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Åkesson, Malin, and Isak Prytz-Sund. "Järnvägstransporter från Asien : En utforskande studie om hur svenska företag kan använda Belt and Road Initiative." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Industriell ekonomi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-36427.
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Att företag använder sig av global sourcing och har leverantörer i lågkostnadsländer har blivit allt vanligare. Detta för att arbetskraftskostnaden i dessa länder är låg. Men en kostnad som i stället ökar i och med detta är transportkostnaden. Godset behöver transporteras längre sträckor vilket även gör att transportledtiden ökar. Samtidigt ställer kunder allt högre krav på snabba leveranser och de företag som valt global sourcing måste därför många gånger ha stora lager för att kunna möta kundernas krav. De företag som har leverantörer i Asien väljer oftast att transportera godset med sjötransporter då det är det billigaste transportsättet. Dock är det också det transportsätt som har längst transportledtid. Kinas nya infrastrukturprojekt Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) bidrar till att järnvägstransporter kan användas i större utsträckning, men många svenska företag vet inte vilka möjligheter det finns med BRI och järnvägen. Syftet med denna studie är därför att ge svenska företag en ökad förståelse om vad BRI kan bidra med för de företag som använder global sourcing. Studien har uppfyllt sitt syfte genom att göra en fallstudie hos ett svenskt företag som har leverantörer i Asien och visade ett intresse för BRI och järnvägstransporter. Syftet uppfylldes även genom att göra en litteraturstudie där relevant information om studiens ämne inhämtades som grund för studiens teori. Det resultat som framkommer av studien visar vilka motiv och riskfaktorer svenska företag kan ta i beaktning vid användandet av BRI och järnvägstransporter. Utifrån dessa har en modell med riktlinjer utformats för att hjälpa företag att göra valet om de bör använda järnvägen som transportsätt eller inte. Fallföretaget skulle dra nytta av järnvägstransporter på grund av den minskade transportledtiden, den ökade flexibiliteten samt att leverantörer inte behöver vara lokaliserade nära en hamn. Genom denna studie ska fallföretaget och andra svenska företag förstå vad BRI är för något och vilka motiv det kan finnas med att byta transportsätt och fyller därför det kunskaps- och informationsgap som finns gällande detta.
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Grönström, Alfons. ""Thank you, brother Xi" : En studie i hur Kinas Belt and Road Initiative påverkar EU:s möjlighet att tillämpa sin utvidgningsstrategi." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418161.
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Turesson, Christina. "Kinas nya sidenväg : En teorikonsumerande fallstudie utifrån realism och liberalism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100078.
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This essay consists of a case study which examines China’s Belt and Road Initiative from two theoretical perspectives: realism and liberalism. The essay aims to enhance the comprehension of the Belt and Road Initiative by providing a realistic as well as a liberal interpretation of the project, and then comparing them to point out similarities and differences between these views. The essay concludes that the theoretical perspectives here work complementary rather than contradictory, and that what is hard to explain with one theory, often can be explained by the other. A liberal perspective sees more opportunities with the project, whereas a realistic one sees more risks but also necessities. The important aspects of the project from a liberal perspective concludes to be increased trade, international cooperation and interdependence, which are considered as risks from a realistic perspective. The main advantage is to increase power and security and legitimize the rule of the Chinese communist party, realistically speaking. Realism and liberalism interpret the goal with the project differently as well. Whereas realism sees BRI as a bold foreign policy project which aims to help China gain power to become a superpower and defeat poverty in China, liberalism view BRI as a foreign policy infrastructure project, built on trade, international cooperation and linking the world together.
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Angestav, Oscar. "Belt and Road Initiative - Den Nutida Marshallplanen?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385642.
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Zhang, Yizhi Jing Jing. "One Belt One Road| China's Nation-Building Initiative." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10244494.
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<p> Millennia ago, a vital trade route connected the thriving civilizations of ancient Greece, Persia, and China. Through the ancient Silk Road, China was able to influence societies far beyond its national borders. And now, in the twenty-first century, it seeks to do the same. This paper will attempt to develop a new paradigm that more fully explains the rationale and objectives of the One Belt One Road initiative. It argues that nation-building is the most comprehensive way to understand the Chinese government's intentions with OBOR. The following chapters will also demonstrate how OBOR fits into the CCP's larger ethno-nationalist "China Dream" campaign, which crafts a narrative of a unified and rejuvenated China predicated on a single identity.</p>
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Titti, Giacomo <1991>. "Landslide susceptibility in the Belt and Road Initiative." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2022. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/10341/1/PhD_thesis_Titti_reviewed.pdf.
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The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a project launched by the Chinese Government whose main goal is to connect more than 65 countries in Asia, Europe, Africa and Oceania developing infrastructures and facilities. To support the prevention or mitigation of landslide hazards, which may affect the mainland infrastructures of BRI, a landslide susceptibility analysis in the countries involved has been carried out.
Due to the large study area, the analysis has been carried out using a multi-scale approach which consists of mapping susceptibility firstly at continental scale, and then at national scale.
The study area selected for the continental assessment is the south-Asia, where a pixel-based landslide susceptibility map has been carried out using the Weight of Evidence method and validated by Receiving Operating Characteristic (ROC) curves. Then, we selected the regions of west Tajikistan and north-east India to be investigated at national scale.
Data scarcity is a common condition for many countries involved into the Initiative. Therefore in addition to the landslide susceptibility assessment of west Tajikistan, which has been conducted using a Generalized Additive Model and validated by ROC curves, we have examined, in the same study area, the effect of incomplete landslide dataset on the prediction capacity of statistical models.
The entire PhD research activity has been conducted using only open data and open-source software. In this context, to support the analysis of the last years an open-source plugin for QGIS has been implemented. The SZ-tool allows the user to make susceptibility assessments from the data preprocessing, susceptibility mapping, to the final classification.
All the output data of the analysis conducted are freely available and downloadable.
This text describes the research activity of the last three years. Each chapter reports the text of the articles published in international scientific journal during the PhD.
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Nogarotto, Elisa <1996>. "The Belt and Road Initiative: accounting training and digital skills." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18213.
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The principal themes of this thesis are the accounting training and the digital skills of accountants in Belt and Road Initiative. In particular, the aim of this work is to demonstrate how such a vast project is changing the role of the accountant and the skills required of him. The research will demonstrate this hypothesis through the analysis of white papers and official declarations, published by the Chinese government, as well as in-depth research, carried out by experienced professors in the field, concerning training, new skills and technologies available to accountants. The first part will introduce the context of Belt and Road Initiative, analysing it from a financial and economic point of view and stressing the importance of this project both for China and for all those countries that have decided to be part of it. Doing it, the thesis will focus on the importance of the accounting sector in the project: accounting in this case is to be considered at the same time a resource but also a possible source of misunderstandings due to the different accounting systems of the individual states. Precisely because of these risks, China, together with some associations, is moving to form the figure of a more competent accountant, who must have a global vision. In order to do this, it is necessary that the training process, the central theme of the second chapter, is updated in the modalities and that new skills, that are increasingly required from accountants, are also included during the educational process. Among the new skills, the most requested are, without doubt, those related to technology, which, once developed, will allow the accountant to communicate data in a simpler and faster way. The technologies available, however, are growing more and more and many of them do not require the figure of accountant: the aim of this thesis is, in the final part, to analyse the risks and benefits of such technologies.
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‘Mokose, ‘Manapo. "The Belt and Road Initiative: Implications for Economic Development in Africa." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32869.
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This study examines the possible impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on economic development in Africa. Launched in October of 2013, the initiative was established to alleviate trade and investment bottlenecks between the more than 65 countries that are signed on to it as member states. In 2017, it became the centrepiece of China's foreign economic policy and the filter through which all of its commercial ties with external actors would be pursued, framed, or determined. It is expected that when fully operationalized, the initiative will restructure China's ties with other countries. The study analyses the possible repercussions of that restructuring, focusing on its relationship with Africa. Since consolidating their commercial relationship in the early 1990s, China has played a vital role in developing Africa's economy. With the operationalisation of the BRI, its capacity or interest to maintain that role will be modified. Depending on the changes that emerge, and given its deep economic reliance on Beijing, Africa must prepare for both positive and negative implications for its economies. The study examines these implications. It notes, among others, the upgrades Africa stands to gain to its industrial structure and business environment. It also highlights potential losses, including the hit that Africa's revenue earnings might take and the heightened competition that local industries will be exposed to because of the liberalisation that the BRI pursues. Ultimately, the study advises that what outcomes arise – be they positive or negative – will depend on how well or sufficiently the continent positions itself to moderate the negative impact of the BRI on its economies. In the concluding chapter, the study makes recommendations on how Africa might facilitate or magnify projected benefits stemming from the BRI.
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Lodetti, Claudia Adele <1993>. "One Belt One Road Initiative - La diplomazia cinese nell'era Xi Jinping." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12846.
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Il 7 settembre 2013, in occasione della visita all’ Università Nazarbayev di Astana, Kazakhstan, il neo presidente cinese Xi Jinping annunciò per la prima volta la volontà di costruire la “zona economica della nuova Via della Seta”. Successivamente, il 3 ottobre dello stesso anno, egli propose di accompagnare alla prima la costruzione della “Via della Seta Marittima del XXI secolo”. I due progetti andarono a costituire la “One Belt One Road Initiative”, la “Nuova Via della Seta”, un’iniziativa aperta e inclusiva per la cooperazione e la crescita economica della zona euroasiatica, rivolta ad approssimativamente sessanta paesi e comprendente fino a cinque miliardi di persone. Due nuovi modelli di cooperazione trans-regionale colleganti Asia, Africa e Europa dal punto di vista politico, economico, commerciale e infrastrutturale, con il fine di promuovere l’amicizia tra i popoli, stabilire legami economici più saldi, approfondire la cooperazione, accrescere lo sviluppo e lavorare insieme per costruire un futuro migliore.
In cosa consiste tale progetto? Come si colloca tale iniziativa all’interno delle strategie di politica estera delineate dalla leadership cinese del XIX Congresso del PCC? Quali sono le sue implicazioni geopolitiche nello scenario internazionale? Questa tesi si occuperà di rispondere a tali quesiti. Partendo infatti da una breve analisi del ruolo assunto dalla Cina nelle relazioni internazionali a partire dall’età imperiale nel primo capitolo, verranno successivamente presentate le linee di politica estera adottate dal governo Xi Jinping, per focalizzarsi infine nel terzo capitolo sull’iniziativa OBOR, sulle sue conseguenze e possibili sviluppi.
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Caruso, Valeria <1994>. "The Belt and Road Initiative and Italy: Italferr's Case - How Italy Can Increase Its Influence in the Belt and Road Framework." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14069.
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In the Belt and Road framework Italy has the chance to increase its influence thanks to the competences and strategies carried out by Italferr, the company which takes care of the studies, engineering, procurement and construction of many railway projects, not only in Italy but also in many parts of the world. Thanks to Italferr, Italy has been able to export its engineering excellence everywhere and show that the Italian railways really can make the difference.
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Tresoldi, Filippo <1992>. "Il Consiglio Europeo e la Belt and Road Initiative cinese (2013-2018)." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14152.
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Nel primo capitolo andrò a definire vari aspetti del Consiglio Europeo, le sue competenze e Capacità nonché il suo ruolo in seno all’Unione Europea e le sue possibili implicazioni in merito alla Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Nel secondo analizzerò la BRI, cercando di darne un quadro il più chiaro e completo possibile. Infine nel terzo ed ultimo capitolo proverò a definire la prospettiva del Consiglio Europeo riguardo all’iniziativa, partendo dalla posizione dell’UE in generale, comparando in seguito documenti e dichiarazioni del Consiglio Europeo e della sua presidenza con quelli dei leader cinesi, cercando di delinearne la correlazione con i principali eventi sul piano internazionale. Questo studio dovrebbe permettere una più ampia comprensione della posizione dell’Unione Europea in merito alla BRI e facilitare l’individuazione delle condizioni necessarie al superamento delle divergenze ed allo sviluppo di una maggiore cooperazione in merito tra Cina ed UE.
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Marcomin, Nives <1994>. "Belt and Road Initiative: An opportunity or a challenge for Italian Adriatic ports?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/15398.
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The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a project launched by the Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, which main purposes are connectivity and integration. The BRI aims to the accomplishment of two specific routes: the so called “Belt”, an itinerary constituted by six land corridors that encompass Central Asia, from China to Western Europe; and the “Road”, a sea lane that connects several port hubs in the Indian Ocean and in the Mediterranean Sea, crossing the Straits of Malacca and Suez.
The project represents the Chinese attempt to gain a central position in the global economic scenario, but it is also considered as a strong possibility to improve connectivity, ensure security and peace and to provide huge opportunities of growth at an international level.
Since European institutions deeply concern about several critical issues in developing the BRI, the position of EU towards the project is quite conflicting. Firstly, EU is highly influenced by the fear that China might threat the union and the strong relation that has been established among member states; moreover, it is also worried about the leading role that China is reserving itself in the development of the project. In addition to that, from the European point of view the lack in defining a precise structure and a more well-defined process of accomplishment of the project generates a high sense of uncertainty in EU about the effects and the challenges that could result from the plan. Finally, other important issues which are not underestimated by EU are the respect of transparency and the harmonization of standards, considered as a hard challenge to overcome.
While the position regarding the BRI project taken by the EU seems to be in conflict with it, Italy has recently signed a Memorandum of Understanding with China that shows its interests and its intent to highly contribute in the development of the initiative. In this way the Italian ports mainly involved in the project are those of Trieste and Genova, to which the Belt and Road project may offer remarkable possibilities to take part to important international logistics projects, providing, especially to Adriatic ports, a higher level of efficiency and great opportunities for improvement.
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Santini, Giulia <1995>. "Mapping existing and foreseen environmental impacts related to the Belt and Road initiative." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18938.
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China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with the participation of over 100 countries (which together
represent 48% of the world population and which produce 23% of global GDP) is the largest
infrastructure development plan in history.
It aims at reaching: political coordination, structural connectivity, unhindered trade, financial
integration and connectivity between different populations along its routes.
However, an overview of global environmental history clearly highlights that the development of
large infrastructures aiming at reaching economic development is on the other hand largely
responsible for the catastrophic loss of biodiversity and environmental pollution phenomena
recorded since the late 1980s.
An infrastructure project on this scale will necessarily pass through ecofragile regions and key
biodiversity areas (KBAs) therefore representing a severe risk for the environment.
The main aim of the thesis is to map the existing and foreseen environmental impacts and risks
related to the BRI, discussing them in the wider context of the environmental impacts of large
infrastructures at global level. I will start by delineating an environmental history of large
infrastructures. Against this background I will then introduce and discuss the overall architecture
and impact of BRI, highlighting its role in replicating models of development that have
hoistrorically brought about huge environmental and ecological challenges. Finally, I will employ a
case study approach to zoom in the reality of BRI implementation in a socio-ecologically vulnerable
context.
The WWF spatial analysis of 2017 identifies the area of south-east Asia as within the ones most
likely to be at higher risks as a result of the BRI corridors. Therefore, I have decided to focus on
BRI impact on this region, epitomizing biodiversity threats brought about by the initiative.
As a case study I will analyse the Batang Toru Hydropower project. An under construction power
plant which is part of the Belt and Road Initiative and it is of great relevance in this essay: it is a
clear example of a plant that has already caused massive damages in the ecosystem of North
Sumatra, Indonesia; moreover, if built, will most probably have an irreversible impact on the
environment, the society and biodiversity of the region..
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Vincenti, Giacomo <1995>. "The Dragon's grip: Chinese presence in ports along the Belt and Road Initiative." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18961.
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Oggigiorno, la Nuova Via della Seta cinese è senza dubbio un progetto che salta agli onori di cronaca per grandezza e influenza, lanciato dal governo Xi Jinping nel 2013 per permettere alla Cina di elevarsi a grande protagonista internazionale negli equilibri geopolitici e in ambito commerciale. Nello specifico, l’elaborato andrà a concentrarsi sulla rotta “marittima” della Belt&Road Initiative, chiamata “21st century maritime Silk Soad”, che partendo dal paese asiatico attraversa il mar Cinese Meridionale, mar Arabico e mar Rosso, prima di risalire il Canale di Suez e sfociare nel Mediterraneo. Il progetto in questione viene accompagnato da una massiccia campagna di investimenti mirati all’acquisizione di infrastrutture per la connettività territoriale, tra cui terminal e porti dove società cinesi come la COSCO SHIPPING Ports detengono importanti quote di partecipazione al fine di assicurarsi una stabile presenza sulle rotte marittime del commercio.
La struttura dell’elaborato è suddivisa in tre capitoli. Nel primo capitolo verrà fatta menzione dell’intera iniziativa Belt&Road (il perché della sua nascita, gli obiettivi da perseguire, le rotte terrestri che la compongono, etc) per poi focalizzarsi sulla rotta marittima che altresì comprende. Il capitolo prevede anche una sezione dedicata ai recenti cambiamenti all’interno dell’industria marittima che hanno contribuito all’incremento dell’attenzione cinese nei confronti delle rotte marittime dell’iniziativa, e un’altra sezione dedicata agli investimenti portuali cinesi indirizzati verso quei paesi adiacenti o posti lungo la 21st maritime Silk Road. La prima sezione si chiuderà con le criticità riscontrate dall’UE in merito al progetto BRI per quanto riguarda la sua penetrazione in Europa e le strategie diplomatiche che Pechino sta mettendo in campo per il successo della sua iniziativa.
Il secondo capitolo tratterà invece dell’attenzione cinese per l’Italia e i porti italiani. Passerà in rassegna il Memorandum of Understanding e gli altri accordi firmati nel marzo del 2019 e inquadrerà la realtà portuale italiana dal punto di vista giuridico per poter analizzare meglio sia un’ipotetica (e ulteriore, poiché è già stato fatto con Vado Ligure) partecipazione cinese nei terminal portuali italiani, sia la legittimità delle iniziative intraprese dall’Autorità di Sistema Portuale del Mar Adriatico Orientale per attrarre gli investitori esteri, soprattutto cinesi.
La terza ed ultima sezione riguarderà la vicenda del porto di Trieste, analizzando dal punto di vista storico il suo coinvolgimento all’interno dell’ottica della Belt&Road fino ad arrivare alla recente acquisizione della maggioranza delle quote della nuova Piattaforma logistica da parte della tedesca Hamburg Hafen und Logistik (HHLA). Alla luce di quanto accaduto, gli investimenti cinesi nel porto sono solo rimandati oppure è in scena un’inversione di rotta che ci allontanerà dalla partnership con il Dragone?
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Kässlin, Tony. "Kinas väg till dominans? : En fallstudie om Belt and Road Initiative som utrikespolitisk strategi." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104329.
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The purpose of this essay is to explore China's foreign policy through Joseph S. Nye's theory of power applied on the Belt and Road Initiative. It aims to answer whether or not China's foreign policy has changed during Xi Jinping's presidency and in what way Belt and Road Initiative can be explained in terms of power behaviour and power resources. The method used in this essay is that of a case study. The empirical evidence shows that China's foreign policy has changed in a direction that is meant to strengthen Xi Jinping's influence and that Belt and Road Initiative is a project with the intention to accumulate economic resources. It also shows that China's government and domestic policies weakens its "soft power" resources due to restraints in its civil society. The essayc concludes that the Belt and Road Initiative is China and Xi Jinping's expansion strategy whose main objective is to create incentives for Chinese domestic, economic growth. It also concludes that Chinese "soft power" would increase if the domestic policies would aim for a more democratic course.
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Suppani, Arianna <1994>. "Progressi della Belt and Road Initiative in Europa. Case study: il porto di Trieste." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/17086.
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L’iniziativa ideata e portata avanti dal governo cinese che prende il nome di 一带一路 Yīdài yīlù (tradotto “una cintura, una via”), è il più grande progetto infrastrutturale mai pensato dall’uomo che punta a ridisegnare i confini economici e politici attraverso l’implementazione di una rete di infrastrutture che renda gli scambi più rapidi e funzionali. Dopo sei anni dal lancio di questo progetto, la geopolitica mondiale ha vissuto significativi cambiamenti che verranno proposti ed analizzati nella prima parte di questo lavoro. La Belt and Road Initiative sta infatti generando nuove sfide nel campo del commercio, delle infrastrutture, delle industrie e influenzando la governance globale.
Per avvicinarsi alla realtà cinese e comprenderla nella sua complessità, il lavoro si concentra nel secondo capitolo sul ruolo delle imprese di stato cinesi, che chiamate State Owned-Enterprises SOEs (国有企业 guóyǒu qǐyè), fungono da protagoniste della Belt and Road Initiative. Esse si distinguono dai modelli occidentali in quanto sono caratterizzate da uno stretto rapporto con il Partito centrale. Il sistema cinese infatti opera in maniera unitaria coordinando aziende, banche e il sistema finanziario: cooperare con la Cina vuol dire quindi conoscerne le caratteristiche fondamentali.
La terza parte analizza i progressi della Belt and Road Initiative in Europa, approfondendo la relazione bilaterale con i paesi più coinvolti e gli investimenti cinesi concepiti nelle infrastrutture ed aziende ritenute strategiche. L'obiettivo di questa ricerca è maturare una conoscenza approfondita del progetto cinese per apprendere il possibile ruolo del porto di Trieste, sancito dal recente accordo firmato a marzo 2019 tra la SOE cinese China Communications Construction Company e l’Autorità di Sistema Portuale del Mare Adriatico Orientale Porti di Trieste e Monfalcone.
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Lin, Zi Qiang <1995>. "Belt and Road Initiative: The New Silk Road for the New Chinese Era Analysis of the Initiative and its delicate role in a global pandemic." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19335.
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The “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI), a Chinese initiative with the goal to achieve multilateral cooperation, integration and commercial and international development.
The Initiative will involve not only China, but also the rest of Asia, Europe, Africa and the Middle East with the formation of a colossal network of commercial relationships capable of helping the single national economies and hinder the populist and protectionist trends that had gained more and more support in the last few years.
This dissertation will analyse and explain what this initiative represents and how it will affect the future of international relationships between Eurasia’s superpowers.
First by providing a framework of the protagonist of the initiative, exposing the context in which the BRI was formulated and then promoted.
Then it will be covered the BRI itself, how it is structured, who will it involve and the goals and aim of it. The magnitude of its importance is extremely high both by the global benefit that it will bring to the involved or affected economies and for the window of opportunity that this interconnection will provide to China. It will also be considered the recent outburst of Covid-19, the global pandemic started at Wuhan and how the Chinese government have dealt with the crisis and how different countries’ perspective on China has been affected.
After a focus of JG Europe, who has a role in the initiative, forecasts will be made on the future of China.
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Gaspar, Rui Manuel Leal. "Portugal e o Porto de Sines na grande estratégia geoeconómica chinesa:a Belt and Road Initiative." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16481.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Estratégia<br>Em 1978, com as reformas implementadas por Deng Xiaoping, a República Popular da China
iniciou uma Grande Estratégia Geoeconómica que fez com que se encontre, em menos de
quatro décadas, a disputar a liderança mundial com os EUA. A sua reemergência, num mundo
pautado pela globalização, depende cada vez mais das relações comerciais internacionais. A
Belt and Road Initiative é, assim, um meio desta projectar globalmente o seu poder
económico, de modo a conseguir exportar o excesso da sua capacidade produtiva, ao mesmo
tempo que garante o fornecimento dos recursos que necessita para a sustentabilidade da sua
economia e consequentemente da manutenção do seu sistema político.
Neste contexto, a presente dissertação visa compreender o potencial que a integração de
Portugal terá na interconectividade desta Iniciativa chinesa a nível mundial. Em particular,
pretende averiguar como a localização do Porto de Sines no ponto mais ocidental da Eurásia,
a par com a excepcionalidade das suas características técnicas aumentam a possibilidade de
Portugal vir ser incluído nos documentos oficiais chineses como parte da Belt and Road
Initiative.<br>In 1978, with the reforms implemented by Deng Xiaoping, the People's Republic of China
began a new cycle focused on economic development that made it compete for world
leadership with the United States of America in less than four decades. Its reemergence, in a
world dominated by globalization, depends more and more on international trade relations.
The Belt and Road Initiative is, in a way, a means of projecting its economic power globally, so
as to be able to export the excess of its productive capacity, while guaranteeing the supply of
resources that it needs for the sustainability of its economy and consequently the
maintenance of its political system.
In this context, the present dissertation aims to understand the potential that the integration
of Portugal will have in the interconnectivity of this Chinese initiative worldwide. In particular,
it seeks to ascertain how the location of the Port of Sines at the westernmost point of Eurasia,
along with the exceptional technical characteristics of the port increases the possibility of
Portugal being included in the Chinese official documents as part of the Belt and Road
Initiative.<br>N/A
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Montaldo, Erika <1995>. "The Belt and Road Initiative impact on Mediterranean and Italian ports. The case of Genoa." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/15978.
Full textAbstract:
This final thesis analyses the various direct and indirect effects of the great Chinese project “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) on the most important Mediterranean and Italian ports. Subsequently, it will focus on the harbor city of Genoa, which has gained considerable importance in the colossal Chinese project.
We are in a historic moment of great changes, both nationally and globally, characterized by a strong competition between the two major world powers, America and China, in order to win the first place. After the extraordinary economic growth that has allowed China to change its “developing country” status and to present itself to the international scene as one of the main players, now we see the country establish itself as the leading trading power.
In this global context the widely discussed and known Belt and Road Initiative, the great geopolitical and commercial project launched by Xi Jinping in Kazakhstan on September 2013, plays a significative role.
The idea behind the BRI is to consolidate and strengthen a dense network of bilateral agreements within a multilateral scheme, anchored to the vast Chinese market. This paper gives particular attention to the Twenty first century maritime silk road, the route that connects the Chinese port hubs with the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean, passing through the straits of Malacca and Suez. China through the New Marittime Silk Road is implementing a strategic penetration process within the most important Mediterranean ports, that through a deep requalification of infrastructures they try to effectively adapt to the new marine traffics standards. Recent phenomena such as the Megaships and the Big Alliances produce a substantial impact on the shipping market. There is a natural process of selection between ports that is gradually favoring those able to guarantee to the carriers lower costs, high productivity, and state-of-the-art logistics technologies.
The redesign of the international routes and the doubling of the Suez Canal are consolidating the importance of the Mediterranean maritime traffic. With the doubling of the Canal, together with the increased volumes of traffic related to China, but also to the other countries involved in the Maritime Silk Road, a new opportunity is generated in order to give back to the Mediterranean his centrality in maritime traffics.
The paper analyzes the different strategic methods of Chinese penetration in the Mediterranean ports, like the managing concession of the majority of Piraeus port by the chinese shipping company COSCO Shipping and the equity participations in Israel, Turkey, Spain and Egypt.
Italian ports that, although there is no comparison with the Northern Europe ports like Rotterdam in terms of size and numbers of goods managed, could still play a role in the BRI project and really benefit from it, on condition that are fulfilled some requirements. In order to gain concrete result form the participation to the BRI project it is necessary to revolutionize and improve the connections between ports and hinterland, so as to be able to guarantee to the Chinese entities efficiency, good connectivity, short times and punctuality. Major investments are needed in order to develop connectivity and infrastructure quality, and China is playing a leading role in this context.
Finally the paper focus on the city of Genoa, its port system, and its relation with China. Genoa has been able to understand the significance that the Chinese power is assuming at global level and how reciprocally positive can be to establish relations with it, it is of fundamental importance to take action in order to safeguard and develop the precious Chinese alliance.
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Peña, Alejandra. "China’s assertive turn: China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment through the belt and road initiative." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669352.
Full textAbstract:
En los años posteriores a la crisis económica global del 2008, el auge de las
potencias emergentes entre las que se encuentra China ha contribuido a un
cambio en el equilibrio de poder global desde el Oeste hacia el Este y continúa
engendrando transformaciones importantes en el sistema internacional y la
economía global. En este escenario, China es percibida como un actor cada vez
más esencial en el mundo y en gran medida se le otorga un creciente interés a su
proyección externa, así como a su política exterior y al alcance y papel de su gran
estrategia. Los recientes debates al respecto de la naturaleza y el impacto de la
política exterior de China han suscitado preguntas sobre las formas en las que China
está desarrollando un perfil internacional más proactivo y aumentando sus
capacidades para alcanzar sus objetivos diplomáticos y de política exterior.
El argumento principal de esta tesis es que la implicación de China en el
mundo a través de su gran estrategia y su política exterior ha sido objeto de un
proceso de reajuste estratégico con el objetivo de, en primer lugar dar respuesta a
las aspiraciones de China como un actor con cada vez más poder, en segundo
lugar de proyectar un perfil internacional más proactivo y de liderazgo, en tercer
lugar de aumentar la influencia global que ostenta Pekín, y por último de gestionar
los retos que surgen del propio auge de China. Esta tesis propone la hipótesis de la
existencia de factores domésticos y sistémicos que influyen y orientan la gran
estrategia china, así como el reajuste de su política exterior en la era de Xi Jinping.
La contribución empírica de esta tesis explora la existencia de tres períodos en la
evolución de la política exterior china: un período dogmático, un período
pragmático y un período asertivo. Asimismo, analiza y da cuenta de las
motivaciones y la razón de ser de la Iniciativa de la Ruta y la Seda en su función de
herramienta de política exterior bajo el mandato de Xi Jinping.
Las contribuciones académicas han tendido en su mayoría a estudiar el
auge de China desde un nivel de análisis u otro, bien sistémico o bien doméstico,
en ocasiones focalizándose incluso en el nivel regional. Asimismo, la tendencia ha
sido también la adopción de una aproximación teórica limitada a una de las
principales teorías de Relaciones Internacionales. Esto, a su vez, genera estudios o
análisis de cariz parcial o sesgados sobre el auge de China, que, si bien son de un valor añadido para el debate, sufren de la falta de una perspectiva más exhaustiva
que trascienda los tradicionales niveles de análisis y estudie múltiples
conceptualizaciones. Esta tesis busca rellenar ese hueco en la literatura
presentando un marco de análisis multinivel y multiteórico que identifica una serie
de factores observables y los categoriza en dos niveles de análisis diferentes
(sistémico y doméstico) para dar cuenta de los ejes impulsores y la razón de ser del
ajuste de la política exterior china y su gran estrategia.
Esta investigación busca explorar la razón de ser y las motivaciones que
sustentan el giro asertivo de la política exterior china. Para ello establece una
pregunta general y una pregunta específica enfocada al caso de estudio: en
primer lugar, ¿cómo han los factores domésticos y sistémicos guiado la gran
estrategia de China y alumbrado el reajuste de su política exterior bajo el mandato
de Xi Jinping? Y en segundo lugar, ¿cómo ha contribuido la Iniciativa de la Ruta y
la Seda a dicho ajuste? El caso de estudio seleccionado es la Iniciativa pues
responde al diseño de crucial-case. A través del estudio de la Iniciativa de la Ruta y
la Seda, esta investigación es capaz de obtener un mayor número de
observaciones que atestigüen con el ajuste y la transformación de la política exterior
de China.
En resumen, esta investigación entabla el análisis del ajuste reciente de la
política exterior de China, así como el estudio de su gran estrategia en un contexto
de interdependencia y con la presencia de factores sistémicos y domésticos que
interactúan. En este análisis, esta tesis argumenta que China está llevando a cabo
un proceso de reajuste de su política exterior que se ve impulsado por la interacción
de, por un lado, factores sistémicos tales como los cambios en la economía global
y las fluctuaciones en la estructura de poder internacional, y por el otro, factores
domésticos como son la preservación del régimen, el agotamiento del modelo de
desarrollo y la restructuración de las élites. Por último, esta investigación sostiene que
la Iniciativa de la Ruta y la Seda es una herramienta central mediante la cual se da
forma y se implementa la política exterior de China de acuerdo con su gran
estrategia.<br>In the aftermath of the 2008 global economic crisis, the rise of emerging
powers such as China has contributed to the shifting balance of global power from
the West to East and continue prompting significant transformations to the
international system and the global economy. In this scenario, China is seen as an
increasingly pivotal player in the world arena and much interest is dedicated to its
external projection and foreign policy and to the scope and role of its grand strategy.
Recent debates on the nature and impact on China’s foreign policy have raised the
question of the ways in which China is developing a more proactive international
profile and becoming more capable of accomplishing its foreign policy objectives
through its global economic and diplomatic engagement.
The central argument of this dissertation is that China’s engagement in the
world through its grand strategy and foreign policy have undergone strategic
adjustments to meet China’s growing power aspirations, project a more proactive
and leading international profile, increasing Beijing’s worldwide influence, and to
cope with the complex challenges that the rise of China has brought in. This
dissertation hypothesizes the existence of domestic and systemic factors driving
China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment in Xi Jinping era. The empirical
contribution of this dissertation explores the existence of three periods in the evolution
of China’s foreign policy: the dogmatic, the pragmatic and the assertive periods,
and it accounts for the rationale and motivations of the Belt and Road Initiative as a
foreign policy tool under Xi Jinping’s era.
Most scholarly contributions tend to study the rise of China from a particular
level of analysis, either systemic or domestic, some including regional perspectives,
and they also tend to adopt a single theory-based approach. This generates partial
or focalized studies or insights about China’s rise which add great value to the
debate yet lack a more comprehensive perspective that cuts across levels of
analysis and studies multiple conceptualizations. This dissertation aims to fill that gap
in the literature by presenting a multi-level and multi-theoretical framework for
analysis which identifies a series of observable factors categorized into two different
levels (systemic and domestic) to account for the drivers and rationale of the
adjustment in China’s foreign policy and grand strategy.
8
This research aims to explore the rationale and motivations behind China’s
assertive turn in its foreign policy. To do so, it poses one overarching question and
one specific case-oriented question: Firstly, how have domestic and systemic factors
driven China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment in the Xi Jinping Era?
And secondly, how has the Belt and Road Initiative contributed to such adjustment?
The case study selected is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) following a single crucialcase
rationale. By focusing on the BRI as the most-likely case, this research is able to
obtain more observations of the adjustment and transformation of China’s foreign
policy.
To summarize, this research tackles the analysis of China’s recent foreign
policy adjustment as well as the study of its grand strategy in a context of
interdependent and mutually reinforcing systemic and domestic factors. In doing so,
it argues that China is undergoing a process of adjustment in its foreign policy that is
driven by the interaction of systemic factors such as the changes in the global
economy and the fluctuations in the international power structure, and of domestic
factors such as regime preservation, the exhaustion of the development model and
elite restructuring. Moreover, it sustains that the BRI is a central tool for the shaping
and implementing of China’s foreign policy in accordance with its grand strategy.
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Wu, Lunting. "China and Global Governance under Xi Jinping Problematizing China’s Leadership through the Belt and Road Initiative." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16357.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais<br>O atual sistema internacional, no qual a China ascende sem precedente em termos
económicos, é altamente institucionalizado, fragmentado e específico em áreas de assunto, e
encontra-se predominado pelos Estados Unidos e os seus aliados. Neste contexto, Pequim
está a perseguir maior pro-atividade na global governance, crescentemente acompanhado de
narrativas assertivas e uma abordagem mais pragmática que contrastam com as das
presidências anteriores. Enquanto política externa primordial do Presidente Xi Jinping, a
Iniciativa Faixa e Rota (abreviada como a BRI, sigla em inglês) tem como objetivo promover
a conectividade de infra-estrutura, a liberalização do comércio, bem como a integração
financeira na dimensão global. Neste contexto, recorrendo às teorias principais de Relações
Internacionais, a presente dissertação visa analisar a eficácia da BRI em cumprir o desejo de
Pequim ascender à liderança da global governance.
Segundo o paradigma neo-realista, dada a natureza revisionista da ascensão da China num
sistema internacional estabelecido sob a influência pervasiva dos E.U.A, argumenta-se que
as instituições recém-criadas em apoio da BRI, juntamente com as normas e práticas
inovadoras, vêm, em geral, a exercer efeitos de desconcentração e deslegitimação sobre
algumas das disposições internacionais centradas no Ocidente, uma etapa necessária antes
que os poderes dominantes ascendentes assumam a liderança global. Através do prisma
neoliberal, a complementaridade da BRI com compromissos internacionais fomenta o papel
da China como um poder responsável, e confere-lhe mais alavanca face a um Washington
mais introspectivo. Da perspetiva dos países destinatários, o apoio primariamente oriundo
das elites dos Estados relacionados com a BRI tem galvanizado este projeto e alargado a
adesão, ao passo que a resistência do grande público ensombra as prospectivas do mesmo,
conforme a doutrina realista neoclássica. Conclui-se, assim, que a BRI se apresenta como um
instrumento eficaz para Pequim na sua longa busca da liderança na global governance, mas
esforços adicionais serão essenciais para ultrapassar os desafios e riscos associados<br>The current international system in which China is rising unprecedentedly in economic terms
is highly-institutionalized, fragmented, issue-area specific, and is predominated by the US and
its allies. In this context, Beijing is pursuing increased proactivity in global governance, with
more assertive narratives and a more pragmatic and dualistic approach compared with the
preceding presidencies. As an overarching foreign policy under President Xi Jinping, the Belt
and Road Initiative (BRI) primarily aims to improve infrastructure connectivity, trade
liberalization, and financial integration in the global dimension. This dissertation seeks to
analyze the BRI’s effectiveness in fulfilling Beijing’s desire of global governance leadership by
resorting to principal International Relations theories.
Drawing upon neorealist paradigm, due to the revisionist nature of China’s ascendance in an
established international system under pervasive US influence, it is argued that the newlyestablished
institutions in support of the BRI, together with innovative norms and practices,
by and large cast de-concentrating and de-legitimating effects on some of the Westerncentered
global governance arrangements, a necessary stage before rising dominant powers
actually come to assume global leadership. Through the neoliberal prism, the
complementarity of the BRI with international commitments foments China’s role as a
responsible power, and confers it greater leverage in the evolving global governance pattern
against the backdrop of a more inward-looking Washington. From a recipient perspective,
endorsements from elites of BRI-related states have generally emboldened the BRI and
enlarged its membership, while resistance derived from the general public overshadows the
future prospects of the project, pursuant to the neoclassical realist doctrine. It is therefore
concluded that overall the BRI has been by now an effective instrument in Beijing’s long quest
for leadership in global governance, but additional efforts are needed to tackle associated
challenges and risks.<br>N/A
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Paggi, Giulia <1993>. "Globalization with Chinese characteristics: the implications of the Belt and Road Initiative for the globalization process." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12624.
Full textAbstract:
Globalization has clearly done a great deal for China. Beginning in 1978, economic reforms gradually increased China’s engagement with the rest of the world. China has achieved an impressive progress thanks to its economic liberalization, but this advancement has certainly come at a cost. The economic reforms in China have been political, cultural and above all global processes, the transition to a market economy in China brought to a transformation on political and social institutions influencing also the life and the culture of Chinese people. The astonished growth of China in the last three decades also brought the country to rise its global economic and political power, redesigning the world geopolitical equilibrium and assuming a power central role. The old international order emerged at the end of Second World War seems bound to change, China is becoming the major character in the new era of globalization and the huge proposal of Belt and Road Initiative is the main evidence, a declaration of China’s intent to further raise its international position and influence.
Starting from the concept of globalization and analyzing its process and changes, it will observe how the largest communist party in the world also became the world’s most dynamic and business-friendly capitalist economy, studying the value on which Chinese globalization is founded it will consider what is the current state of economic, political and social reforms in China and to what extent are these spheres inextricably intertwined in China’s course of development.
It will be analyzed what is the Belt and Road Initiative launched in 2013 by the Chinese leadership and designed to become one of the most important and discussed theme within geopolitical and international sphere. The project has been described as the most ambitious economic and diplomatic project from the foundation of People’s Republic of China. The initiative actually involves more than 65 countries, approximately three-quarters of the world’s population and 40% of global gross domestic product. The Belt and Road Initiative will be not only a way to continue the China’s economic development but especially a step toward China’s further responsibility in the global order not just as a contributor but as a player that set the rules. Understanding what is Belt and Road Initiative and what it involves, it will try to assess what will be the impact of the Initiative in the globalization process, especially focusing on the change direction. It will try to analyze what there was before and what there is now and what would mean a change in the global order and a transition to a new development and globalization path at the level of institutions, values and norms. A change process is started and it will not affect only China but the world as a whole, the current global equilibrium is changing and a new one, proposed by China is ready to be implemented. What it will imply in the political, economic and social sphere it will be possible to assess only in the future but this dissertation will try to clarify potential future’s backdrops, drawing then the consequent observations.
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Grandoni, Laura <1993>. "I risvolti ambientali della Belt and Road Initiative, Il caso studio dell' Egiin Gol Hydropower Project." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/15218.
Full textAbstract:
Questo elaborato si propone di analizzare le implicazioni ambientali della Belt and Road Initiative attraverso l’analisi di un caso studio particolare, ovvero il progetto idroelettrico costruito sul fiume Eg, situato in Mongolia. La peculiarità di questo caso studio risiede nel coinvolgimento di più nazioni e diversi interessi, difatti le conseguenze ambientali in questione sono legate al lago Baikal che si trova in Russia ed è patrimonio UNESCO.
Nel testo vengono analizzate le politiche interne ed estere su cui si basa l’iniziativa Belt and Road e le conseguenti valutazioni ambientali legate ai progetti infrastrutturali che da essa scaturiscono. Successivamente ci si focalizza sul caso studio, definendone la natura in maniera dettagliata e l’importanza della questione ambientale in concomitanza con quella economica e sociale. Nell’ultima sezione vengono definite con precisione le scelte e le posizioni delle nazioni coinvolte ed infine viene fatta una considerazione generale circa il cambiamento delle politiche ambientali ed energetiche alla luce dei nuovi progetti della Belt and Road Initiative.
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Aste, Sofie. "Alla vägar bär till Peking : Om Belt and Road Initiative och dess förutsättningar att utvecklas till en säkerhetsgemenskap." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8359.
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This essay deals with the Chinese mega-project Belt and Road Initiative and investigates whether itis possible that it could have a positive impact on regional peace. Previous research, as well as thetwo major IR-theories realism and liberalism, have assumed the project will lead to more tensionand even increase the likelihood of war in the future. According to the constructivist securitycommunity theory this does not have to be the case. By applying Adler and Barnett's rendition ofDeutsch classical theory to the case of BRI through a literary analysis the possibility of a peacefuloutcome is investigated. The analysis concludes that at the moment of writing BRI does not live upto the criteria necessary to be classified as a nascent security community. However, three of the fourindicators, establishing of multinational institutions, coordination of inter-state relationships and acore power leading the integration are fulfilled. Only when it comes to expression of sameness inpolitical, cultural, ideological or social areas is BRI lacking. If more focus is placed on cultivating acommon identity, the possibility of BRI developing into a security community can not be ruled out.
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MARRI, SOHRAB AHMED. "Architecture for "Other". China's eclectic pragmatism in developing countries within the framework of the Belt and Road initiative." Doctoral thesis, Politecnico di Torino, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11583/2912970.
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Stefanini, Susanna <1992>. "BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE, an examination within the context of China’s emergence as a regional and global power." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/11948.
Full textAbstract:
Since 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI, in Chinese, Yi Dai Yi Lu, 一带一路) has become the milestone of China's economic diplomacy. With a geographic coverage of over 60 countries in Asia, Middle East, North Africa and Europe. BRI represents China’s greatest initiative to promote economic growth in the world through infrastructure developments.
This research is divided into three chapters which analyse this ambitious project in the intent of clarifying the widespread uncertainty about China’s motivations and means within BRI.
The first chapter explores the strategic policy framework of the Initiative, which turns out to be a flexible, open and inclusive project that lies on the five “cooperation priorities”: policy coordination, infrastructure connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration and people-to-people bond. It has no formal institutional structure, but crosses into already established regional and international legal, economic and political regimes.
The second chapter shifts to BRI’s economic and financial framework, observing that China’s economic pressures pushed the country to turn into an active driver of the regional and global economy. Since the CCP’s legitimacy is inextricably linked to the economic growth, BRI’s economic dimension, through a “multilateral” approach, aims to support Chinese industries in their penetration of foreign market through economic factors such as trade, overseas direct investments, financial support and new financial vehicles (Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank - AIIB and Silk Road Fund- SRF).
The third chapter takes into consideration the countries touched by BRI’s land route analysing their importance within the project and their acceptance of Chinese’s investment volume.
The nature of this economic initiative is aimed to create a community of shared destiny, in which countries can share mutual benefits and coexist peacefully along the trade routes. It represents the Chinese response to the change of geopolitical scenarios, to the global economic crisis: a globalisation with Chinese characteristics.
The thesis shows how the Belt and Road Initiative represents the Chinese implementation of “soft power” through a multilateral channel instead of an aggressive approach. However, there is an increasing confusion behind the motivations and the means behind BRI’s employment. Because of the lack of transparency, ambitious projects without a defined plan, legal uncertainty, some countries are suspicious of China’s economic initiative, considering the BRI as an unveiled mean aimed at serving a wide range of domestic interests and expanding Chinese influence.
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Arifi, Jasmin <1995>. "The Evolutionary Path of Seaports and the Belt and Road Initiative: the competitive position of the Venice Port System." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/17247.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the past and ongoing evolutionary trends in the port and maritime sector. In the last decades, the identity of ports has been characterized by substantial changes under multiple dimensions. This work starts with a review of the main developments occurring since the second half of the 20th century, with a focus on the role and functions, the governance models, the technological innovations, and social and sustainability dimensions of seaports. Having analyzed the occurred evolution of the industry, the rest of the thesis takes into consideration the current and potential future developments for seaports, with a primary focus on the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative and its effects on port strategies.
The North Adriatic Sea Port Authority (Venice Port Authority) is examined as a case study, with regard to the variables considered in the first part of this work, its competitive position relative to competitors, and its strategic intents. Such analysis stems from a literature review, integrated with insights acquired through an internship and semi-structured interviews conducted in the Port Authority. The goal is to identify the competitive position of the Port Authority of Venice, in consideration to the trends taking place in the industry and the port's competitive factors as potential drivers of success in the new world inevitably influenced by the Belt and Road Initiative.
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Chan, Seng In. "The discursive engineering of Chinese foreign policy in Xi Jinping's era :the case of the "One belt, one road" initiative." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953861.
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Paladin, Alessandro <1995>. "EU-Asia connectivity: the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative on maritime trade and future perspectives for Italian ports." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16905.
Full textAbstract:
In questa tesi finale viene analizzata la volontà di aumentare la connettività tra i paesi asiatici, in particolare la Cina, e i paesi europei. C’è la volontà di coinvolgere e contribuire allo sviluppo dell’area Euroasiatica, Asiatica e Africana da parte della Cina e di molte potenze mondiali. Il tutto parte dall’analisi dell’iniziativa cinese Belt and Road (BRI) che mira ad aumentare la connettività infrastrutturale, via terra e via mare, tra i paesi coinvolti nel progetto, ma è anche un’iniziativa che mira ad aumentare le relazioni economiche, politiche e socio-culturali. Verranno analizzate in particolare nel quadro della BRI, le rotte della nuova vie della seta, i paesi e la popolazione coinvolta e i grandi finanziatori del progetto. Seguirà un’analisi del ruolo dell’Italia anche alla luce dei nuovi accordi commerciali e istituzionali firmati tra Italia e Cina e un’analisi geopolitica su pro e contro, mettendo in luce le reali intenzioni cinesi e le reazioni internazionali al progetto, soprattutto da parte degli Stati Uniti d’America. La parte centrale di questo elaborato si concentrerà sul commercio marittimo mondiale attuale e futuro, considerando rotte e volumi del commercio, segnando l’importanza di Suez e della ritrovata centralità del Mar Mediterraneo in un mondo dove il baricentro geo-economico del commercio si sta spostando sempre più ad Est. Seguirà una comparazione della strategia europea e quella cinese sul tema. Ci sarà poi un’analisi dell’impatto della BRI sui porti italiani e un focus sui possibili sviluppi e prospettive per i porti del Nord Adriatico, che sono di particolare interesse Cinese e possibile porta d’accesso via mare al commercio europeo. Il ruolo dell’Italia all’interno delle reti europee TEN-T, essenziale sul mare e importante del punto di vista ferroviario, diventa centrale e una grande potenzialità di sviluppo per il nostro paese. Sul tema, proveremo a dare una soluzione per l'azione futura italiana, all'interno di una visione comune europea, per poter far fronte alle nuove sfide del commercio globale e all'emergere di nuove potenze globali, in un mondo che sta sempre più cambiando.
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Stockmann, Ann-Sophia. "The Effects of Chinese FDI and Infrastructure on Economic Growth across the Belt and Road." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-388930.
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China has gone through a phase of rapid economic development in the last four decades. The country is the world’s biggest economy, measured in GDP purchasing power parity terms, and the largest trading nation in terms of the total sum of exports and imports of merchandise trade. With the launch of the century’s largest infrastructure project – the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by Xi Jinping in 2013, China is planning to revive the Ancient Silk Roads in order to gain geopolitical power beyond Asia. Thus far, huge flows of FDI have already made their way from China to countries along the Belt and Road, especially the ones in need of additional infrastructure provision. In this paper, the effect of Chinese outward FDI on economic growth in the BRI economies through infrastructure development is examined, thereby conducting a cross-country analysis with panel data for 34 and 27 countries, respectively, over the period 2005–2017. The direct effect of Chinese FDI on economic growth in BRI countries is ambiguous, supporting previous literature on FDI and economic growth. When adding infrastructure indicators to the regressions and accounting for the endogeneity problem, the effect of Chinese FDI on economic growth changes but remains insignificant, nevertheless. This is most likely due to the reduced sample sizes, on the one hand, and the fact that Chinese construction contracts play a bigger role than actual FDI in the BRI.
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Li, Shengyue. "China Buys Up the World? Analyzing the Impact of the One Belt One Road Initiative on China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1782.
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Announced in 2013, the One Belt One Road(OBOR) Initiative is considered the most important geopolitical development strategy of the 21st-century in the country. The Chinese government aims to promote trade and investment with more than 63 OBOR countries. In this paper, I analyze the impact of One Belt One Road Initiative on China’s foreign direct investment for a period of 2003-2015 with a country level panel data. Other determinants frequently used in the FDI literature such as market size, geographical distance, resources, trading effects and political risks are also considered in the model. The empirical results show that OBOR policy is positively associated with China’s outward FDI flow. I believe the research result indicates a policy related trend for Chinese firms’ overseas investments.
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Wahlberg, Scott Andrea. "Promoting digital authoritarianism : A study of China’s Digital Silk Road." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-37656.
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China’s influence is increasing steadily in all corners of the world. One of China’s foreign policy goals is to become a technological superpower by 2025. An important part of that goal is the Digital Silk Road (DSR), a sub-project to China’s massive infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative. The DSR is on one hand contributing to positive technological developments, especially in developing countries. But on the other hand, it has gotten substantial criticism for being a front for spreading China’s digital authoritarian model and for giving authoritarian regimes the tools to effectively repress citizens and violate human rights. The aim of this study is twofold. The first aim is to examine and map out how China might be promoting autocracy through the DSR, this will contribute to a deeper empirical understanding. The second aim is to give a theoretical contribution by categorizing autocracy promotion and testing the value of active and passive autocracy promotion in relation to China and the DSR. To conduct the analysis, I will draw on literature about autocracy promotion and digital authoritarianism. The existing literature is divided on whether or not China is promoting autocracy, and I will thus be arguing that technological advances, and the DSR, makes it problematic to claim that China is not engaged in autocracy promotion. Therefore, I seek to contribute to the existing literature. The results show that China is in fact involved in autocracy promotion through the different DSR projects. It also shows that China’s support, in some cases, have been crucial in providing authoritarian regimes with repressive technologies. The results also indicate that promoting autocracy might not be an outspoken goal or strategy from China, but rather an unintended consequence when trying to reach domestic political and economic goals.
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Голов, С. В., та S. V. Golov. "Участие России в проекте «Один пояс, один путь» : магистерская диссертация". Master's thesis, б. и, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/100773.
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Работа посвящена анализу развития экономического сотрудничества между РФ и КНР в контексте реализации китайской глобальной инициативы «Один пояс, один путь» (ОПОП). На основе широкого круга источников и литературы определяются основные направления взаимодействия, особенности и результаты сотрудничества в рамках ОПОП. Также анализируются позиции обеих стран и оценки взаимодействия, транслируемые международным экспертным сообществом. Автор приходит к выводу, что РФ и КНР не являются равноправными партнерами в проекте ОПОП, однако их сотрудничество, в целом, имеет положительную динамику.<br>The work analyses the development of economic relations between Russia and China in the context of the implementation of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). On the basis of a wide range of primary and secondary sources, the interaction, features and results of cooperation within the framework of BRI are determined. The official positions of the two countries are analyzed, as well as the assessment of interaction by the international expert community. The author comes to the conclusion that the RF and the PRC are not equal partners in the BRI project, however, their cooperation, in general, has positive dynamics.
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Bosma, Laura. "All Roads Lead To China : A case study on Nigeria’s HIV epidemic and the effect of One Belt One Road:How does China’s One Belt One Road Initiative affect Nigeria’s HIV epidemic?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-453702.
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Nigeria is home to the second-largest HIV epidemic in the world. Due to its neglected healthcare system, dwindling economy and persistent cultural beliefs, and stigmatization of people with HIV, the virus has been transmitted relatively freely for decades. This long-running crisis has recently transformed due to China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. This initiative has led to large and unintended consequences through infrastructure projects on healthcare in general and the HIV epidemic in particular. This research focuses on the effects of BRI on the HIV epidemic through the theoretical framework of the 5 A's, availability, accommodation, financial accessibility, acceptability, and geographical accessibility (Otu, 2018), that reflect the individual needs and the factors that need to be realized before the access to healthcare is satisfied. The importance of geographical accessibility (Williams & Wilkins, 2012) and cultural, political, and economic factors that play a significant role in the epidemic are discussed in the case study. The research uses a qualitative approach. A literature review and a case study analyze BRI and Nigeria's HIV epidemic based on primary and secondary data. The case study is complemented by in-depth unstructured interviews with experts of BRI or Nigeria's HIV epidemic. The results acknowledge that BRI is both an opportunity and a challenge for Nigeria's HIV epidemic. BRI is an opportunity to cope with Nigeria's socio-economic and political causes and consequences. Nigeria's economy is boosted by constructing roads, railways, and airports. Due to this, Nigeria will be more accessible for people, goods, and services, and since the economy and health are connected, their healthcare system will be improved. A challenge of BRI is the lack of transparency and vagueness of the Chinese government to fully understand their intentions for the country and the danger of falling into a debt-trap. Nonetheless, Nigeria is highly in need of funding and BRI can be seen as a step in the right direction regarding Nigeria's HIV epidemic through long-term funding and information sharing. This research touches upon humanitarian and scientific values. Only by fully understanding the effects of BRI on the HIV epidemic can transmissions be efficiently and effectively contained. As there is little academia written about the effects of BRI on public health and since China's role as a humanitarian actor and world power is increasing, it will be interesting to learn more about tomorrow's humanitarian aid.
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Garcia, Zenel. "China's Eurasian Foreign Policy: Region-Building Through State-Building Since 1991." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3750.
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Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, its leaders have been preoccupied with efforts to increase state capacity in order to exercise more effective control over their western frontier by controlling their minority population and generating the conditions for economic development in the area. Although these state-building initiatives have always incorporated an international component, the collapse of the USSR, the transnational characteristics of development, and China’s concern around the challenges of terrorism, separatism, and extremism have necessitated an accompanying region-building project in Eurasia. Using a synthesis of the region-building approach and the concept of regionalization, this study traces how Chinese domestic elite-led narratives about security and development generate domestic state-building initiatives which in turn produce region-building projects. Furthermore, this study assesses how region-building projects are promoted through narratives embedded in foreign policies that establish the historicity of China’s engagement in Eurasian affairs and norms of non-interference and co-development. Finally, it traces the empirical construction of regions through integrative infrastructure.
By revealing the three symbiotic phases of Chinese domestic state-building and region-building, this study demonstrates how region-building projects have facilitated China’s ability to increase state capacity, control, and development in its western frontier. Furthermore, China’s region-building projects have gradually transformed Eurasia in a manner that has resulted in its eastward orientation through the usage of connective infrastructure and co-development projects that place China at the center of Eurasia. This project demonstrates how China has emerged as a dominant power in Eurasian affairs that not only exercises significant political and economic power, but more importantly, ideational power.
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Leitão, Inês Raquel da Cruz Couto Pires. "Estratégias de investimento direto estrangeiro : o caso da China." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20403.
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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus<br>O Investimento Direto Estrangeiro (IDE) consiste na transferência de recursos de um país para outro, supostamente com o objetivo de criar riqueza no país de acolhimento. Para muitos países, o IDE pode representar um importante motor para facilitar a integração económica internacional, pois com um quadro político adequado, ele pode proporcionar estabilidade financeira, promover o desenvolvimento económico e melhorar o bem-estar da sociedade.
Nos últimos anos, os fluxos do IDE têm tido um papel significativo para o crescimento da economia de vários países, sobretudo para aqueles que apresentam maiores fragilidades económicas, dado que proporcionam uma importante fonte de financiamento que lhes permite aumentar o nível da tecnologia e do know-how das suas empresas, e subsequentemente induzir o aumento da produtividade.
Recentemente têm-se verificado o aumento do interesse, por parte da China, no IDE em Portugal e noutros países, com os setores da energia, da banca e dos seguros no topo das preferências dos investidores chineses no caso português.
Nesta dissertação propomo-nos analisar o IDE chinês. Pretende-se analisar os principais investimentos realizados por investidores chineses em Portugal, com vista a tentar perceber se por detrás dos mesmos existe uma eventual estratégica política e/ou se os mesmos fazem parte de um modelo estratégico mais amplo que consubstancie uma tentativa de domínio económico chinês do Sul da Europa.<br>Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is the transfer of resources from one country to another, supposedly for the purpose of creating wealth in the host country. For many countries, FDI can be an important driver for facilitating international economic integration, as with an appropriate policy framework, it can provide financial stability, promote economic development and improve the well-being of society.
In recent years FDI inflows have played a significant role in economy growth of several countries, especially those with the greatest economic weaknesses, as it provides an important source of finance that enables to increase the level of technology and knowhow of its companies, and subsequently induce increased productivity.
Recently there has been an increase in China's interest in FDI in Portugal and elsewhere, with the energy, banking and insurance sectors topping Chinese investor preferences in the Portuguese case.
In this dissertation we propose to analyze the Chinese FDI. It is intended to analyze the main investments made by Chinese investors in Portugal, aiming to try to understand if behind those investments there a potential political strategy is and / or if those are part of a broader strategic model that embodies an attempt of Chinese economic dominance of southern Europe.<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Bakkouri, Mohamed Omar, and Tianshu Lyu. "Trading with North Africa: The challenges perceived by China based traders : Based on the Background of B&R." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414803.
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This study investigates China's international trade with North Africa from a small-sized tradersperspective, while referring to the Belt and Road Initiative’s (B&R) practical influence.Further, the research focuses on how the traders perceive the challenges related to trade withNorth African countries like Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, etc. Moreover, the study explores thedifferent challenges related to international trade, international business, and at last, psychicand cultural distance with consideration to prior research. A qualitative approach was adoptedin order to answer the research question for this study. The approach consisted of a series of indepth interviews that were conducted with traders within different industries. The data collection process focused on gaining insights related to the trade challenges in an attempt to distinguish between their nature. The findings point out that the challenges perceived are four-fold: Trade Incentives, Business Development, Government Intervention and Culture’s Influence. Meanwhile, the impact of B&R is comprehended as a catalyst for bilateral economic development.
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Irún, Molina Beatriz. "Análisis del riesgo para la inversión extranjera en China en proyectos de participación público privada (PPP) en el marco de la ruta de la seda (Belt Road Initiative). Un estudio integral en torno a las dimensiones del riesgo y el papel antecedente de la confianza interempresarial." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668412.
Full textAbstract:
Se analiza el constructo riesgo bajo un enfoque integral y multidimensional con tal de determinar
la forma en que es percibido por parte de las empresas internacionales con decisión sobre las
inversiones destinadas al mercado chino en la forma de proyectos PPP en el marco de la Ruta de la
Seda.
Sobre una muestra de 156 profesionales del sector público y privado, primeramente, se lleva a
cabo un análisis descriptivo del riesgo en cada dimensión, así como un análisis comparativo
mediante técnicas no paramétricas considerando diferentes factores de clasificación (género, perfil
público o privado, edad y años de experiencia profesional o en proyectos PPP). En segundo lugar, y
utilizando modelos de ecuaciones estructurales, se analiza el papel antecedente de la confianza
interempresarial sobre la mejor percepción sobre los factores de riesgo. Por último, y mediante la
misma técnica, se estudia el efecto interrelación existente entre los propios factores de riesgo
considerados.<br>The risk construct is analyzed under a comprehensive and multidimensional approach in order to
determine how it is perceived by international companies with a decision on investments destined
for the Chinese market in the form of PPP projects within the framework of the Silk Road.
Based on a sample of 156 professionals from the public and private sector, firstly, a descriptive
analysis of the risk in each dimension is carried out, as well as a comparative analysis using nonparametric techniques considering different classification factors (gender, public or private profile,
age and years of professional experience or PPP projects). Secondly, and using models of structural
equations, the antecedent role of business-to-business trust on the best perception of risk factors
is analyzed. Finally, and using the prior techniques, the interrelation effect between the risk factors
considered is studied.
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Souza, Carolina Lessa Correia de. "Enfraquecimento ou fortalecimento da ajuda CAD/OCDE e da China no pós-covid-19?" Bachelor's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21025.
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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional<br>Esta dissertação debate o impacto da pandemia do Covid-19 nos programas e projetos de ajuda dos países CAD/OCDE e da China, no que tange o montante e setores prioritários a curto e médio prazo. É esperado que a crise atual corrobore tendências na afetação de doadores oficiais como: empréstimos menos concessionais, financiamento misto, investimento em cadeias de valor em África e adesão do conceito de benefício mútuo. Já para a cooperação chinesa, a pandemia se coloca como uma oportunidade para reivindicar o seu status de superpotência. Pequim continuará estreitando a sua relação com países parceiros no setor da saúde, fornecendo equipamentos médicos e investindo em centros de pesquisa e, uma vez contida as consequêncas imediatas da crise, os investimentos em infraestrutura da Iniciativa da Nova Rota da Seda continuarão a todo vapor. Parte-se do pressuposto de que ambos os atores devem ajustar princípios e práticas a fim de melhor atender os interesses dos países em desenvolvimento no que tange a superação da crise conjuntural do Covid-19 e estrutural do capitalismo globalizado.<br>This dissertation discusses the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on aid programs and projects of the CAD/ OECD countries and China, as regards to aid budget and priority sectors in the short and medium term. The current crisis is expected to corroborate trends in the allocation of official donors, notably less concessional loans, blended finance, investment on value chains in Africa and adherence to the concept of mutual benefit. As for Chinese cooperation, the pandemic is an opportunity to claim its status as a superpower. Beijing will continue to strengthen its relationship with partner countries in the health sector, providing medical equipment and investing in research centers and, once the immediate consequences of the crisis are contained, investments on infrastructure around the One Belt One Road Initiative will continue to consolidate. It is also assumed that both donors must adjust principles and practices in order to better serve the interests of developing countries in terms of overcoming the Covid-19 crisis and the structural crisis of the globalized capitalism<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Mathias, Diego Santana. "The Belt and Road Initiative the People's Republic of China's new assertive foreign policy." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19212.
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This thesis investigates the motivations and rationale underlying the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It starts from a contextualisation of the project, scope and objectives, then presents an overview of the institutions and infrastructure created to promote, finance, and implement it, as well as of its main developments from 2013 to the present. In order to examine the key drivers for the BRI, it discusses the main (geo)political and (geo)economic challenges China faces after four decades of extraordinary economic growth following the politico-economic reforms and opening-up measures initiated by Deng Xiaoping, its accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO), ‘Go Out’ policy, and recent economic slowdown. It argues China’s foreign policy has become more assertive since the 2008 international financial crisis, especially after Xi Jinping came into power, and that, in this context, the BRI besides being a response to China’s domestic needs and international challenges, it also fits its medium to long-term strategy to reshape the world order. The last part of the thesis delves into whether or not the BRI constitutes a strategy to materialise an alternative model of globalisation through soft power or a mechanism to expand China’s spheres of influence, as it is commonly suggested by the literature. It concludes that none of these arguments capture the logic of the BRI, as the strategy relies mostly on hard rather than soft power, and the concept of spheres of influence reflects a Western-centric view of the international system.<br>Esta tese investiga as motivações e racionalidade subjacentes à ‘Iniciativa Cinturão e Rota' da República Popular da China (RPC). Parte da contextualização do projeto, escopo e objetivos, em seguida, apresenta uma análise geral das instituições e infraestrutura criadas para o promover, financiar e implementar, assim como de seus principais desenvolvimentos de 2013 até o presente. Para examinar os impulsionadores-chave da iniciativa, discute os principais desafios (geo)políticos e (geo)económicos que a China encontra após quatro décadas de crescimento económico extraordinário a partir das reformas político-económicas e medidas de abertura iniciadas por Deng Xiaoping, de sua adesão à Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), "Go Out Policy", e recente desaceleração económica. Argumenta-se que a política externa chinesa tornou-se mais assertiva desde a crise financeira internacional de 2008, especialmente após Xi Jinping assumir o poder e que, nesse contexto, a iniciativa, além de ser uma resposta às necessidades domésticas e aos desafios internacionais da China, também visa sua estratégia de médio e longo prazo de reformar a ordem mundial. A última parte da tese investiga se a iniciativa constitui uma estratégia para materializar um modelo alternativo de globalização através de "soft power" ou um mecanismo para expandir as esferas de influência da China, tal como comumente sugerido pela literatura. Conclui-se que ambos os argumentos são incapazes de capturar a lógica que sustenta a iniciativa, uma vez que a estratégia se alicerça sobretudo em "hard" ao invés de "soft power", e o conceito de esferas de influência reflete uma visão ocidental do sistema internacional.
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Geppert, Alena, and 蓋蓮娜. "Impact of belt and road initiative on visegrad group." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/549dz4.
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碩士<br>國立政治大學<br>國際經營管理英語碩士學位學程(IMBA)<br>106<br>This qualitative study provides conclusions on Impact of Belt and Road Initiative for Visegrad countries – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. It analyses trade indicators and foreign direct investments between Visegrad countries and China for years 2012-2016. It compares results and status of relations based on Belt and Road Initiative on economical, geopolitical and political level. In the end, this study provides suggestions for Visegrad countries to be more attractive for Chinese investors or to benefit more from cooperation.
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Chang, Chen-Hao, and 張宸豪. "Geopolitical Risk Analysis of the Belt and Road Initiative." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/p3685z.
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碩士<br>國立政治大學<br>國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班<br>106<br>The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is one of the most important economic strategies of Mainland China in the twenty first century. Facing globalization, the current strategy of pursuing high economic growth rate is challenged by transformation, over production, increased energy demand and the imbalance of regional development, etc. Therefore, there is an urgent demand for structural reform in China's economy. For the purpose of maintaining the momentum of economic growth, BRI has advantages of being more open and increased interconnection with countries and regions along the route, which can promote economic development and expand the geopolitical influence of China. However, the expectation of bringing economic and geopolitical benefits may result in relative degree of geopolitical risks to the highly complicated BRI.
The current study analyzed the risks in terms of governance, terrorism, the Great Power Game and legal issues along the route. All of which are bottlenecks that are extremely difficult to overcome. Among them, terrorism and the Great Power Game have cross-domain spillover effect, which has highest impact that China alone cannot cope with.
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LIN, JUI-HSIANG, and 林瑞祥. "Exploring Taiwan’s Industrial Competitiveness from One Belt One Road Initiative." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/wmak2u.
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碩士<br>國防大學<br>財務管理學系<br>107<br>This study focuses on the evaluation of the operational performance of relevant listed companies in Taiwan under the China Belt and Road Initiative. This study has a total of 38 companies in 10 industries, using DuPont analysis combined with data envelopment analysis, and using public information between 2013 and 2017. Input variables (operating costs, operating expenses, non-operating expenses and net fixed assets) and output variables (net operating income, non-operating income, ending market capitalization and number of final issues). I hope that we can understand the current development status of Taiwanese manufacturers affected by China's “One Belt, One Road” policy. By analyzing the results, decision-making unit operators can understand how to adjust the distribution of industrial assets, and further compare the operating performance of various industries across the year, hoping to make decision-making units more Effective, as a reference for subsequent development.
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Ren, Haoxiang. "The Belt and Road Initiative: Chinese plan of global economic governance." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19254.
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After World War II, traditional powers declined, the United States became the only
superpower in the world. Based on its judgments and considerations of the international
economic situation at that time, the United States promoted the establishment of the UN, IMF,
WB, GATT, WTO and other organizations. In this context, international economic and
political rules and systems centering on the interests of the West and the United States have
been gradually established. It is undeniable that this governance system has played a certain
role, which has contributed greatly to the overall peace, stability and sustainable development
of the world after World War II. However, after more than 60 years of development and
evolution, especially after the impact of the end of the cold war, the global governance system
formed at the end of World War II is increasingly difficult to adapt to the development of the
world, and even gradually become the shackles of world development. In a sense, the
international financial crisis triggered by the United States in 2008 can also be regarded as the
outbreak of the contradictions caused by the old international economic and political order. It
has been more than ten years since the outbreak of the international financial crisis, but the
deep shock of the global economy caused by it has not yet completely faded.
At present, global economic governance faces many difficulties. On the one hand, the United
States has withdrawn from the Paris Agreement and the TPP, promoted the US priority policy.
The EU has also been riddled with many internal events such as the BREXIT and the refugee
crisis. In this context, the global economic recovery is full of uncertainties. On the other hand,
the economic growth of emerging countries and developing countries is obvious, and
gradually become a new focus for leading the global economic development. In the process,
China has also become an important active force in economic globalization and plays an
increasingly important role in global economic governance. In this context, the construction
of the BRI has effectively promoted the economic development of China and the countries
along the route. The principle of “extensive consultation, joint contribution and Shared
benefits” advocated by the BRI is profoundly changing the global economic order. As a
Chinese scheme of global economic governance, it has become an innovative measure for
China to participate in global economic governance.<br>Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, as até então potências caíram e os Estados Unidos da
América tornaram-se na única superpotência à escala mundial. Baseando-se nas suas opiniões
e considerações acerca da situação económica internacional daquele tempo, os Estados
Unidos promoveram a fundação da ONU, FMI, BM, GATT, OMC, entre outras organizações.
Neste contexto, as regras e sistemas económico-políticos centrados nos interesses do Ocidente
e dos Estados Unidos foram sendo gradualmente estabelecidos. É inegável que este sistema de
governação desempenhou um certo papel, contribuindo para a paz geral, estabilidade e
desenvolvimento sustentável global no pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Contudo, depois de
mais de 60 anos de desenvolvimento e evolução, especialmente após o impacto do fim da
Guerra Fria, o sistema de governação global formado no final da Segunda Guerra Mundial
demonstra ser cada vez mais difícil de se adaptar ao desenvolvimento do mundo, tornando-se
até, gradualmente, num estorvo para o desenvolvimento global. De certa maneira, a crise
financeira internacional desencadeada pelos Estados Unidos em 2008 pode ser vista como o
eclodir das contradições causadas pela antiga ordem económica e política. Passaram já mais
de dez anos desde da explosão da crise económica financeira, mas o abalo da economia global
causado pela mesma ainda não desvaneceu completamente. Atualmente, o governo
económico global enfrenta muitas dificuldades. Por um lado, os Estados Unidos retiraram-se
do Acordo de Paris e do TPP, promovido pela política de prioridades norte-americana. A
União Europeia encontra-se repleta de eventos a nível interno, tais como o BREXIT e a crise
dos refugiados. Neste contexto, a recuperação da economia global está cheia de incertezas.
Por outro lado, o crescimento económico de países emergentes e em desenvolvimento é
óbvio, tornando-se gradualmente num novo foco de liderança do desenvolvimento económico
global. Neste processo, a China também se tornou numa força ativa bastante importante na
globalização económica e desempenha um papel cada vez mais importante no governo
económico global. Neste contexto, a construção do BRI promoveu, de forma efetiva, o
desenvolvimento económico da China e dos países ao longo do caminho. O princípio da
“consulta extensiva, contribuição conjunta e benefícios partilhados” defendido pelo BRI está
a mudar, profundamente, a ordem económica global. Sendo um esquema chinês de
administração económica global, tornou-se numa medida inovadora para que a China
participe no governo económico global.
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Cheng, Chun-Ming, and 鄭俊銘. "China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Kazakhstan: A Rational Choice Perspective." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/25q9nz.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>國立中興大學<br>國際政治研究所<br>107<br>In the history of the world''s four major ancient civilizations, namely, ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, ancient India and China, China is the only existing power, was one of the five permanent United Nations, although in modern China has and ups and downs and decline, as the history of five thousands of years of ups and downs, extremely will tide, after a storm comes a calm, 40 years after the reform and opening up, now is obviously dragon jumped, but China will exert its influence in what way?And change the world?Or even regain the status it once had?The "One Belt And One Road" launched by China in 2013 is China''s response to the world.
However, the sudden birth of "One Belt And One Road" is by no means an instant effect. Since the launch of "One Belt And One Road" in China, the ensuing criticism and doubts have been heard endlessly. For China, is the current priority really "One Belt And One Road"?Can "One Belt And One Road" really solve China''s current problems?Or is "One Belt And One Road" itself a problem?
Kazakhstan, the largest country in central Asia and the largest landlocked country in the world, occupies a key position in China''s "One Belt And One Road".Cause China to try to woo it?Kazakhstan was one of its republics before the collapse of the Soviet union. In 1991, kazakhstan gained its independent status. However, Russia''s influence can still be seen everywhere.Is it an alternative for kazakhstan to implement One Belt And One Road?
Kazakhstan now has a lot of Russian background in many aspects, such as the Eurasian economic union (eeu) and the collective security treaty organization (csto). But will the "One Belt And One Road" and the "Shanghai cooperation organization" brought about by China''s rise change all this?
Key words: One Belt And One Road, Shanghai cooperation organization, Eurasian economic union, collective security treaty organization, path of light
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Zhou, Jing Wei. "The rising impact on China-EU relations: the belt and road initiative." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/64725.
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Dissertação de mestrado em International Relations<br>Currently the global situation is grim and complex, and most States are facing development problems. In response to this situation, Xi Jinping’s Chinese government officially announced the B&R Initiative in 2013. Rising influence of the B&R for international economic development is an increasing concern for countries along the route, as well within the European region. The purpose of the present research study is to explore what promotion can be made in order to achieve mutually beneficial results for China EU cooperation under the B&R? By conducting an in depth analysis, namely to studies on relevant EU policies, documents, statements, news reports, and China’s own policy papers on the EU, one gets a comprehensive understanding of the development of the recent history of China EU relations. By analysing the existing problems in China EU relations and the respective influential factors, we can help both sides formulate more accurate policies and adjust their strategic positioning. As stated in our, there are several countries in a political situation of unrest along the route, therefore, there are geopolitical and investment risks faced by China EU cooperation that need to be seriously considered by both sides. For China, to keep improving its level of economic reforms, optimizing the environment for foreign investment, regulating unfair competition, improving the related implementation mechanisms, laws, and regulations, in order to provide a reliable institutional guarantee for EU corporations to invest in China and to attach importance to cooperation with important stakeholders has become an inevitable choice. EU member states have diverse requirements for national development, therefore it is difficult to speak in a single voice towards the B&R. Moreover, both sides lack relevant, qualified expert professionals.
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Tsai, Sheng-Hsun, and 蔡昇勳. "Business Model comparison between IT companies in the Belt and Road Initiative." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59pd5r.
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碩士<br>國立雲林科技大學<br>企業管理系<br>106<br>Since The Belt and Road Initiative (B&R) put forward by China in 2013, more and more countries and international organizations have joined in support of the "Belt and Road Initiative." The "One Belt and One Road" region is rich in various unexploited natural resources, markets and business opportunities.
According to the information from this study collected, because of the lack of infrastructure in the B&R region, it is also a major problem of the B&R. Although B&R advocates information exchange and sharing, but this requires adequate infrastructure development, so IT industry has become one of B&R's important industries. This study explores the differences in the business model of the information industry within and outside the B&R regions and how they come?
This study will explore the issues in the information industry in order to help achieve economies of scale and competitive advantage in the future B&R market.
This study obtained the literature review and in-depth interview to collect business model about Tencent enterprise and Widesoon enterprise, research results are as follows:
1. Due to the lack of infrastructure, the information industry is restricted to use the previous business model to make a profit. It can only be adjusted.
2. Due to lack of local talents and cooperation experience, companies are less effective in reducing risks by cooperating with local people or hiring local talents.
3. Since the B&R regions involves more than 70 countries, the development status of all countries is different, so the relevant laws and regulations are also inconsistent and vague, leading to the need for continuous adjustment of the business model, the cost will increase.
4. There is a highly complex social and cultural structure in the B&R regions, some areas still conflicting now. Enterprises need to invest a lot of resources in security facilities and make sure personal security threats can be improved. After that, their business models can be executed correctly.
5. The reasons for the adjustment of the business model are mostly caused by changes in the external environment in B&R regions.
According to the research results, this study provides business model suggestions to IT enterprises, and hope to become a reference for companies that can help reduce their investment risks and achieve long-term competitive advantages.
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Chang, Yu-Wei, and 張郁崴. "China’s Belt and Road Initiative: An Analysis of Susan Strange’s Structural Power." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/2c9yr9.
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碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>政治學研究所<br>106<br>Since the 1979 reform, China’s rapid economic growth has stunned the world, which provokes intense and multifaceted discussion on “rising China”. Additionally, China has received more attention when Chinese President Xi Jinping first proposed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. Researchers are using theories from various perspectives as approaches to understand BRI such as International Relations, International political economy, Geo-politics and Geo-economics.
Hardly any theories which are mentioned above conceptualize power as power setting the agenda rather understand power as state capabilities or a given concept. Hence, the thesis will examine BRI with Susan Strange’s four structural power, which is rare to be seen as an approach to analyze China’s BRI. The four structural power approach can provide a critical and macro level views supplementing the shortcomings of traditional IR or IPE theory.
The thesis conducts a series of analysis according to the four structural power which are emphasized by Strange, including security, production, finance and knowledge. The following literature will first explain how BRI alter the existing international security structure by tightening the bilateral relations with the BRI-targeted countries and consolidating China’s role in Central Asia through Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO). Then, how China enhance its structural power in production sector by investing infrastructure projects subsume under BRI. Thirdly, AIIB will be provided as an example of how China could change the existing financial structure of Bretton Wood System. Lastly, by implanting BRI, China Model is going to be seen or practiced among BRI countries, which could bring certain change to the existing knowledge structure dominated by the western idea. Additionally, I will further explain how the four structural power intertwine. In a nutshell, the thesis attempt to examine and understand changes of China’s structural power under BRI and how the structural power alters the well-established western international framework.
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謝采彤. "The Belt and Road Initiative :How Xi jin-ping Realizes his"Chinese Dream"." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ra7q8u.
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Jinming, Zhang. "China's belt and road initiative in Portuguese speaking countries: Portuguese and Angolan perspectives." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18953.
Full textAbstract:
The rapid economic growth in China has always been one of the most controversial issues in the world economy, where the role of the Belt and Road Initiative has been highlighted as strategic. This study aims at knowing and analyzing the implementation and motivation of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) strategy in Portuguese speaking countries, with Portuguese and Angolan perspectives. The focus of this research is to understand the mutual motivations and interests between China and Portuguese speaking countries (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, CPLP in short) in the BRI. It is further aimed at examining the BRI impact on China-Portuguese speaking countries relations and exploring whether a win-win cooperation in these countries.
This study used both a second hand data from existing publication and database and first hand data collected through interviews of five Portuguese and five Angolan.
The key findings study suggests the followings. First of all, BRI as a global strategy of China is both market-driven and resource-driven. Second, BRI not only plays a vital role in China’s integration into the global economy, but also help boosting both economic and social development between China and Portuguese-speaking countries in the BRI framework. Lastly, although BRI so far leads to win-win results in Portugal and Angola, it’s difficult to judge the long-term effects.<br>O rápido crescimento económico na China foi sempre uma das questões mais controversas na economia mundial, onde o papel da Iniciativa do Cinturão e Rota foi destacado como estratégico. Este estudo visa conhecer e analisar a implementação e motivação da estratégia da China Iniciativa do Cinturão e Rota (BRI) nos países lusófonos, com perspetivas portuguesas e angolanas. O foco desta pesquisa é compreender as motivações e interesses mútuos entre a China e os países de língua portuguesa (a Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, em resumo, a CPLP) no BRI. Pretende-se ainda examinar o impacto da BRI nas relações entre os países da CPLP e a China e explorar a possibilidade de uma cooperação em que todos saiam ganhando.
Este estudo utilizou dados de segunda mão de publicações e bases de dados existentes e dados em primeira mão recolhidos através das entrevistas a cinco portugueses e cinco angolanos.
O estudo das principais descobertas sugere os seguintes. Em primeiro lugar, a BRI como estratégia global da China é impulsionada pelo mercado e pelos recursos. Em segundo lugar, o BRI não apenas desempenha um papel vital na integração da China à economia global, mas também ajuda a impulsionar o desenvolvimento económico e social entre a China e os países de língua portuguesa na estrutura da BRI. Por último, embora o BRI até agora conduza a resultados ganha-ganha em Portugal e Angola, é difícil avaliar os efeitos a longo prazo.