition against the ‘other’ rallied the nation behind a single cause. It demonstrated that, despite an entrenched parochialism, multiple associations with the concept of Belgian nationality were extant, but required the crisis of the Great War in order to be clearly expressed.

Today, Belgium is an oft-cited example of a “fabricated state” with no real binding national identity. The events of 1787-1790 illustrate a surprisingly strong rebuttal to this belief. Between 1787 and 1790, the inhabitants of the Southern Netherlands protested the majority of reforms implemented by their sovereign Joseph II of Austria. In ten independent provinces each with their own administration and assembly of Estates, a resistance movement grew and its leaders eventually raised a patriot army over the summer of 1789. This force chased the imperial troops and administration from all the provinces except Luxembourg, allowing the conservative Estates and their supporters to convene a Congress at Brussels, which hosted a central government to the new United States of Belgium. By November 1790, however, infighting between democrats and conservatives and international pressures allowed Leopold II, crowned Emperor after his brother’s death in February, to easily reconquer the provinces. This thesis investigates the moment in which “Belgianness,” rather than provincial distinctions, became a prevailing identification for the Southern Netherlands. It tracks the transition of this national consciousness from a useful collaboration of the provinces for mutual legal support to a stronger, more emotional appeal to a Belgian identity that deserved a voice of its own. It adds a Belgian voice to the dialogue about nations before the nineteenth century, while equally complicating the entire notion of a nation. Overall, the thesis questions accepted paradigms of the nation and the state and casts Belgium and the Belgians as a strong example that defies the normal categories of nationhood. It examines how the revolutionaries—the Estates, guilds, their lawyers, the Congress, and bourgeois democratic revolutionaries—demonstrated a growing sense of “Belgianness,” in some ways overriding their traditional provincial attachments. I rely on pamphlet literature and private correspondence for the majority of my evidence, focusing on the elite’s cultivation and use of national sentiment throughout the revolution.

The thesis analyzes and compares tax burden on employees in the Czech Republic and Belgium. The first part summarizes the tax systems of the two countries, and describes how to proceed in the calculation of their tax burden. The second part deals with the comparison of effective tax rates for different types of taxpayers. The third part discusses the tax progressivity in terms of local progressivity, which is measured by using provided intervals and determines for which income categories is the progressivity most important. Lorenz curve in the last part shows graphically global tax progressivity and redistribution of income in society. The Gini coefficient measures it. Final evaluation highlights the important ties between the two countries, compares with other countries of the European Union and its future development especially in the area of taxation of wages.

Die Politikfeldanalyse der belgischen Frauenförderpolitik für die Privatwirtschaft wird anhand eines Analyserasters für Gleichstellungspolitik durchgeführt. Nach einer Einführung in das politische System Belgiens und die gesellschaftspolitischen Bedingungen für Gleichstellungspolitik wird die staatliche Initivative für Gleichstellung in der Privatwirtschaft dargestellt. Die Analyse der Policy bezieht die relevanten politischen, verwaltungstechnischen und gesellschaftlichen Faktoren ein und nutzt Analyseinstrumente der Verwaltungswissenschaft und der feministischen Politikwissenschaft.
The Belgian equal opportunities policy for women in the private sector is analysed with an analytical framework useful for assessing gender equality policies. The text comprehends an introduction into the Belgian political system and the societal conditions for equal opportunity policies. The public policy for gender equality in the private sector is analysed borrowing analytical methods from Public Administration and feminist research on gender and the state.