Journal articles: 'Bengal Provincial Muslim League'

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Laskar, Dr Fakrul Islam. "Impact of Line System on Assam Politics during the Late Colonial Period." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8082.

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The execution of the Line System in Assam in order to restrict the settlements of immigrant from Bengal was one of the important issues that influenced the Assam politics, most particularly the Muslim politics, during the late colonial period. It was first implemented in 1920 in Nowgong district and also in the Barpeta sub-division of Kamrup district. The Bengali speaking immigrants, mostly peasants, resisted against the Line System designed by the district administration and in that they got the support of the Assam Provincial Muslim League. The provincial league under the leadership of Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani condemned the Line System and protested against its implementation. The Muslim League organized meetings, demonstrations and hartals throughout the province to get it abolished. The indigenous inhabitants, however, strongly advocated the retention of the Line System and demonstrated their support for the Line System.

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AIYAR, SANA. "Fazlul Huq, Region and Religion in Bengal: The Forgotten Alternative of 1940–43." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 6 (November 2008): 1213–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003022.

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AbstractIn the wake of the Government of India Act of 1935, provincial politics emerged as a challenge to the authority and legitimacy of all-India, centralised political parties. While the Congress and the Muslim League set up a binary opposition between secular and religious nationalism, provincial politicians refused to succumb to the singularity of either alternative. Partition historiography has been concerned with the interplay of national and communal ideologies in the 1940s, overshadowing this third trajectory of regional politics that was informed by provincial particularities. This article traces a short-lived alternative that emerged in Bengal between 1940 and 1943 under the premiership of Fazlul Huq. Huq produced a peculiar form of identity politics that appealed not only to religious sentiment but also to regional loyalty that cut across the religious divide. Significantly, he did so without resorting to secular claims. By challenging Jinnah's claim to being the sole spokesman of Muslims in India and highlighting the different concerns of a province with a Muslim majority, Huq reconciled the twin identities of religion and region within the same political paradigm, and foreshadowed the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971.

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Baxter, Craig, and Harun-or-Rashid. "The Foreshadowing of Bangladesh: Bengal Muslim League and Muslim Politics, 1936-1947." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 3 (1990): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759548.

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Malik, Muhammad Shoaib, Shahzad Qaisar, and Riffat Haque. "Role of the Central Committee of Action in Organization of the Provincial Muslim Leagues." Global Political Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-ii).03.

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All India Muslim League lost 1936 elections which propelled Jinnah to re-organize the party on modern grounds. But the re-organization was not that much efficacious due to the absence of effective checks and balances overworking of provincial branches. Initial endeavors to keep check overworking and organization of the provincial Leagues were short successes on the part of the Central League. The working of the Central Civil Defence Committee accentuated the need for a separate body for such tasks. Jinnah brought his idea to life in 1944 by establishing the Central Committee of Action. This was the most authoritative body after Jinnah having powers to affiliate and disaffiliate provincial branches. Moreover, this body not only re-organized the provincial branches but also settled their intra-party disputes effectively. The working of branches improves substantially due to the committee's initiatives for grassroots level activities. The 1946 elections testified logic behind the formation and its result-oriented working to improve Provincial Leagues.

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Talbot, Ian. "Planning for Pakistan: The Planning Committee of the All-India Muslism League 1943–46." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (October 1994): 875–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012567.

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Most studies have concentrated on the Muslim League's political activities and objectives. It is generally believed that it lacked a distinctive economic programme and unequivocally favoured private enterprise. The radical economic ideas produced by its Punjab and Bengal branches are attributed to a handful of activists who received short shrift from the High Command. The League's stance is thus contrasted with the Congress which addressed economic issues from a largely Socialist perpective.

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Copland, Ian. "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 657–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003050.

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EventDuring the spring, summer and autumn of 1947 India's richest province, the Punjab, played host to a massive human catastrophe. The trigger for the catastrophe was Britain's parting gift to its Indian subjects of partition. Confronted by a seemingly intractable demand by the All-India Muslim League for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan—a campaign which since 1946 had turned increasingly violent, the British government early in 1947 accepted viceroy Lord Mountbatten's advice that partition was necessary to arrest the country's descent into civil war. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi notably excepted, the leadership of the Congress party came gradually and reluctantly to the same conclusion. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru's deputy, likened it to the cutting off of a diseased limb. But in accepting the ‘logic’ of the League's ‘two-nation’ theory, the British applied it remorselessly. They insisted that partition would have to follow the lines of religious affiliation, not the boundaries of provinces. In 1947 League president Muhammad Ali Jinnah was forced to accept what he had contemptuously dismissed in 1944 as a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan, a Pakistan bereft of something like half of Bengal and the Punjab and most of Assam.

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DUBEY, ISHA. "Between ‘Everyday’ and ‘Extraordinary’: Partition, violence and the communal riots of 1946 in Bihar." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 283–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186319000488.

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AbstractThe year 1937 saw the establishment of Congress Ministries in eight of the eleven provinces in which the provincial elections had been held, Bihar being one of them. The resounding victory of the Congress which secured a clear majority in the province of Bihar and the dismal performance of the Muslim League seemed at the time to depict the mood of the people in general. It was taken as a clear rejection of the politics of communalism and separatism and as an expression of faith in the secular credentials of the Indian National Congress. However, less than a decade later, the province was gripped by severe communal tensions and had become one of the most prominent parts of India from where the movement for Pakistan drew support. This article thus explores the nature of the communal violence that occurred in Bihar in 1946 against the backdrop of the ‘escalating’ communal tensions during the late 1930s and early 1940s. It seeks to problematise the dichotomy that exists in literature on communal violence between moments of what have been called ‘extraordinary’ violence (such as riots) and the everyday structures of (what Gyanendra Pandey has called) ‘routine violence’. Through its analysis of contemporary material produced by the Muslim League, the Congress Ministry and the provincial British administration to explain the causes of the 1946 riots in Bihar, it argues that it is in the moments of rupture presented by riots that everyday structures of violence are trivialised or normalised through processes of ‘dichotomisation’, ‘dehumanisation’ and ‘denial’.

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Rey-Schirr, Catherine. "The ICRC's activities on the Indian subcontinent following partition (1947–1949)." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 323 (June 1998): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400091026.

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In 1945, at the end of the Second World War, the British government clearly stated its intention of granting independence to India.The conflict between the British and the Indian nationalists receded into the background, while the increasing antagonism between Hindus and Muslims came to the fore. The Hindus, centred round the Congress Party led by Jawaharlal Nehru, wanted to maintain the unity of India by establishing a government made up of representatives of the two communities. The Muslims, under the banner of the Muslim League and its President, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, demanded the creation of a separate Muslim State, Pakistan. The problem was further complicated by the fact that the approximately 300 million Hindus, 6 million Sikhs and 100 million Muslims in British India were not living in geographically distinct regions, especially in Punjab and Bengal, where the population was mixed.

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SARKAR, ABHIJIT. "Fed by Famine: The Hindu Mahasabha's politics of religion, caste, and relief in response to the Great Bengal Famine, 1943–1944." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (February 14, 2020): 2022–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000192.

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AbstractThis article demonstrates how the Great Bengal Famine of 1943–1944 and relief activism during it fed the politics of the Hindu right, a development that has not previously received much scholarly attention. Using hitherto unused primary sources, the article introduces a novel site to the study of communal politics, namely, the propagation of Hindu communalism through food distribution during a humanitarian crisis. It examines the caste and class bias in private relief and provides the first in-depth study of the multifaceted process whereby the Hindu Mahasabha used the famine for political purposes. The party portrayed Muslim food officials as ‘saboteurs’ in the food administration, alleged that the Muslim League government was ‘creating’ a new group of Muslim grain traders undermining the established Hindu traders, and publicized the government's failure to avert the famine to prove the economic ‘unviability’ of creating Pakistan. This article also explores counter-narratives, for example, that Hindu political leaders were deliberately impeding the food supply in the hope that starvation would compel Bengali Muslims to surrender their demand for Pakistan. The politics of religious conversion played out blatantly in famine-relief when the Mahasabha accused Muslim volunteers of converting starving Hindus to Islam in exchange for food, and demanded that Hindu and Muslim famine orphans should remain in Hindu and Muslim orphanages respectively. Finally, by dwelling on beef consumption by the army at the time of an acute shortage of dairy milk during the famine, the Mahasabha fanned communal tensions surrounding the orthodox Hindu taboo on cow slaughter.

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Chander, Sunil. "Congress—Raj Conflict and the Rise of the Muslim League in the Ministry Period, 1937–39." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (April 1987): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013822.

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The Government of India Act of 1935 was a constitutional device meant to extend the Raj's political alliances in Indian society. The Congress Party, on the other hand, construed the Act as a new challenge to the demand for independence. The authorities discovered that the Congress ministers’ primary loyalties lay with the imperatives of the party and not with the constitutional arrangement. Concern on this account was heightened by the resurgence of ground-level Congress activism. The Congress strengthened and expanded its volunteer organization while it governed the provinces. If the formal party institutions were weakened by corruption and factionalism during the ministry period, its grass-roots cadres were revitalized and mobilized opinion against compromises with the Raj, strengthening the ministers’ hands in any major clashes with the authorities. The latter were disturbed by links between the Congress ministers and party activity hostile to the Raj, even though a certain convergence of Congress and British interests kept the experiment of provincial autonomy going. The official response to this situation consisted, at one level, of making expedient concessions.But the authorities explored an alternative possibility as well. The Muslim League, which emerged as a mass party after 1937, was not exactly an ally, but it offered the most powerful resistance to the possibility of total mobilization under the Congress.

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Ahmed, Rafiuddin. "The Foreshadowing of Bangladesh: Bengal Muslim League and Muslim Politics, 1936–1947. By Harun-Or-Rashid. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1987. viii, 366 pp. $15.00." Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 3 (August 1989): 664–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058709.

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KHUHRO, HAMIDA. "Masjid Manzilgah, 1939-40. Test Case for Hindu-Muslim Relations in Sind." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (February 1998): 49–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002613.

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Masjid Manzilgah forms a chapter in a biography of Mohammed Ayub Khuhro on which the author is currently working. Khuhro (1901-80) was an important politician of Sind whose political career spanned over fifty years from 1921 to the end of the ‘seventies. He was a member of the Bombay Legislative Council from 1923 till the severance of the connection between Bombay and Sind in 1935 when the latter province attained autonomy under the Government of India Act of 1935. He was in the forefront of the political struggle for the ‘separation’ of Sind and after 1936 became a front-ranking Muslim League leader who helped organize the party in Sind and put it behind the Pakistan movement. Khuhro was the first Premier of Sind after independence and held that office altogether three times. He came into confrontation with Jinnah over the issue of severing Karachi from Sind and became identified as the protagonist of states' rights (or provincial autonomy) and as a champion of politicians' supremacy in the fight against the domination of the bureaucracy which bedevilled Pakistani politics for nearly half a century of its existence. This fight resulted in his repeated enforced exile from the political field depriving Pakistan of one of its most experienced public men during its formative years.

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Malik, Urba. "Book Review: Sho Kuwajima, Muslims, Nation and the World: Life and Thought of Abul Hashim, Leader of the Bengal Muslim League." Social Change 45, no. 4 (December 2015): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085715602793.

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Ali, Wajid, Adil khan, and Manzoor Hussain Shah. "HYBRID REGIME AS BARRIER FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN PAKISTAN (2008-2015)." Gomal University Journal of Research 37, no. 02 (May 30, 2021): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51380/gujr-37-02-09.

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This study argues that hybrid regime in Pakistan (2008-2015) with changing exercise has decreased norms of democratic consolidation. Some extensive gains are made in Pakistan during this era 2008-2015 in terms of democratic norms like constitutional amendments and provincial autonomy. Important unique gain is completion of one term as civilian government of Pakistan People’s Party 2008-2013 and the second civilian government of Pakistan Muslim League (N) 2013-2018. Both the civilian regimes have worked as democratic government, but somehow autocratic trend in decision making approach was observed. Political exercise of this hybrid regime in Pakistan created weak condition of the democratic norms which made way for authoritarianism. This regime was tended to be unbalanced, changeable, or both due to weak civil liberties. The civilian control in this political regime was not stable and transparent in decision making. Further, civilian control over five-areas including public policy, elite recruitment, external defense, internal security, and military organization and was not effective. This paper help us to understand why hybrid regime arose which disturbed democratic consolidation process in Pakistan.

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Malik, Rizwan. "The ‘Ulama and the Religio-Political Developments in Modern India." American Journal of Islam and Society 5, no. 2 (December 1, 1988): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v5i2.2715.

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This paper is not an exercise in or a contribution to the ongoing debatein the Muslim world about the nature of the relationship between Islamicprinciples and Western statecraft, or the inseparability of spiritual and profanein a Muslim state. While all these issues are in one way or another relevantto the subject under discussion here, they do not form its core. This paperhas two major objectives. The first is to attempt to analyze how the ’ulamaviewed political developments in the late 19th and early 20th century in India.The second, equally important but only indirectly touched on in this paper(and the two are interrelated), is an investigation into whether it was Islamicreligious issues or the presence of the British that engrossed the attentionof the ‘ulama.This is essential if one is to understand the nature of the ‘ulama’sparticipation in the formative phase of religio-political developments in 19thand 20th century Indian Islam, and in particular, its impact in later yearson the interaction between the ’ulama and the Muslim League. It is in relationto both these objectives that a great deal of analysis-both from objectiveand polemical points of view-regarding the nature and content of the roleof the ‘ulama in politics suffers from a great degree of biases and confusion.Before discussing the political role of the Indian ‘ulama, it is necessaryto observe that it would be wrong to think of the ‘ulama in terms of an “estate”within the Muslim community or to assume that the ‘ulama were, as a body,capable of generating a joint political will. The reason for ‘ulama to takeso long to appear on the political horizon of India was one of principle andexpediency, that stopped the ’ulama from hurling futiiwa of condemnationat the East India Company when it eventually superseded Mughal power inIndia. Until 1790, penal justice in Bengal continued to be dispensed underthe revised Shari’ah forms of Aurengzeb’s time. In the sphere of civil law, ...

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Baxter, Craig. "Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: The Growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India, 1937–47. By Ian Talbot. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1988. xviii, 155 pp. $17.95. - Punjab and the Raj, 1849–1947. By Ian Talbot. Riverdale, Maryland: Riverdale, 1988. viii, 258 pp. $34.00." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (November 1990): 982–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058320.

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Ansari, Sarah. "Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: The Growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India 1937–47. By Ian Talbot. Oxford University Press: Karachi, 1988. Pp. xviii, 155. - Punjab and the Raj 1849–1947. By Ian Talbot. Manohar Publications: New Delhi, 1988. Pp. viii, 258. - Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan. By David Gilmartin. University of California Press: Berkeley, 1988. PP. xii, 258." Modern Asian Studies 24, no. 4 (October 1990): 819–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010593.

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Chowdhury, Fouzia Sultana. "Muslim League Leader Khwaja Nazim Uddin and 1937 Election Tragedy in the Bengal Province of British India." Asian Journal of Humanities and Social Studies 8, no. 4 (August 30, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24203/ajhss.v8i4.6272.

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The paper focuses on the muslim political leaders’ activities, nature, ideology and legitimacy in the period of 1935 to 1937 and 1937 election in the Bengal province of British India. Khwaza Nazim Uddin and other Political Leader played significant roles in the socio-economic and political development of Bengal. However, Muslim Political leaders were competing with one another to obtain more power in Bengal politics. In particular, Khwaja Nazim Uddin was a popular leader in Bengal but defeated in the election in 1937. Thus, this paper explores Khwaja Nazim Uddin’s political career, ideology and the reasons of his defeat in 1937 election. To investigate, it utilizes historical and exploratory descriptive methods. Instrument used to collect data is review of relevant literature, books on autobiography, media reports and archival data. The archival data are historical records and British government document during the colonial rule in Bengal. The finding of the study suggests that the question of Muslim unity always a moving factor in Bengal politics in a situations of tense relations between Hindus and Muslims but Khwaja Nazim Uddin failed to remain united to fulfill the rights of Bengal people due to the lack of his ability in leadership.

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KOUL, ASHISH. "Whom can a Muslim Woman Represent? Begum Jahanara Shah Nawaz and the politics of party building in late colonial India." Modern Asian Studies, March 29, 2021, 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x20000578.

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Abstract This article argues that gendered ideas about political representation were pivotal to the All-India Muslim League's new self-imagination as the exclusive representative of Indian Muslims after the Pakistan Resolution of March 1940. I offer a gendered reading of League politics during the crucial decade of the 1940s by examining the historical implications of Begum Jahanara Shah Nawaz's expulsion from the party in 1941 for accepting a post on the National Defense Council. When she claimed that she was appointed to the Council as a representative of all Indian women and Punjab, the League leadership condemned her for disobeying the party's resolution to remain aloof from British India's wartime administration. With an unusual intensity, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the League's president, censured her for endangering Indian Muslims’ fragile unity and asserted that League members could either represent Muslims—or no one. Her arguments functioned as an effective foil against which the League solidified its homogenizing narrative of an Indian Muslim identity and its universalizing project of Pakistan. As the demand for Pakistan increasingly dominated the League's rhetoric, alternative models of representation that drew upon cross-religious, gender-based, or regional solidarities became progressively untenable for female Muslim League politicians. Shah Nawaz's expulsion, and the discourse on representation it generated, demonstrated that gender issues were central to League politics at both the provincial and the all-India level.

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"Provincial politics and the Pakistan movement: the growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India, 1937-47." Choice Reviews Online 27, no. 06 (February 1, 1990): 27–3428. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-3428.

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Ghatak, Seema. "WOMEN AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT IN INDIA: HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY DIMENSION." Volume-1: Issue-1 (November, 2018) 1, no. 1 (November 17, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.1.6.

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Indian society represented a conflicting position of women vacillating between extremes of patriarchy and matriarchy. In this Indian society, the coming of British rule again led to usage of the women question which figured prominently in their colonial discourses. The colonized society was considered to be “effeminate” in character, as opposed to “colonial masculinity” which was held to be a justification for its loss of independence. The journey of confluence and conflict of gender and colonialism in India was multidimensional and multilayered. Indian women congested for their legitimate space in society challenging the overarching patriarchal set up and also participated in the national struggle for independence. Women’s participation in the Indian national movement expended base of women’s movement in India. The freedom struggle saw the participation of women from passive to active to an activist’s role. The involvement of a really large number of women in freedom struggle began with Gandhi who gave special role to women. The participation of women in public domain started during Non-Cooperation Movement (NCM), 1920 when Gandhi mobilized a large number of women. Though the domestic sphere and its fetter proved detrimental for women to participate in public space but this very segregation helped to organize their activities in the domestic sphere. In the absence of the male who would be jailed for his involvement in nationalist activity, women become the emotional support. The female activism in Quit India movement was visible most significantly. Sucheta Kripalini coordinated the non-violent Satyagraha while women also participated in underground revolutionary activities. Aruna Asaf Ali provided leadership for these activities. Mahila Atmaraksha Samiti or Women Self Defense was formed in 1942 in Bengal by leftist women leaders who mobilized the rural women to fright against colonial policies. Subhash Chandra Bose also added a womens regiment to his INA(1943) called the Rani of Jhansi Regiment. Muslim women leaders like Bi Amman, mother of Shaukat and Muhammad Ali, who participated in Khilafat & Non Cooperation Movement at a meeting in Punjab. In 1938, Muslim league started women Sub-Committee to engage Muslim women.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Bengal Provincial Muslim League'

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